^{page 927 note 1} See “ Naistarji ferman begova Čengića” in Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, ix, 1897, pp. 437–451Google Scholar, translated (with some misunderstandings) as “ Der älteste Ferman der Čengić-begs” in Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und Hercegovina, Wien, vi, 1899, pp. 1–10.Google Scholar I first came to hear of the article through Dmitriev, “ Problemī … bosniyskoy turkologii,” in Zapiski Koll. Vostok., ii/1, 1926, p. 101.Google Scholar I am obliged to my former student F. Okić for the help in finding an offprint of the rare publication.

^{page 928 note 1} See my article “ Geographical Factors in Persian Art” in BSOS., ix/3, pp. 621–652.Google Scholar

^{page 928 note 2} See the MS. collection of the twelfth to thirteenth century documents described by Rosen, Baron V., Collections scientifiques, 1886, pp. 146–159Google Scholar; Bahā al-dīn's al- Tavassul ilā al-tarassul (towards A.D. 1182–4), recently published in Tehrān (1315/ 1936); the collection of Jalāyir documents by Muḥammad Hindūshāh, Dustūr alkātib (cf. Melioransky, in Zapiski V.O., xiii/1, 1900, pp. 015–023)Google Scholar, Ferīdūn-bey (died in 991/1583), Münshe’āt-i Selātīn, printed in Stambul A.H. 1264–5, Abul-Qāsim Ev-oghlï Ḥaydar, Nuskha-yi jāmi‘a (about 1052/1642), cf. Rieu, , Persian Catalogue, p. 388Google Scholar, Turkish Catalogue, p. 83, etc

^{page 928 note 3} Cf. Brit. Mus. Or. 4935.

^{page 928 note 4} Written inside the tribal tamghā of the Bāyandur clan, vide infra.

^{page 930 note 1} This short line which closes the right column is only a custodian for the top line of the left column.

^{page 932 note 1} The difference of constructions in Persian and English allows us to indicate only approximately the lines of the original.

^{page 932 note 2} Instead of ‘ahd one would expect the usual rhyme word laḥd “ the mortal shroud ”

^{page 932 note 3} Tauqī‘. See on the term F. Taeschner, Tawḳī‘ in El. (chiefly with regard to Turkey and Egypt). I translate it, as convenient, “ ratification,” “ confirmation,” and even “ royal seal ”.

^{page 933 note 1} Ḥukmī va ghayr-i hukmī “ based on orders ” and “ not based on orders ” (i.e. resulting from a custom, etc.).

^{page 934 note 1} Vide supra. p. 932, n. 3.

^{page 934 note 2} In we evidently have a Persian construction Qāsim-i Jahāngir, i.e. Qāsim, (son) of Jahāngir.

^{page 935 note 1} “ Uzun Hasan ” in EI., and “ La Perse au XV^e siècle entre la Turquie et Venise ”, No. 7 of the Publications de la Socidte des Etudes Iraniennes, Paris, 1933.Google Scholar See now the respective chapters in Hinz, W., Irans Aufstieg zum Nationalstaat, Berlin, 1936CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Uzunçarsilioglu, Ismail Hakki, Anadolu beylikleri, Ankara, 1937.Google Scholar

^{page 935 note 2} Münejjim-bashi, , Ṣaḥā’if al-akhbār, iii, 157, line 16.Google Scholar Cf. Berchem, Van, Amida, 1910, p. 116Google Scholar, and my article “ Mārdīn ” in EI.

^{page 935 note 3} Oppenheim, Von, “ Inschriften aus Syrien etc.” in Beiträge z. Assyriologie, vii/1, p. 68 (deciphered by M. van Berchem).Google Scholar

^{page 935 note 4} Hakluyt Society, vol. 49 (1873), p. 48.

^{page 935 note 5} Ismail Hakki, Anadolu beylikleri, plates 45 and 46. This may be identical with the tekye of Qāsim-Pādishāh mentioned by Niebuhr, , Reisebeschreibung, Copenhagen, 1778, ii, 391–8.Google Scholar

^{page 935 note 6} The true date, as recorded in the special Ta’rīkh-i Amīnī, Bib. Nat., Anc. fonds persan 101, fol. 206v, is 11 Ṣafar, 896/24 December, 1490.

^{page 935 note 7} Hakluyt Society, ibid., 148, according to the anonymous Venetian merchant, ‘Alā al-daula established his rule over three towns of Diyārbakr (out of six): Urfa, Kharput, and Āmid (the latter being the provincial capital).

^{page 936 note 1} Ed. C. N. Seddon, Baroda, 1931, p. 62 (translation, p. 27).

^{page 936 note 2} Cf. Ahmed Tewhid, “ Catalogues des monnaies musulmanes du Musée Impérial Ottoman,” iv partie, Csple, 1903, pp. 472–519.

^{page 936 note 3} No copy of the Kanz al-akhbār seems to have survived; see Babinger, , GSO., 1927, p. 129.Google Scholar

^{page 936 note 4} Add. 7870, ff. 202b–203b, Add. 7871, ff. 164b–165a.

^{page 937 note 1} “ Marvadenses ” according to Behnsch's Latin translation ? [In Syriac mārōδā means simply “ the rebels ” (Ch. Babin).]

^{page 937 note 2} Aḥsan al-tawārīkh, pp. 92–9.

^{page 937 note 3} Hakluyt Society, op. cit., p. 149. In 1507 this merchant joined Shāh Ismā‘īl's army at Arzinjān and accompanied it to Albistan, though he was not present at the expedition to Diyārbakr. He must have visited the latter region in 1510, see op. cit., pp. 145, 147.

^{page 938 note 1} Ed. Velīaminof-Zernof, St. Petersburg, 1860, i, 178–183.

^{page 938 note 2} The Zāzā dialects are not considered now as being Kurdish proper. They are more connected with the northern and western dialects of Persia, see Mann-Hadank, , Mundarten der Zāzā, Berlin, 1932.Google Scholar

^{page 938 note 3} Ibn al-Athīr, ix, 277, does not give any details.

^{page 938 note 4} It is quite possible that *Mard-āsī is a parallel formation to Kurdāsī in a proverb quoted by Makas, H., Kurdische Texte aus der Gegend von Mardin, Leningrad, 1926, p. 93Google Scholar: Kúrdī Kurdâsī, pêra má-kä tu nāsī; ham tê u ham do-xwá u ham do-xwázī, “ a Kurd is a true Kurd; do not make his acquaintance; he comes, eats and wants (more).” Possibly -āsī is a suffix corresponding to the Persian -āsā “ like, similar to ”. *Mard-āsī would then mean “ the one like a mard ”, in the sense of “ a true mard ”. Mard in Iranian languages means “ a man, homo, vir ”, but after all it may also mean “ a Mard ”, ono of the ancient people Μάρδοι. If the term M.rdāsī refers to the Zāzā, the proposed etymology may eventually lead to further speculation as to the origins of the enigmatic Zāzā.

^{page 939 note 1} The reading Ortoq is erroneous.

^{page 939 note 2} See Amedroz in JRAS., 1903, 123–154.

^{page 939 note 3} All this naturally sounds like a legend. Bulduq means in Turkish “ a foundling ” (> Arabic bunduq) but is also used as a personal Turkish name (cf. a parallel name Taptïq). On the other hand, under 513/1119, Ibn al-Athīr, x, 393, mentions in the neighbourhood of Baṣra two Ghuz tribes, respectively called Ismā‘īlī and Bulduqī (sic). Could not at least the mother of the founder of the Bulduqānī dynasty have been of Turkish origin, which would also explain the Turkish phrase quoted in the Sharaf-nāma ?

^{page 940 note 1} According to another version he was a cousin of Amīr Muhammad.

^{page 940 note 2} The Tārīkh-i Amīnī, f. 55a, mentions the governors of Arghana, Hēnī, Attāq, Egīl, Bāghin, Silvān, Charmūk, Ruhā, etc., who paid homage to Ya‘qūb b. Uzun- Ḥasan on his arrival in Diyārbakr in 883/1478, but does not give their names.

^{page 940 note 3} This is an obvious mistake. Murād must have been the son of Manṣūr, or Isfahān, or Amīrān.

^{page 940 note 4} Brit. Mus. Add. 18547, fol. 59a–68b; cf. Rieu, , Cat. Turkish MSS., pp. 71–2.Google Scholar

^{page 941 note 1} Ancient Gangra, on a left affluent of the Qīzīl-īrmaq, halfway between Ankara and Kastamuni.

^{page 941 note 2} Amīr-beg, vide supra, p. 937, may have been his representative.

^{page 942 note 1} Egīl corresponds to ancient ’Ιγγιληνή, Armenian Angel; on this region cf. Hübschmann, , “ Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen,” in Indogerm. Forschungen, xvi, 1904, pp. 293, 303.Google Scholar

^{page 942 note 2} I presume that it is identical with Barin, on the left affluent of the Arghana-su which joins the latter north of Astvatsatsin; see Lynch's Map of Armenia.

^{page 943 note 1} Berezin, Ed., Trudï V.O., vol. vii, p. 35.Google Scholar In Br. Mus. Or. 7628, fol. 425–6, these signs are unfortunately missing.

^{page 943 note 2} See Lane Poole, op. cit., p. 187, Ahmed Tewhid, op. cit., 472–519, an! the coin photographed in Hinz, Irans Aufstieg, to face p. 104.

^{page 943 note 3} Cf. the yarlïgh of Toqtamīsh-khan of the Golden Horde to the Polish king Yagailo (795/1392) and the numerous documents emanating from the khans of Crimea edited by Velyaminov-Zernov, St. Petersburg, 1864.

^{page 943 note 4} In Bukhārā, one of the duties of the parvānachī was to stick the farmān into the grantee's turban; see Semenov, A., A Sketch of the Land-taxes in the former Khanate of Bukhara, Tashkent, 1929, p. 14 (in Russian).Google Scholar

^{page 944 note 1} From Mongol soyurkhal “ hereditary grant”, Vladimirtsov, op. cit., 115. I do not think Hinz, op. cit., 107, is right in restricting the meaning of the term and in interpreting it as “ prebend ” (Pfründe, Kirchenlehen). Both our document and that of Qara-Yüsuf clearly show that the term had a much larger sense. Moreover, western European terms, useful as parallels, are dangerous as “ equivalents ”.

^{page 945 note 1} From Mongol darkhan, “ a manumitted slave, a freedman,” cf. Vladimirtsov, op. cit., 69, 93.

^{page 945 note 2} Often māljihāt or in the combination mālvajihāt-va-vujūhāt.

^{page 945 note 3} Silsilat al-nasab, 104, *mālvajihāt, Khanikov'xs firmān, many documents from the Caucasian archives, cf. Petruehevsky, pp. 52, 56, 64, Kolonialnaya politika, ii, index.

^{page 945 note 4} Cf. also the use of the term jihāt in Sulṭān Ya‘qūb's farmān, vide infra, p. 953.

^{page 945 note 5} Kolonialnaya politika, ii, 432Google Scholar; ibid., i, 439, with reference to the lands belonging to the state, bahra is fixed at one-fifth of the crops and māljihāt at one-tenth.

^{page 946 note 1} Cf. A’īn-i Akbarī, book iii, ā’īns 5 and 11.

^{page 946 note 2} See even such an old document as the Qānūn-nāma of Sulṭān Muḥammad II, drawn up soon after A.D. 1453; cf. Kraelitz-Greifenhorst, in Mitt, zur Osman. Geschichte, i, 1921–2, pp. 13–48.Google Scholar

^{page 946 note 3} We must realize that, in Mongol times, all the lands from Transcaucasia to Upper Mesopotamia (Mārdīn!) were parts of the same kingdom (ulūs-i Hūlāgū) governed from Tabrīz. Consequently, similarities in the administrative terminology and institutions of the whole region are quite natural.

^{page 946 note 4} Cf. the yarlïq of Temir Qutlugh (800/1398), in Zapiski V.O., iii, 1888, p. 37.Google Scholar

^{page 947 note 1} In the Mafātīḥ al-‘ulūm (end of the tenth century A.D.), ed. van Vloten, 1895, p. 119, shanāqiṣa is explained as qaum min al-jund “ a detachment of troops ” (?). The origin of the word is not clear. My friend Shaykh M. Gomaa suggests that šnqṣ (similarly to šqlb, š‘ll, šḥbr, šhlb) may belong to the rare šaf‘al form of verbs (?).

^{page 947 note 2} In Zamakhshari, 's Muqaddimat al-adab, ed. Poppe, , Leningrad, 1938, p. 333Google Scholar, Mongol shiltaq (sic) is explained in Turkish as bahāna!

^{page 947 note 3} Whatever the meaning of this explanation, we learn from the Tadhkira that, in Ṣafavid time, ṣaḥib-taujīh was the Auditor General whose business was to check (ham-qalam) the expenditure accounts.

^{page 949 note 1} Brosset, , Deux historiens arméniens, St. Petersbourg, 1870, p. 182.Google Scholar Cf. Dulaurier, , “ Les Mongoles d’après les historiens arméniens,” JA., 06, 1858, p. 483.Google Scholar

^{page 949 note 2} However, according to Quatremère, , Histoire des Mongols, p. 256Google Scholar, qobchur amounted to one out of 100. Cf. Barthold, , Manuche, p. 32Google Scholar, A. Z. Validi, op. cit., 19.

^{page 950 note 1} In Mongol “ chief”, see Vladimirtsov, , Obščestvennïy stroy Mongolov, 1934, p. 140.Google Scholar

^{page 950 note 2} The Manual of Ṣafavi administration (Tadhkira), of which I am preparing an edition, has an elaborate chapter on the distribution of the rusūm among the members of each department.

^{page 950 note 3} The term ḥaqq al-sa‘y is mentioned in the Tadhkira, S. 85a.

^{page 950 note 4} According to the Tadhkira, fol. 85b, the Grand Vazīr of the Ṣafavids had no salary but received grants (in‘ām) and collected fees (rasm al-vizāra).

^{page 951 note 1} For a nomad “ the door ” is a symbol of settled conditions. Sedentary Turkish tribes in Persia are called takhta-qapï “ wooden doors ”.

^{page 951 note 2} Perhaps to avoid a confusion with qapïjï “ ferocious (animal) ”.

^{page 952 note 1} Quoted verbatim in the Sharaf-nāma, pp. 386–7.

^{page 952 note 2} With regard to the meaning of this word, it is curious that in Mongol and Turkish yarlïgh was used with reference to the Qor‘ān and “ God's words ”, see Melioransky, , Zap. V.O., xv, p. 154.Google Scholar

^{page 953 note 1} Quoted verbatim in Fasā’ī, Ḥasan's excellent Fārs-nāma-yi Nāṣirī, Tehran, 1313, i, 81–3.Google Scholar The builder of the Manṣūriya madrasa Ṣadr al-dȒn Muḥammad Dashtakī was the author's ancestor in the ninth generation. The madrasa is still extant, see Shīrāz-nāma, , ed. Karīmī, , 1311/1932Google Scholar, Preface, p. .

^{page 953 note 2} See his biography in the Fārs-nāma, part ii, 135. He was born on 2 Sha‘bān, 828/19 June, 1425, and on 12 Ramaḍān, 903/4 April, 1498, was killed by the “ tyrannical heretics Bāyandurī Turcomans ” cf. ibid., i, 86, first line.

^{page 953 note 3} On a high authority, I hear that, in a technical sense, raqabāt is used in Persia with regard to lands assigned to some pious foundation (vaqf) or belonging to the state-domains (khāliṣāt). These are all registered in the daftar-i raqabāt. Cf. Arabic ruqbà “ life-estate ”.

^{page 953 note 4} This seems to be the amount of annual revenue and not the value of the estates; cf. below (under ι) the amount of revenue from a single item. The year of the Monkey began on 23rd February, 1488 (S. H. Taqizadeh).

^{page 953 note 5} “ And this mithāl with regard to (or over ?) the said madrasa.” Something fallen out in the copy. Perhaps the word: ba-raqaba as below, p. 954 (θ).

^{page 953 note 6} This distinction of raqabāt and jihāt is noteworthy: the latter apparently represents the amount of taxes due from the raqabāt. Cf. above, p. 945.

^{page 954 note 1} The meaning seems to be that the Government duties having been appropriated to the vaqf, they will be used for the upkeep of the latter. The table in siyāq mentions 115.460 dīnārs granted to Ghiyath al-dīn Manṣūr (father of Ṣadr al-dīn) on different occasions (qadīmi, jadīī, mujaddad).

^{page 955 note 1} Diīnār-i tabrīzī-yi jinsī “ dīnārs payable in kind ” ?

^{page 955 note 2} I should doubt this statement until further verification.

^{page 956 note 1} See Ahsan al-tavārīkh, 17, 136: “ daily one hundred sheep were killed in his kitchen for his shīlān,” and Silsilat al-nasab, p. 111. I wonder whether this word is not connected with Mongol shilen “ soup ”, cf. Zamakhsharī, ed. Poppe, p. 333.

^{page 956 note 2} Silsilat al-nasab-i Ṣafaviya, ed. Berlin, 1343/1924, pp. 103–5.Google Scholar

^{page 956 note 3} See my articles Mūḳān in EI., iii, and Supplement. “ The community of Ūrunqād ” mentioned in the document is apparently a remnant of some Mongol tribe settled in Mughān in the thirteenth century. Perhaps Ūranqād ═ Ūryangqit in Rashīd al-dīn, ed. Berezin, part i (vii), p. 186.

^{page 956 note 4} The Persian term mu‘āf seems to be a mutilation of Arabic mu‘awwaf “ exempted ”.

^{page 957 note 1} This explanation is important for establishing the sense of tafāvut.

^{page 957 note 2} Died on 19 Ramaḍān, 956/11 October, 1549, at the age of 33, see Aḥsan altawārīkh, p. 342.

^{page 957 note 3} See my article Tiyūl in EI. Tiyūl is a non-hereditary attribution of the government taxes to the person on whom it is bestowed.

^{page 958 note 1} Tūshmāl from Mongol tüsimel “ a trusted person, a clerk ” In Mūghān the word may have survived among the Mongol settlers. In the sense of a “ petty chief ” it is still used in Luristān where Mongol influence in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries was strong, see my articles Lur-i Buzurg, Lur-i Kūčik in EI.

^{page 958 note 2} This sentence looks somewhat disturbed. This may be an additional endorsement addressed to some local official.

^{page 958 note 3} “ Lettre de M. Khanykov à M. Dorn (16 sept., 1856),” printed in Mélanges Asiatiques, St. Petersburg, 1857, iii/1, pp. 70–4.Google Scholar The text needs a careful revision. The essential part of it is reprinted in Petrushevsky, op. cit., 59 (several misprints).

^{page 958 note 4} Here sulṭān is used in the connotation of Ṣafavid times as a title of a middle rank official. In the Persian army until the reign of Riḍa-shāh sulṭān meant “ captain ”. The Ottomans in order to dissociate themselves from this conception used with reference to Persians the spelling .

^{page 959 note 1} On the southern bank of the Araxes, to the north-east of Tabrīz. It consists of seven bulūks: Arvandul, Dizmār, Ḥasan-ābād, Ahar, Dīgla, Yāft, Vargahān, and Kalaybar.

^{page 959 note 2} Cf. lower down Sirājan and in Qāsim's firman: Kamālan lil-milla.

^{page 960 note 1} See my article Tiyūl in EI.