¹ On the social and political history of the city of Reims in the late Middle Ages, see Desportes, Pierre, Reims et les Rémois aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles (Paris: Picard, 1979)Google Scholar, passim.

² On the canonical order of Val-des-Écoliers, see Guyon, Catherine, Les Écoliers du Christ. L'ordre canonial du Val des Écoliers, 1201–1539 (Saint-Étienne: Publications de l'Université de Saint-Étienne, 1998)Google Scholar. The connections between the local branch of the order and Ermine are described on pp. 351–57.

³ Gerson, Jean, Early Works, ed. and trans. McGuire, Brian Patrick (New York: Paulist Press, 1998), 246Google Scholar.

⁴ Entre Dieu et Satan. Les visions d'Ermine de Reims († 1396), recueillies et transcrites par Jean le Graveur, ed. Arnaud-Gillet, Claude (Firenze: Sismel, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁵ Here is a preliminary list of the references to Ermine de Reims quoted in recent bibliography: Bonney, Françoise, “Jugement de Gerson sur deux expériences de la vie mystique de son époque: les visions d'Ermine et de Jeanne d'Arc,” in Actes du 95e congrès national des Sociétés Savantes, Reims 1970, 2 vols. (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1974), 2:187–95Google Scholar; Rubin, Miri, “Europe Remade: Purity and Danger in Late Medieval Europe,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6th series, 11 (2001): 103–7Google Scholar; Wendy Love Anderson, “Free Spirits, Presumptuous Women, and False Prophets: The Discernment of Spirits in the Late Middle Ages,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2002), 252–53; Fraioli, Deborah, “Gerson Judging Women of Spirit: From Female Mystics to Joan of Arc,” in Joan of Arc and Spirituality, ed. Astell, Ann W. and Wheeler, Bonnie (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 147–65Google Scholar; Klaniczay, Gábor, “The Process of Trance, Heavenly and Diabolic Apparitions in Johannes Nider's Formicarius,” Discussion Paper Series 65 (Budapest: Collegium Budapest, 2003), 51–56Google Scholar; Caciola, Nancy, Discerning Spirits: Divine and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003), 303Google Scholar; Masur-Matusevich, Yelena, Le Siècle d'or de la mystique française. De Jean Gerson à Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples (Paris: Arché, 2004), 206–26Google Scholar; Elliott, Dyan, Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), 279–85Google Scholar; Grossel, Marie-Geneviève, “Dans la solitude flamboyante de la chambre des simples: les Visions d'Ermine de Reims († 1396),” in Par les mots et les textes. Mélanges de langue, de littérature et d'histoire des sciences médiévales offerts à Claude Thomasset, ed. James-Raoul, Danièle and Soutet, Olivier (Paris: Presses de l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2005), 393–403Google Scholar; McGuire, Jean Gerson, 77; Hobbins, Daniel, “Gerson on Lay Devotion,” in A Companion to Jean Gerson, ed. McGuire, Brian Patrick (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 8, 64–65Google Scholar; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate, “The Strange Case of Ermine de Reims (c. 1347–1396): A Medieval Woman Between Demons and Saints,” Speculum 85 (2010): 321–56Google Scholar.

⁶ On the European historical context within which the story of Ermine unfolds, see Briggs, Charles F., The Body Broken: Medieval Europe 1300–1520 (London: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar; Allmand, Christopher, The Hundred Years War: England and France at War c.1300–c.1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Delaruelle, Etienne, Labande, E. R., and Ourliac, Paul, L'Eglise au temps du Grand Schisme et la crise conciliaire: 1378–1449, 2 vols. (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1962–1964)Google Scholar.

⁷ The authoritative history of the Great Schism still is Noël Valois's monumental investigation: La France et le Grand Schisme d'Occidente, 4 vols. (Paris: Picard, 1896–1902)Google Scholar.

⁸ McGuire, Brian Patrick, Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2005), 63Google Scholar.

⁹ On the French withdrawals and restitutions of support for Benedict XIII, see Kaminsky, Howard, “The Politics of France's Subtraction of Obedience from Pope Benedict XIII, 27 July 1398,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 115 (1971): 366–97Google Scholar; Valois, La France et le Grande Schisme, 3:325–416; 4:3–225.

¹⁰ On Jean de Varennes, see Vauchez, André, “Un réformateur religieux dans la France de Charles VI: Jean de Varennes († 1396?),” Comptes-rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 142 (1998): 1111–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate, Poets, Saints, and Visionaries of the Great Schism, 1378–1417 (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2006), 91Google Scholar; Claude Arnaud-Gillet, “Présentation,” in Entre Dieu et Satan, 18.

¹² On the capacity of demons to take any visible aspect they wish, according to the theory of simulacra or assumed bodies, see Maggi, Armando, In the Company of Demons: Unnatural Beings, Love, and Identity in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), vii–xiiGoogle Scholar; Stephens, Walter, Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex, and the Crisis of Belief (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 58–86Google Scholar; Link, Luther, The Devil (London: Reaktion, 1995)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: El Diablo. Una máscara sin rostro, traducción de Pedro Navarro (Madrid: Editorial Síntesis, 2002), 141–89.

¹³ Entre Dieu et Satan, 197: “tels qu'ils sont en enfer.” To make the reading of the document easier, the quotations from Jean le Graveur's text will be taken from the modern French version included in Claude Arnaud-Gillet's edition. All the English translations of this source are mine.

¹⁴ Ibid., 187, 19–23, 200, 215, 220, 222, 224, 227–28, 239.

¹⁵ On the close identification that is usually seen in radical demonology between sensory perception and genre, see Apps, Lara and Gow, Andrew, Male Witches in Early Modern Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 128–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Entre Dieu et Satan, 191, 194, 197, 209, 227, 234. I use “trickster” in the anthropological sense of the word, to allude to an especially sly and amoral kind of spirit, which ranges in its negative actions from murder, theft, and obscene practices on one end, to tricks, jokes, and innocent mockery on the other one. See Rose, Carol, Spirits, Fairies, Leprechauns, and Goblins: An Encyclopedia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), 315Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Entre Dieu et Satan, 188: “La voilà, la femme que les diables battent toutes les nuits.”

¹⁸ Ibid., 195: “avec leurs poings et pieds qu'elle crut qu'ils allaient la tuer”; “plusieurs jours après sa poitrine devint toute noire.”

¹⁹ Castelli, Enrico, Il demoniaco nell arte: il significato filosofico (Milano: Electa, 1952)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Lo demoníaco en el arte. Su significado filosófico, traducción de María Condor (Madrid: Siruela, 2007), 89.

²⁰ Entre Dieu et Satan, 200.

²¹ Ibid., 214.

²² Ibid., 229.

²³ Ibid., 216–18.

²⁴ Ibid., 198 (bears); 219 (flies); 227 (crows); 228 (toads); 232 (snakes); 237 (lizards); 224 (bats); 244 (owls); 237 (lions).

²⁵ On the discernment of spirits in the Late Middle Ages, see Voaden, Rosalynn, God's Words, Women's Voices: The Discernment of Spirits in the Writing of Late-Medieval Women Visionaries (York: York Medieval Press, 1999), 41–72Google Scholar; Anderson, Free Spirits, Presumptuous Women, and False Prophets, passim; Caciola, Discerning Spirits, 274–319; Zarri, Gabriella, “Dal consilium spirituale alla discretio spirituum. Teoria e pratica della direzione spirituale tra I secoli XIII e XV,” in Consilium: teorie e pratiche del consigliare nella cultura medievale, ed. Casagrande, Carla, Crisciani, Chiara, and Vecchio, Silvana (Firenze: Sismel, 2004), 77–107Google Scholar; Elliott, Proving Woman, 231–96. With regard to the complex relationships between mystic women, confessors, spiritual directors, biographers, and exegetes, see Gendered Voices: Medieval Saints and Their Interpreters, ed. Mooney, Catherine M. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Coakley, John W., Women, Men, and Spiritual Power: Female Saints and Their Male Collaborators (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Bilinkoff, Jodi, Related Lives: Confessors and Their Female Penitents, 1450–1750 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Direzione spirituale e agiografia, ed. Catto, Michela, Gagliardi, Isabella, and Parrinello, Rosa Maria (Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 2008)Google Scholar, passim.

²⁶ On the historiography of early modern witch hunting, see Palgrave Advances in Witchcraft Historiography, ed. Barry, Jonathan and Davies, Owen (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ The following are some of the very few contributions to the study of demonology that appeared before the publication of Clark's, StuartThinking with Demons: Anglo, Sidney, ed., The Damned Art: Essays in the Literature of Witchcraft (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977)Google Scholar; Levack, Brian, ed., The Literature of Witchcraft (New York: Garland Publishing, 1992)Google Scholar; Houdard, Sophie, Les sciences du diable. Quatre discours sur la sorcellerie (Paris: Cerf, 1992)Google Scholar; Williams, Gerhild Scholz, The Discourses of Magic and Witchcraft in Early Modern France and Germany (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Clark, Stuart, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997)Google Scholar.

²⁹ See Russell, Jeffrey Burton, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1972)Google Scholar; Cohn, Norman, Europe's Inner Demons: An Inquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt (London: Chatto and Windus, 1975)Google Scholar; Kieckhefer, Richard, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Peters, Edward, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Cardini, Franco, Magia, stregoneria, superstizioni nell ʾOccidente medievale (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1979)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Muchembled, Robert, Une histoire du diable, XIIe–XXe siècle (Paris: Seuil, 2000)Google Scholar; Muchembled, Robert, Diable! (Paris: Seuil, 2002)Google Scholar; Boureau, Alain, Satan hérétique. Histoire de la démonologie (1280–1330) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004)Google Scholar.

³¹ Rider, Catherine, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 186–207Google Scholar; Boudet, Jean-Patrice, Entre science et nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l'Occident médiéval (XIIe–XVe siècle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 431–508Google Scholar; Caciola, Discerning Spirits, 274–319; Elliott, Proving Woman, 264–303; Koopmans, Jelle, Le Théâtre des exclus au Moyen Âge (Paris: Imago, 1997), 127–36, 194–204Google Scholar; Lecouteux, Claude, Fées, Sorcières et Loups-garous au Moyen Âge (Paris: Imago, 1992), 93–120Google Scholar.

³² For Muchembled, Europe invented the devil between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. See Muchembled, Diable!, 12.

³³ Broedel, Hans Peter, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 43Google Scholar: “this Augustinian conception of the devil was never entirely displaced during the Middle Ages, but by the twelve century it was being amended in the course of new learned speculation about the devil and his role in creation. Though scholastic theologians, and Thomas Aquinas in particular, added little that could truly be called innovative to the conception of the devil, they did alter the ways in which he and his works were perceived.”

³⁴ Alain Boureau: “Un seul diable en plusiers personnes,” préface a Houdard, Les sciences du diable, 13: “la démonologie positive n'est pas inscrite virtuellement dans le discours religieux médiéval; elle surgit brusquement dans la discontinuité la plus étrange.” Nevertheless, on later works Boureau adopted a different perspective, stressing that radical demonology arose naturally from the scholastic reflection on the human being; see Boureau, “Le sabbat et la question scolastique de la personne,” 38, 43–45; Boureau, Satan hérétique, 262: “La construction d'une science de l'homme, véritable innovation de la scolastique, se payait à ce prix.”

³⁵ Behringer, Wolfgang, Witches and Witch-Hunts: A Global History (Cambridge: Polity, 2004), 63–64Google Scholar; Ammann-Doubliez, Chantal, “La première chasse aux sorciers en Valais (1428–1436?),” in L'imaginaire du sabbat. Éditions critique des textes les plus anciens (1430c.–1440c.), ed. Ostorero, Martine, Bagliani, Agostino Paravicini, and Tremp, Kathrin Utz (Lausanne: Université de Lausanne, 1999), 63–93Google Scholar.

³⁶ Bailey, Michael, Historical Dictionary of Witchcraft (Lanham: Scarecrow, 2003), 35Google Scholar; Clark, Stuart, “Demonology,” in Encyclopedia of Witchcraft: The Western Tradition, ed. Golden, Richard M., 4 vols. (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2006), 1:259Google Scholar.

³⁷ Filmore, Cynthia, Satan, Saints, and Heretics: A History of Political Demonology in the Middle Ages (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009), 77Google Scholar.

³⁸ St. Augustine, De civitate Dei XXI, 14 (Obras completas de San Agustín, ed. AA.VV., 38 vols. [Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1946–1990], 17:646): “Numquid non tentatio est vita humana super terram?” All English translations of Latin sources are mine, unless otherwise indicated.

³⁹ Lavatori, Renzo, Il diavolo tra fede e ragione (Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 2000), 67Google Scholar; Boureau, “Le sabbat et la question scolastique de la personne,” 40.

⁴⁰ Broedel, Hans Peter, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 51Google Scholar.

⁴¹ St. Augustine, De divinatione daemonum IV, 8 (Ouvres de Saint Augustin, vol. 10, 1re. série: Opuscules, ed. G. Bardy, J.-A. Beckaert, and J. Boutet [Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1952], 668): “quam multa funambuli caeterique theatrici artifices, quam multa opifices maximeque mechanici miranda fecerunt? Num ideo meliores sunt bonis et sancta pietate praeditis hominibus?”

⁴² Maxwell-Stuart, P. G., Satan: A Biography (Chalford: Amberley, 2008), 30Google Scholar.

⁴³ Gregory the Great, Dialogorum II, 11, 1 (le Grande, Grégoire, Dialogues, ed. de Vogüé, Adalbert, 3 vols. [Paris: Cerf, 1978], 2:173Google Scholar): “et malignus spiritus eundem parietem, qui aedificabatur, euertit, atque unum puerulum monachum … opprimens, ruina conteruit.”

⁴⁴ Ibid., I, 10, 6 (Ibid., 99): “Cumque uicissim aliqua confabularentur, paruulum eius filium isdem malignus spiritus inuasit atque in eisdem prunis proiecit, ibique mox eius animam excussit.”

⁴⁵ Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 41.

⁴⁶ St. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 61, 20, ed. Migne, J.-P., Patrologia Cursus Completus. Series Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Garnier Frères: 1878–1890)Google Scholar, vol. 36, col 743: “diabolus potestas quaedam est; plerumque tamen vult nocere, et non potest, quia potestas ista sub potestate est.”

⁴⁷ Isidore of Seville, De ordine creaturarum 8, 10, ed. Migne, J.-P., Patrologia Cursus Completus. Series Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Garnier Frères: 1878–1890)Google Scholar, vol. 83, col. 933: “non obedire non possunt; sed haec eorum obedientia in Deo bona est.”

⁴⁸ St. Augustine, Adnotationum in Iob 16, 9 (Obras completas de San Agustín, 19:57): “aeriae potestates quibus utitur Deus et eis permittit, ut aut excerceantur boni aut puniantur mali.”

⁴⁹ Origen, Homiliae in Iosue XV, 5 (Origéne, , Homélies sur Josué, ed. Jaubert, Annie [Paris: Cerf, 1960], 348Google Scholar): “Deus dicitur permittere, immo et incitare propemodum adversarias virtutes exire adversum nos in proelium.”

⁵⁰ Barillari, Sonia Maura, “Introduzione” a Cesario di Heisterbach, Sui demòni (Torino: Edizioni dell'Orso, 1999), 24Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Athanasius of Alexandria, Vita Antonii 10 (Athanasius, , The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus, ed. and trans. Gregg, Robert C. [Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist, 1980], 39Google Scholar).

⁵² Carpin, Attilio, Angeli e demòni nella sintesi patristica di Isidoro di Siviglia (Bologna: Edizioni Studio Domenicano, 2004), 109Google Scholar.

⁵³ Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob XVIII, 2, 4, ed. Migne, J.-P., Patrologia Cursus Completus. Series Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Garnier Frères: 1878–1890)Google Scholar, vol. 76, col. 40: “omnis voluntas diaboli injusta est, et tamen permittente deo omnis potestas justa.”

⁵⁴ Bonino, Serge-Thomas, Les anges et les démons. Quatorze leçons de théologie (Paris: Parole et Silence, 2007), 302Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ St. Augustine, De civitate Dei XXII, 1, 2 (Obras de San Agustín, 17:691): “Qui cum praesciret angelos quosdam per elationem, qua ipsi sibi ad beatam vitam sufficere vellent…, non eis ademit hanc potestatem, potentius et melius esse iudicans etiam de malis bene facere quam mala esse non sinere.”

⁵⁶ Evans, G. R., Augustine on Evil, 5th ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 32Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Hermae Visionis Pastoris VII, 2. The original Greek text can be consulted in Hermas, , Le Pasteur, ed. Joly, Robert (Paris: Cerf, 1968), 207Google Scholar. On Hermas and his insistence on the evil spirit's weakness, see Vandenbroucke, François, “Démon,” in Dictionnaire de spiritualité scétique et mystique. Doctrine et histoire, ed. Viller, Marcel, 16 vols. (Paris: Beauchesne, 1937–1994), 3:167Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Russell, Jeffrey Burton, Satan: The Early Christian Tradition, 4th ed. (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994), 44Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Athanasius of Alexandria, Vita Antonii 8 (Athanasius, The Life of Antony, 35); Gregory the Great, Dialogorum III, 20, 3 (Grégoire le Grande, Dialogues, 2:352).

⁶⁰ On the relationship between the archaic combat myth and Augustinian thought, see Forsyth, Neil, The Old Enemy: Satan and the Combat Myth (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1987), 387–440Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Hopkin, Charles Edward, The Share of Thomas Aquinas in the Growth of the Witchcraft Delusion (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1940), 4Google Scholar.

⁶² Acta Petri XXII (Il diavolo e i suoi angeli. Testi e tradizioni, secoli I–III, ed. Castagno, Adele Monaci [Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1996], 279Google Scholar): “et mulierem quendam turpissimam, in aspectu Aethiopissam, neque Aegyptiam, sed totam nigram, sordidis pannis involutam, in collo autem torquem ferream et in manibus et in pedibus catenam.”

⁶³ John Cassian, Collationes VII, 23, 1 (Cassiani Opera, ed. Petschenig, Michael, vol. 13 [Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2004], 201–2Google Scholar): “satis tamen nobis et experientia nostra et seniorum relatione conpertum est non eandem uim habere nunc daemones quam anteriore tempore inter anachoretarum dumtaxat principia, in quibus adhuc raritas monachorum in heremo conmanebat. Tanta namque erat eorum feritas, ut uix pauci et admodum stabiles atque aetate prouecti tolerare habitationem solitudinis possent.”

⁶⁴ Origen, Homiliae in Iosue XV, 6 (Origéne, Homélies sur Josué, 350): “imminuant exercitum daemonum et velut quam plurimos eorum interimant.”

⁶⁵ On the growing demonophobia that characterizes Western European culture from the second half of the twelfth century, see Russell, Jeffrey Burton, Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984), 159–207Google Scholar; Minois, Georges, Le diable (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1998), 51–73Google Scholar; Muchembled, Une histoire du diable, 19–51; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 205–78; Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages, 135–59; Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons, 16–34.

⁶⁶ We can cite, by way of example, three foundational texts of the second millenium demonology: the distinctiones 2–11 from Book II of the Sententiae, by Peter Lombard (c. 1150); the distinctio V from the Dialogus miraculorum, by Caesarius of Heisterbach (c. 1219–1223); the IIIa-IIae from De Universo, by William of Auvergne (c. 1231).

⁶⁷ According to Alain Boureau, De Malo by Thomas Aquinas may be considered the first great scholastic demonology. Boureau, Satan hérétique, 128. For a similar perspective, see Pigné, Christine, “Du De Malo au Malleus Maleficarum: les conséquences de la démonologie thomiste sur le corps de la sorcière,” Cahiers de recherches médiévales 13 (2006): 195–220CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 64, a. 4 (de Aquino, Santo Tomás, Suma Teológica, ed. and trans. Comisión de PP. Dominicos presidida por Fr. Francisco Barbado Viejo, 16 vols. [Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1947–1960], 3:603Google Scholar): “et hanc procurationem boni humani conveniens fuit per malos angelos fieri, ne totaliter post peccatum ab utilitate naturalis ordinis exciderent.”

⁶⁹ See Campagne, Fabián Alejandro, “Witchcraft and the Sense of the Impossible in Early Modern Spain: Some Reflections Based on the Literature of Superstition (c.1500–1800),” Harvard Theological Review 96 (2003): 25–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ The real influence that Thomistic demonology had on the emergence of early modern radical demonology remains an extremely controversial issue. Cfr. Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 43–44, 72–76; Stephens, Demons Lovers, 369; Russell, Lucifer, 208; Boureau, Satan hérétique, 136–47; Hopkin, The Share of Thomas Aquinas, 179–80; Pigné, “Du De Malo au Malleus Maleficarum,” 219–20.

⁷¹ On the treatises of Thomas Aquinas that include issues related to angelology and demonology, see Gonzalo Sotto Posada, “La concepción de los ángeles y el origen del mal en Tomás de Aquino,” in de Canterbury, Anselmo, Tratado sobre la caída del demonio, ed. Castañeda, Felipe (Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, 2005), 293–94Google Scholar

⁷² Kelly, Henry Ansgar, Satan: A Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 242–48Google Scholar; Lavatori, Renzo, Gli angeli. Storia e pensiero (Genova: Marietti, 1991), 147Google Scholar; Tavard, Georges, Die Engel (Freiburg: Herder, 1968)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Los ángeles, traducción de Manuel Pozo, Pbro. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1973), 66.

⁷³ Thomas Aquinas, Questiones disputatae de Malo q. 16, a. 2 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Opúsculos y cuestiones selectas, ed. Antonio Osuna Fernández-Largo, 5 vols. [Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 2001–2008], 5:953): “substantia intellectualis a corpore separata.”

⁷⁴ Thomas Aquinas, Scriptum super Sententiis Magistri Petri Lombardi II, d. 8, a. 1 (Aquinatis, S. Thomae, Scriptum super libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi, ed. Mandonnet, R. P., O.P., 2 vols. [Parisiis: P. Lethielleux editoris, 1929], 2:204)Google Scholar: “angeli neque boni neque mali habent corpora naturaliter unita: hac enim esse non potest”; Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra Gentiles II, 49 (de Aquino, Santo Tomás, Suma Contra los Gentiles, ed. and trans. Padre Fray Jesús M. Pla Castellano, O.P., 2 vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1952)Google Scholar, 1:502): “ex praemissis autem ostenditur quod nulla substantia intellectualis est corpus”; Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 50, a. 1 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:85): “unde necesse est ponere, ad hoc quod universum sit perfectum, quod sit aliqua incorporea creatura.”

⁷⁵ On the reasons that incline most of the church fathers to defend the thesis of the angelic corporeality, see Bonino, Les anges et les démons, 118–19.

⁷⁶ van der Lugt, Maaike, Le ver, le démon et la vierge. Les théories médiévales de la génération extraordinaire (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2004), 231Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ de Mayo, Thomas B., The Demonology of William of Auvergne: By Fire and Sword (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen, 2007)Google Scholar, 5, 125, 128.

⁷⁸ Bielsa, Jesús Sancho, Los Ángeles. Apuntes de la enseñanza de Santo Tomás (Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 2008), 109Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Elliott, Dyan, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 142–50Google Scholar. Tavard reaches a relatively similar conclusion from a perspective completely different: see Tavard, Los ángeles, 68. The same happens with Garrigou-Lagrange: “Saint Thomas a affirmé beaucoup plus que Duns Scot et Francisco Suárez la différence specifique qui existe entre l'intelligence angélique et l'intelligence humaine.” Garrigou-Lagrange, Reginald O.P., La synthèse thomiste (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1946)Google Scholar, 273.

⁸⁰ On local movement, see Summa Theologiae I, q. 110, a. 3 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:893–94). On incubi and succubi, see Summa Theologiae I, q. 51, a. 3 (Ibid., 134, 136).

⁸¹ Stephens, Demon Lovers, 112, 126.

⁸² Evans, Augustine on Evil, 103–5; Russell, Satan, 213.

⁸³ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 64, a.1 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:589): “cognitio . . . quae habetur per naturam . . . in daemonibus nec est ablata, nec diminuta.”

⁸⁴ Ibid., Summa Theologiae I, q. 64, a. 1 (Ibid., 591): “daemones . . . sunt tamen lucidi lumine intellectualis naturae.”

⁸⁵ Ibid., Scriptum super Sententiis Magistri Petri Lombardi II, d. 7, q. 2, a.1 (S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum super libros sententiarum, 2:188): “quamvis cognitionem a rebus non accipiat daemon, tamen acuitur ejus scientia per longitudinem temporis.”

⁸⁶ St. Augustine, De divinatione daemonum III, 7 (Ouvres de Saint Augustin, vol. 10, 664, 666): “primum considerant non ideo sibi praeponendos esse daemones, quod acriore sensu corporis praevalent, aerii scilicet, hoc est subtilioris elementi: quia nec in ipsis terrenis corporibus bestias sibi praeponendas putant, quae acrius multa praesentiunt; velut sagacem canem, quia latentem feram olfactu acerrimo sic invenit…; vel vulturem, quia projecto cadavere ex improvisa longinquitate advolat; nec aquilam, quia sublimiter volans de tanto intervallo sub fluctibus natantem piscem dicitur pervidere.”

⁸⁷ Bielsa, Los Ángeles, 113.

⁸⁸ Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 44.

⁸⁹ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 57, a. 1 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:285): “angeli autem inter ceteras creaturas sunt Deo propinquiores et similiores.”

⁹⁰ Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra Gentiles II, 46 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Contra los Gentiles, 1:496): “oportet igitur ad summam perfectionem universi esse aliquas creaturas in quibus secundum esse intelligibile forma divini intellectus exprimatur.”

⁹¹ Thomas Aquinas, Scriptum super Sententiis Magistri Petri Lombardi II, d. 3, q. 3, a. 4 (S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum super libros sententiarum, 2:124): “intellectus angelorum dicitur deiformis, eo quod divino intellectui conformis est: non autem in hoc quod uno omnia intelligat, et ita simul intelligat, sed in hoc quod a rebus cognitionem non accipit, sine investigatione rationis et sino adminiculo sensus cognoscit.”

⁹² Boureau, Satan hérétique, 151–52.

⁹³ Suarez-Nani, Tiziana, Les anges et la philosophie. Subjectivité et fonction cosmologique des substances séparées à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Paris: Vrin, 2002), 45–46Google Scholar: “L'identification de chaque ange avec une espèce revêt manifestement la signification d'une valorisation et d'une promotion de la subjectivité angélique, dont le revers est une appréciation négative de la condition humaine individuelle.”

⁹⁴ St. Augustine, De Trinitate III, 9, 18 (Obras completas de San Agustín, 5:295): “quid autem possint per naturam, nec possint per prohibitionem, et quid per ipsius naturae suae conditionem facere non sinantur homini explorare difficile est, imo vero impossibile.”

⁹⁵ Thomas Aquinas, Questiones disputatae de Malo q. 16, a. 9 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Opúsculos y cuestiones selectas, 5:1057): “omnia quae visibiliter fiunt in hoc mundo possunt fieri per daemones non sola propria virtute, sed mediantibus activis naturalibus.”

⁹⁶ Ibid., Summa Theologiae I, q. 110, a. 4 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:895): “quia quidquid facit angelus, vel quaecumque alia creatura, propria virtute, hoc fit secundum ordinem naturae creatae.”

⁹⁷ van der Lugt, Le ver, le démon et la vierge, 363, 516, 518; Stephens, Demon Lovers, 50.

⁹⁸ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 114, a. 1 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:969): “mali angeli impugnant homines dupliciter. Uno modo, instigando ad peccatum. Et sic non mittuntur a Deo ad impugnandum, sed aliquando permittuntur, secundum Dei iusta iudicia. Aliquando autem impugnant homines puniendo. Et sic mittuntur a Deo.”

⁹⁹ Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 72–73.

¹⁰⁰ Jörg Haustein, “Aquinas, St. Thomas (ca.1225–1274),” in Encyclopedia of Witchcraft, 1:54.

¹⁰¹ Pagels, Elaine, The Origin of Satan (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), passimGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰² Gajano, Sofia Boesch, “Il demonio e i suoi complici,” in Il demonio e i suoi complici. Dottrine e credenze demonologiche nella Tarda Antichità, ed. Pricoco, Salvatore (Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 1995), 258–63Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Peters, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law, 33–45.

¹⁰⁴ Glaber, Raoul, Histoires, ed. Arnoux, Mathieu (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 183–85Google Scholar. Cesario di Heisterbach, Sui demòni, 97.

¹⁰⁵ See this suggestive reflection of Saint Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologiae, IIaIIae, q. 94, a. 3 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 9:245): “haeresis Manichaeorum, etiam quantum ad genus peccati, gravior est quam peccatum aliorum idololatrarum.”

¹⁰⁶ Thomas Aquinas, Scriptum super Sententiis Magistri Petri Lombardi II, d. 6, a. 4 (S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum super libros sententiarum, 2:169): “amicos autem esse eos qui unius inimici sunt, consequitur: et ideo ut magis hominibus noceant, quasi ad invicem confoederantur, ut concorditer et ordinate impugnent.”

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., Summa Theologiae I, q. 109, a. 2 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 3:875): “concordia daemonum, qua quidem allis obediunt, non est ex amicitia quam inter se habeant; sed ex communi nequitia, qua homines odiunt, et Dei iustitiae repugnant. Est enim proprium hominum impiorum, ut eis se adiungant et subiiciant, ad propriam nequitiam exequendam, quos potiores viribus vident.”

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., Summa Theologiae I, q. 63, a. 8 (Ibid., 3:579): “omnes daemones illi supremo subduntur… . Habet enim hoc ordo divinae iustitiae, ut cuius suggestioni aliquis consentit in culpa, eius potestati subdatur in poena.”

¹⁰⁹ Russell, Lucifer, 203.

¹¹⁰ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae III, q. 8, a. 7 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 11:394): “omnium malorum caput est diabolus.”

¹¹¹ Thomas Aquinas, Expositio super Iob ad litteram I, 8 (Sancti Thomae de Aquino, Opera omnia iussu Leonis XIII P.M. edita, ed. Fratrum Praedicatorum, vol. 26 [Roma, ad Sanctae Sabinae, 1965], 10): “Solet autem perversorum hominum, quorum princeps est Satan.”

¹¹² The idea of a diabolic corpus mysticum will appear again in the context of the repression of the Vauderie d'Arras (1459–1460). See Mercier, Frank, La Vauderie d'Arras. Une chasse aux sorcières à l'Automne du Moyen Âge (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 116–19, 212–16.

¹¹³ Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae III, q. 8, a. 8 (Santo Tomás de Aquino, Suma Teológica, 11:396): “Diabolus et Antichristus non sunt duo capita sed unum… . Ita Antichristus est membrum diaboli, et tamen ipse est caput malorum.”

¹¹⁴ Santo Tomás de Aquinas, Expositio super Iob ad litteram I, 19 (Sancti Thomae de Aquino, Opera omnia, vol. 26, 13): “considerandum vero est quod cum omnis praedicta adversitas sit per Satan inducta, necesse est confiteri quod Deo permittente daemones possunt turbationem aeris inducere, ventos concitare, et facere ut ignis de caelo cadat.”

¹¹⁵ “Si quis credit, quia aliquantas in mundo creaturas diabolus fecerit et tonitura et fulgura et tempestates et siccitates ipse diabolus sua auctoritate faciat, … anathema sit.” Mangenot, E., “Démon d'après les décisions officielles de l'Église,” Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, ed. Amann, Emile, 15 vols. (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1903–1946)Google Scholar, 4:407.

¹¹⁶ S. Agobardi Episcopi Lugdunensis, Liber contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis, ed. Migne, J.-P., Patrologia Cursus Completus. Series Latina, 221 vols. (Paris: Garnier Frères: 1878–1890)Google Scholar, vol. 104, cols. 147–58. Even though Agobard's main objective is to deny that men can cause rain, hail or any other atmospheric phenomenom, his insistence that only God can alter the weather allows us to conclude that the devil lacks this power, except in exceptional cases such as those described in the Book of Job. De grandine et tonitruis V: “Ecce et hic locus solum Dominum ostendit creatorem et auctorem grandinis, non aliquem hominem”; “Quem laudant de terra, no solum dracones abyssi, verum etiam ignis, grando, nix, glacies, spiritus procellarum, quae faciunt verbum ejus; non verbum hominis, non verbum angeli mali.” (Ibid., cols 150–51); De grandine et tonitruis VIII: “ecce in hac magna et prolixa Ecclesiastici libri sententia, cum subtilissima admiratione imperio Dei tribuitur quidquid in aere fit, quidquid de aere in terram descendit.” (Ibid., col. 152). On Agobard of Lyons and De grandine et tonitruis, see Flint, Valerie I. J., The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991), 108–16Google Scholar; Schmitt, Jean-Claude, Les superstitions (Paris: Seuil, 1988)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Historia de la superstición, traducción de Teresa Clavel (Barcelona: Crítica, 1992), 59–62; Yvanoff, Xavier, La sorcellerie médiévale (Agnières: JMG Éditions, 2008), 125–34Google Scholar; Verdon, Jean, Les superstitions au Moyen Âge (Paris: Perrin, 2008)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Las supersticiones en la Edad Media, traducción de Silvia Kot (Buenos Aires: El Ateneo, 2009), 47–49.

¹¹⁷ Thomas Aquinas, Scriptum super Sententiis Magistri Petri Lombardi II, d. 8, a. 4 (S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum super libros sententiarum, 2:213): “daemones possunt scire virtutem seminis decisi ex dispositione ejus a quo decisum est, et similiter mulierem proportionatam ad seminis illius susceptionem, et etiam constellationem juvantem ad effectum corporalem, scilicet optimae complexionis in genito: quibus omnibus concurrentibus, possibile est genitos corpore magnos esse vel fortes.”

¹¹⁸ On this foundational corpus, see L'imaginaire du sabbat, 99–438.

¹¹⁹ Entre Dieu et Satan, 192: “vous nes pouvez me faire que ce que Dieu veut, s'Il veut que vous me battiez, battez-mois et s'Il veut que vous me tuiez, tuez-moi, je l'ai bien merité.”

¹²⁰ See Florence Chave-Mahir, “Une parole au service de l'unité. L'exorcisme des possédés dans l'Église d'Occidente (Xe–XIVe siècle)” (Ph.D. diss., Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2004), 273–84.

¹²¹ On Saint Paul the Simple, see Baudot, Dom Jules L. O.S.B., Dictionnaire d'hagiographie (Paris: Librairie Bloud & Gay, 1925), 511–12Google Scholar; Bacchus, Francis Joseph, “St. Paul the Simple,” The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1911)Google Scholar, vol. 11. New Advent http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/11591a.htm, (accessed June 14, 2010).

¹²² Entre Dieu et Satan, 236: “femme, ne sois pas épouvantée, les démons ne te retiendront que peu de temps.”

¹²³ Ibid., 239: “tu auras encore de nombreuses mésaventures, mais elles cesseront après la Fête-Dieu.”

¹²⁴ Ibid., 245: “Ermine, belle fille, je suis l'ermite qui te ramena du bois et te rapporta du toit de l'église; je te suis venu en aide plusieurs autres fois.”

¹²⁵ Brakke, David, Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 150CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁶ Ibid., 154.

¹²⁷ Bhabha, Homi K., The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 67Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Entre Dieu et Satan, 240: “Seigneur, ne m'épargnez en rien.”

¹²⁹ Ibid., 201: “Ma mie, ne sois pas trop effrayée, Dieu t'a fait une grande grace car il t'a perdonné tous tes péchés.”

¹³⁰ Few images synthesize with greater force the role of the Augustinian devil as manufacturer of saints as the one we can find in the Elucidarium by Honorius Augustodunensis, a catechetical summa written around the beginning of twelfth century. In this text, Satan is compared to a blacksmith who, through torture and pain, forges and purges golden goblets, that is, the saints of the Heavenly King: “tali camino et his instrumentis purgat ipse aurea vasa caelestis regis: hi sunt electi, in quibus renovat imaginem Dei.” Quoted by Francisco Vicente Calle Calle, Les représentations du diable et des êtres diaboliques dans la littérature et l'art en France au XIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Université de Caen, 1997), 1:71.

¹³¹ Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis X, 10 (Il diavolo e i suoi angeli, 300): “At ubi vidi moram fieri, iunxi manus, ut digitos in digitos mitterem, et aprehendi illi caput, et cecidit in faciem, et calcavi illi caput.”

¹³² Entre Dieu et Satan, 184: “toute la puissance, la science, la force et la ruse des ennemies de l'enfer se sont déployées contre une pauvre femme, simple et ignorante; mais … elle a, après un peu de temps, vaincu tous ses ennemis.”

¹³³ On the peculiar characteristics of Franciscan angelology and demonology, see Lenz, Martin, “Why Can't Angels Think Properly? Ockham against Chatton and Aquinas,” in Angels in Medieval Philosophical Inquiry: Their Function and Significance, ed. Iribarren, Isabel and Lenz, Martin (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate, 2008), 155–67Google Scholar; Tiziana Suarez-Nani, “Angels, Space, and Place: The Location of Separate Substances according to John Duns Scotus,” in ibid., 89–112; Keck, David, Angels and Angelology in the Middle Ages (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 93–111Google Scholar; Boureau, Satan hérétique, 148–57. Futhermore, rival angelological conceptions that challenged some of the theological principles defended by Aquinas also emerged within the Dominican order; see the case of Thierry de Freiberg in Suarez-Nani, Les anges et la philosophie, 55–73, 143–64.

¹³⁴ Entre Dieu et Satan, 189: “donna un coup et frappa quelque chose.”

¹³⁵ Ibid., 229: “il fit un bruit mou en tombant et cria: ‘Oing.’”

¹³⁶ Ibid., 198: “dur comme fer.”

¹³⁷ Ibid., 228: “voici une chose bien étonnante, on dit que les démons ne sont rien et, en ce moment, je les roule devant moi.”

¹³⁸ Ibid., 191, 194, 209–11, 213, 250.

¹³⁹ Ibid., 218: “elle n'aurait pu, même si elle l'avait voulu, sortir de Reims à cette heure-là car les portes de la ville n'étaient pas encore ouvertes.”

¹⁴⁰ Ibid., 245: “qu'Il leur permette de te faire toute ce qui est en leur pouvoir, tant que dureront les octaves [de la Fête-Dieu], et Dieu le leur a accordé.”

¹⁴¹ Ibid., 204: “il ne la frappa mais dit que, la prochaine fois qu'il la rencontrerait, il la tuerait ou la blesserait grièvement.”

¹⁴² Ibid., 207: “Où vas-tu ribaude? Tu vas te prostituer? . . . tu ne vis que de débauche, sale putain.”

¹⁴³ On the diabolic pact, see Delaurenti, Béatrice, La puissance des mots: “Virtus verborum.” Débats doctrinaux sur le pouvoir des incantations au Moyen Âge (Paris: Cerf, 2007), 230–42Google Scholar; Campagne, Fabián Alejandro, Homo Catholicus, Homo Superstitiosus. El discurso antisupersticioso en la España de los siglos XV a XVIII (Madrid: Miño y Dávila, 2002), 66–74Google Scholar; David Lederer, “Pact with the Devil,” in Encyclopedia of Witchcraft, 3:867–69; Veenstra, J. R., Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France: Text and Context of Laurens Pignon's Contre les Devineurs (1411) (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 43–96Google Scholar; Cardini, Franco, Magia, stregoneria, superstizioni nell ʾOccidente Medievale (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1979)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Magia, brujería y superstición en el Occidente medieval, traducción de Antonio Prometeo Moya (Barcelona: Península, 1982), 180–88; Levack, Brian, The Witch Hunt in Early Modern Europe (London: Longman, 1987)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: La caza de brujas en la Europa moderna, traducción de José Luis Gil Aristu (Madrid: Alianza, 1995), 62–66; Boureau, Satan hérétique, 93–123; Graf, Arturo, The Story of the Devil, 2nd ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1931), 130–44Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ Entre Dieu et Satan, 185: “jamais elle n'a voulu consentir à rendre hommage à quelque esprit qu'elle ait vu.”

¹⁴⁵ Ibid., 263: “sers-moi, aime-moi et crains-moi.”

¹⁴⁶ By way of example, see Jaquet Durier's heresy trial at Vevey, Pays de Vaud, March 1448: Ostorero, Martine, “Folâtrer avec les démons.” Sabbat et chasse aux sorciers à Vevey (1448) (Lausanne: Université de Lausanne, 1995), 202Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ Entre Dieu et Satan, 190, 199, 216, 218, 245.

¹⁴⁸ On the diabolic sacraments, which played a key role in the demonology of Fray Enrico Del Carretto, one of the theologians consulted by John XXII on the possibility of assimilating ritual magic to heresy, see Boreau, Alain, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Manuscrit B.A.V. Borghese 348) (Roma: École française de Rome, 2004), xxviii–xlviGoogle Scholar. For a different interpretation on this papal consultation, see Iribarren, Isabel, “From Black Magic to Heresy: A Doctrinal Leap in the Pontificate of John XXII,” Church History 76, no. 1 (March 2007): 32–60Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Entre Dieu et Satan, 210: “je te ferais communier bien et honorablement, en privé dans ta chambre, aussi souvent que tu le voudrais.”

¹⁵⁰ Ibid., 216: “tout autour d'elle, il y avait tant de démons, sous la forme d'hommes vêtus de noir, qu'elle ne pus les compter.”

¹⁵¹ As Nancy Caciola argues (Discerning Spirits, 318): “witchcraft is an extreme but logical conclusion of the shifts in the interpretation of possessed behaviors engendered by the discernment of spirits.” On occasions, the “living saints” of the Italian Renaissance were called masche di Dio (witches of God); in these cases, however, such expression did not have the disqualifying purpose that it seem to have in the case of Ermine de Reims; see Zarri, Gabriella, Le sante vive. Profezie di corte e devozione femminile tra ‘400 e ‘500 (Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier, 1990), 116Google Scholar. On the disturbing phenomenological proximity between holy women and witches in the Late Middle Ages, see Dinzelbacher, Peter, Heilige oder Hexen?Schicksale Auffälliger Frauen in Mittelalter und Frühneuzeit (Zürich: Artemis & Winkler, 1995)Google Scholar; I quote the Italian translation: Santa o Strega? Donne e devianza religiosa tra Medioevo ed Età moderna, traduzione di Paola Massardo (Genova: Ecig, 1999), 165–261; Giorgi, Pamela, Donne sante, donne streghe. Estasi mistiche e possessioni tra medioevo e modernità (Firenze: Olimpia, 2007)Google Scholar, passim. Kieckhefer, Richard, “The Holy and the Unholy: Sainthood, Witchcraft and Magic in Late Medieval Europe,” in Christendom and Its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1100–1500, ed. Waugh, Scott and Diehl, Peter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 310–57Google Scholar.

¹⁵² Entre Dieu et Satan, 260: “le bruit court dans la ville que tu as été, de nombreuses fois, tourmentée par l'Ennemi et qu'il t'a souvent parlé; on pourrait bien te mettre en prison et te torturer, comme sorcière, afin de te faire avouer.”

¹⁵³ On the characteristics of wicked spirits in European folk and popular culture, see Di Nola, Alfonso M., Il diavolo (Roma: Newton Compton, 2006), 315–34Google Scholar; Campagne, Fabián Alejandro, Strix hispánica. Demonología cristiana y cultura folklórica en la España moderna (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2009), 151–223Google Scholar; Russell, Lucifer, 1992, 62–91; Sanz, Carlos González, “El diablo en el cuento folklórico,” in El diablo en la Edad Moderna, ed. Tausiet, María and Amelang, James S. (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2004), 133–60Google Scholar; Muchembled, Une histoire du diable, 32–34; De Mayo, The Demonology of William of Auvergne, 91–118.

¹⁵⁴ Entre Dieu et Satan, 194: “le démon revint et se coucha derrière elle sur la couverture, il mit son bras sur elle et celui-ci était si pesant qu'elle avait l'impression que c’était une meule de moulin…; et il la tint ainsi pressée presque jusqu'à l'heure des matines.” On the nightmare demon, see Campagne, Fabian Alejandro, “Witch or Demon? Fairies, Vampires and Nightmares in Early Modern Spain,” Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 53 (2008): 393–94Google Scholar; Davies, Owen, “The Nightmare Experience, Sleep Paralysis, and Witchcraft Accusations,” Folklore 114 (2003): 181–203Google Scholar; Stewart, Charles, “Erotic Dreams and Nightmares from Antiquity to the Present,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 8 (2002): 279–309Google Scholar; Bridier, Sophie, Le cauchemar. Étude d'une figure mythique (Paris: Presses du l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2001)Google Scholar, passim.

¹⁵⁵ On the Augustinian apocalyptic theory, particularly dominant during the first millennium, see Landes, Richard, “The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval and Modern,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950–1050, ed. Landes, Richard, Gow, Andrew, and van Meter, David C. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 243–70Google Scholar; Fredriksen, Paula, “Apocalipticism,” in Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. Fitzgerald, Allan (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1999)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: Diccionario de San Agustín. San Agustín a través del tiempo, traducción de Constantino Ruiz-Garrido (Burgos: Monte Carmelo, 2001), 95–102.

¹⁵⁶ San Agustín, De Civitate Dei XX, 8, 2–3 (Obras completas de San Agustín, 17:544–45): “sed alligatio diaboli, est non permitti exercere totam tentationem, quam potest vel vi vel dolo. . . . Quod si permitteretur in tam longo tempore et tanta infirmitate multorum, plurimus tales, quales Deus id perpeti non vult, et fideles deiiceret, et ne crederent impediret: quod ne faceret, alligatus est. . . . Tunc autem solvetur, quando et breve tempus erit. . . . Et solvet in fine, ut quam fortem adversarium Dei civitas superaverit. . . . In eorum sane, qui tunc futuri sunt, sanctorum atque fidelium comparatione quid sumus? quandoquidem ad illos probandos tantus solvetur inimicus, cum quo nos ligato tantis periculis dimicamus.”

¹⁵⁷ On the rise of apocalytic thinking during the Great Schism, see McGinn, Bernard, Antichrist: Two Thousand Years of the Human Fascination with Evil (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 173–99Google Scholar; Smoller, Laura Ackerman, History, Prophecy, and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of Pierre d'Ailly, 1350–1420 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), 86–101Google Scholar; Rusconi, Roberto, L'Attesa della fine: Crisi della società, profezía ed Apocalisse in Italia al tempo del grande scisma d'Occidente (1378–1417) (Roma: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1979)Google Scholar, passim; Pastore, Federico, La fabbrica delle streghe. Saggio sui fondamenti teorici e ideologici della repressione della stregoneria nei secoli XIII–XVII (Pasian di Prato: Campanotto Editore, 1997), 25–56Google Scholar; Delumeau, Jean, La Peur en Occident aux XIVe et XVIIIe siècles. Une cité assiégée (Paris: Fayard, 1978)Google Scholar; I quote the Spanish translation: El miedo en Occidente (Siglos XIV–XVIII). Una ciudad sitiada, versión castellana de Mauro Armiño (Madrid: Taurus, 1989), 307–32; José Medina, Guadalajara, Las profecías del Anticristo en la Edad Media (Madrid: Gredos, 1996), 191–245, 288–399Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁸ Entre Dieu et Satan, 184: “Comme Dieu a révélé la venue de l'Antéchrist par la bouche de saint Jean l'évangéliste dans l'Apocalypse, et parce que le temps de sa venue est proche . . . il me semble que les choses que suivent . . . sont un exemple véritable, un modèle d'instruction pour nous apprendre sûrement comment nous pourrons nous garder des perfidies et des tromperies de cet Antéchrist pervers.”

¹⁵⁹ San Agustin, De Civitate Dei XX, 8, 2 (Obras completas de San Agustín, 17:544): “Si autem nunquam solveretur, minus appareret eius maligna potentia, minus sanctae civitatis fidelissima patientia probaretur; minus denique perspiceretur, quam magno eius malo tam bene fuerit usus Omnipotens.”