The unique contribution of American scholarship to the study of politics is undoubtedly the development of behaviouralism. As “a successful protest” against the limits of traditional political science, the behavioural approach has certainly broadened our perspective by calling attention to hitherto neglected areas of political research. It has also made us methodologically more sophisticated by its insistence on rigorous empiricism and on theory-building as a major task. And yet it is difficult to be convinced that “all segments of political science can be treated behaviorally,” as one student has recently claimed. Behaviouralism is certainly an effective way of studying politics. But it is quite a different thing to say that there exists no aspect of politics which cannot be treated behaviourally. It is the aim of this paper to enquire whether there may not exist segments of politics which by their very nature resist the behavioural treatment.

Let us first define what is to be understood by behaviouralism. In view of its inherent “ambiguity,” it may be best to start by listing three major assertions which I think set apart behavioural explanations from other kinds of statements in political studies. These assertions are: (1) individuals rather than groups constitute proper units for analyses; (2) facts must be separated from values; and (3) legitimate explanations always run in terms of laws or generalizations, but never in terms of descriptive statements of particular occurrences.

Discussions of the post-war development of the Euro-dollar market have drawn attention to the foreign currency business of Canadian chartered banks. In these discussions interest in Canadian banks' foreign currency operations has centred on their international implications, and particularly on their impact on the balance of payments of the United States. With the exception of parts of a paper by O. Altman and a short section in the Report of the Porter Commission there has been little analysis of the development and significance of this business as an adjunct of the Canadian financial system. This paper is an attempt partially to fill this gap. It draws together available information on the foreign currency business of the banks, including some data on interest rates which are not otherwise readily available, and presents an analysis of the growth, changing character, and domestic implications of these operations since the mid-1950's. The analysis is intended to complement and extend the work previously reported by Altman and the Porter Commission.

The chartered banks conduct a variety of transactions in currencies other than Canadian dollars. For convenience these can be classified into five categories. It should be noted, however, that even if these categories were sharply distinct conceptually (which they are not), published data would not permit precise quantification of each.

La science politique n'a pas encore réussi à élaborer de grands ensembles théoriques. A vrai dire, les politicologues doivent se contenter de quelques généralisations, assimilables tout au plus à des hypothèses de travail d'une nature bien particulière, de typologies destinées à faciliter le dépouillement des données politiques. Signalons à la volée, les multiples typologies des régimes politiques, les essais de classification de « l'homme politique » et les théories des « élites ». Toutefois, devant la nécessité de développer et de multiplier démarches et recherches en vue d'échaffauder un début de théorie, il nous paraît intéressant, utile peut-être, de tenter de découvrir la dynamique qui agite et soutient les divers éléments d'une telle typologie.

Ainsi, la typologie des partis politiques, mise au point par Maurice Duverger. Le juriste français a regroupé autour de deux principaux pôles les divers types de partis politiques que connaît le monde contemporain. Les « partis de notables », groupes restreints composés de personnalités en vue dans un milieu et dont l'objectif unique se définit par l'organisation des campagnes électorales, se dressent contre les « partis de masse », créés par les mouvements socialistes européens et destinés à rallier tous les sympathisants d'une même cause politique, de façon permanente. Bien sûr, Duverger reconnaît la possibilité de multiples variantes, sur un continuum reliant ces deux pôles extrêmes.

The analysis of trends in industrial location is one tool with which regional economic development may be examined. Changes in the pattern of location are indicative of the continuing alteration of cost relationships within the profit-maximizing firm. From the broader standpoint, changes in the locational pattern of manufacturing activity may have a considerable impact on the distribution of population. Finally, industrial dispersion poses problems of resource management and allocation among agriculture, housing, industry, and conservation.

This study deals exclusively with the location of manufacturing industry. Its main purpose is to identify various trends towards dispersion or concentration of manufacturing among the cities and counties of the province of Ontario. In Section II input and output measures within the context of the production function are briefly discussed. Following the earlier work of Slater, manufacturing employment is adopted as an input measure. Value added is selected as an output measure with which to assign appropriate weights to individual manufacturing units so that they may be summed to an aggregate measure of activity. Descriptive analyses of changes in the locational pattern as revealed by percentage shares and Lorenz curves are reported in Section III. In preference to either of these, however, the coefficient of variation is stressed as a method to describe the distribution of manufacturing industry. Yearly estimates of the coefficient of variation for value added and employment distributions are developed in Section IV. Time trends are fitted to these annual estimates, and the meaning of the trends discussed. The results of the study are summarized in Section V.

In spite of the relatively small share of agriculture in the economies of the industrialized nations, national agricultural policies continue to provide a major source of domestic and international friction. A special interest attaches to Britain's policies towards agriculture because of her great dependence upon imported food. Since the diversity of British farm output makes generalization hazardous, attention will here be focused upon one major commodity only, wheat.

This paper enquires as to the effectiveness of protection for the domestic wheat grower and of tariff preference for the Commonwealth exporter, as indicated by the shares of the home and overseas suppliers in the domestic market from 1925 to 1960. An estimate of the level of protection is introduced into the discussion largely with the idea of throwing some light upon the achievements, as distinct from the intentions, of the policy-makers for the years subsequent to the return of the wheat trade to private hands, i.e., after 1953.

Before commenting upon the efficacy of protection, some explanation ought to be offered as to why it was introduced when it was. It might be more illuminating, however, to ask the question in another way: viz., why was protection not maintained after the First World War?