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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2016
‘Few scholars so equipped are disposed to abandon Homer and Sophocles, Thucydides and Plato, for George of Pisidia, Paul the Silentiary, Procopius of Caesarea and Michael Psellus.’ So Romilly Jenkins explained the late development of Byzantine studies. One might add that fewer still are prepared to forsake George of Pisidia, Paul the Silentiary, Procopius of Caesarea and Michael Psellus for Kaisarios Dapontes, Sergios Makraios, Nikodimos Agioreitis and Athanasios Komninos Ypsilantis. Not so Sir Steven Runciman who, in addition to his manifold contributions to the development of Byzantine studies stretching over a period of almost fifty years, has also found the time to make important forays into the as yet largely uncharted seas of what Nicolae Iorga termed Byzance après Byzance. The ethnic complexity of the Ottoman Empire in its prime is strikingly illuminated in Sir Steven’s The Great Church in Captivity: A Study of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from the Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of Independence. One of the lesser known features of this great agglomeration of races and cultures was the confusion of alphabets employed by the minorities of the Empire.
1. Jenkins, R. J. H., Byzantium and Byzantinism (Cincinnati, 1963), p. 2.Google Scholar
2. One of the languages of the Soncino Polyglott printed in Istanbul in 1547 was Greek printed with Hebrew characters, see Hesseling, D. C., Les Cinq Livres de la Loi (Le Pentateuque) …(Leiden/Leipzig, 1897)Google Scholar.
3.
Dalleggio, Eugène, ‘Bibliographie analytique d’ouvrages religieux en Grec imprimés avec des caractères latins’, 
, IX (1961), 385–499
Google Scholar and
Phalbos, Philippos K., 
, 
, VIII (1959), 173–886
Google Scholar.
4. Convenient surveys of the literature in Greco-Turkish and Armeno-Turkish may be found in J. Eckmann, ‘Die karamanische Literatur’ and Berberian, H., ‘La littérature arméno-turque’ in Deny, J. et al., eds., Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta, II (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 819–35, 809–19 Google Scholar. On texts written with Cyrillic characters see, for instance, Hazai, G., ‘Kiril harfleriyle yazilan Türk metinleri’, VIII Türk Dil Kurultaymda okunan Bilimsel Bildiriler (Ankara, 1960), 83–6 Google Scholar and ‘Monuments linguistiques osmanlis-turcs en caractères cyrilliques dans les recueils de Bulgarie’, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, XI (1960), 221–31.
5. Babinger, Franz, ed., Hans Dernschwams Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55) (Munich/Leipzig, 1923), p. 52.Google Scholar
6. The Navigations, peregrinations and voyages, made into Turkie by Nicolay, Nicholas … with divers faire and memorable histories, happened in our time … (London, 1585), p. 128 Google Scholar.
7. See, for instance, Andreasyan, H. D., ed., Eremya Çelebi Kömürcüyan, İstanbul Tarihi XVII asirda İstanbul (İstanbul, 1952), pp, 2, 28.Google Scholar
8.
, 
, VIII (1888), 200. The quarter of St Constantine in Samatya was known as the quarter 
or 
,
Smith, T., De Graecae Ecclesiae hodierno statu epistola, (Oxford, 1676), p. 31
Google Scholar and Konstantios, 
… (Venice, 1824), p. 112. See also,
Helladius, Alexander, Status pmesens Ecclesiae Graecae (?Altdorf/Nürnberg, 1714), p. 137
Google Scholar: ‘Cum enim Graecam linguam ignorent, Graecae tamen religioni addictissimi sint, 8c sacra officia iis 8c novum Testamentum in Turcica lingua conscriptum, cum in Asia, turn Constantinopoli, in Parochia S. Constantini versus septem turres, &portam Hadrianopolitanam, nec non in Valedé-Chan, ubi plurimi hujusmodi mercatores degunt, legi permissum est.’
9. Many accounts exist of the curious legend of the fish. One of the most interesting is that of the Venezuelan revolutionary leader Miranda in Viages por Greda, Turquíay Russia. Archivo del General Miranda. Viages, Diarios 1785–1787, II (Caracas, 1929), p. 166. See also Allom, T. and Walsh, R., Constantinople and the scenery of the Seven Churches of Asia Minor (London, n.d.), pp. 28–30 Google Scholar and Jacob Jonas Björnstȧhls Briefe aufseinen auslàndischen Reisen… (Leipzig and Rostock, 1783), VI, pp. 82–3.
10.
Gedeon, M., 
(Istanbul, 1912)Google Scholar and
Evgenios, , 
… (Athens, 1886)Google Scholar.
11. Koçu, R. E., ‘Demirkazik’, Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu Belleteni, no. 80 (September 1948), p. 5 Google Scholar (not accessible to me) but cited in Eckmann, J., op. cit., p. 834 Google Scholar and Eyice, S., ‘Bir karamanhca yayinlar bibliografyasi hakkinda’, Kitap Belleten, nos. 9–11 (1962), 4.Google Scholar
12.
Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, serie Vili (1953), 69–75, 
…, ed. G. Vendotis, IV (Vienna, 1795), p. 222. The Rev. F. V.J. Arundell noted in the early 1830s that in the nearby town of İsparta ‘all the gravestones were in Turkish with Greek characters’, Discoveries in Asia Minor, including a description of the ruins of several ancient cities, and especially Antioch of Pisidia, I (London, 1834), p. 350.
13. ‘Konya ile Siile arasinda Ak Manastir, Manākib Al-’Ârifin’ deki Deyr-i Eflâtun’, şarkîyat Mecmuasi, VI (1965), 158–9.
14. Brewer, Josiah, Monthly Extracts from the correspondence of the British and Foreign Bible Society, XXVII (31 July 1835).Google Scholar
15. ‘Anadolu’da “karamanhca” kitâbeler (Grek harfleriyle Türkçe kitabeler’, Belleten. Türk Tarih Kurumu, XXXIX (1975), 25–48.
16. (Der Saadet [İstanbul], 1898), pp. 437ff.
17. Also printed in a slightly variant form by
Levidis, A. M., 
(İstanbul, 1899), pp. 74—5
Google Scholar.
18. Smith, T., Epistolae quatuor, quorum duae de moribus ac institutis Turcarum agunt, duae septem Asiae ecclesiarum et Constantinopoleos notitiam continent (Oxford, 1674), p. 149 Google Scholar. See also Chandler, R., Travels in Asia Minor (Oxford, 1775), p. 250.Google Scholar
19. Lampakis, p. 397.
20. Dawkins, R. M. noted that ‘at Misti in Cappadocia, where the people talked their own Greek, the frescoes which covered the walls of their big, new church were all in Turkish or Greek characters’, Papers and Transactions. Jubilee Congress of Folk-Lore Society (London, 1930), p. 132.Google Scholar
21. See, for example, the inscription on a cross formerly in the Church of Moni Flavianon at Zincidere: 
(Ioannis Prodromos’ a vakf eden kalpakçi Ha(ci) ÜrgüplüHa (ci) Papa Dimitri eli ile 1807), Kalfoğlu, p. 453.) An inscription in karamanlidika, superimposed on a pewter dish of sixteenth- or seventeenth-century German manufacture, was found on an island in the Eğridir Gölü and published by F. Sarre in his Reise in Kleinasien (Berlin, 1896), p. 151.
22.
, 
, VIII (1959), 60–73.
23. I should like gratefully to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of my wife, Mary Jo Clogg, in copying these inscriptions and of Behin Aksoy, Alexis Alexandris and Dr. Melek Delilbaşi in the interpretation of these and other inscriptions in karamanlidika.
24. On the use of Bodos as a proper name among the karamanlides see Teodoridis, D., ‘Karamanlica Bodos şahis adi hakkinda’, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Türk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi, IX (1959), 111–12.Google Scholar
25. Sorter of garbage.
26. Pedlar.
27. District.
