¹ Among recent studies, reference may be made to Mattingly, H., “The Roman ‘Virtues’,” Samara Theological Review, XXX (1937), 103–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Charlesworth, M. P., “Providentia and Aeternitas,”Google ScholarIbid., XXIX (1936), 107–132; idem, “The Virtues of a Roman Emperor: Propaganda and the Creation of Belief,” Proceedings of the British Academy, XXIII (1937)Google Scholar; Gagé, J., “La théologie de la victoire impériale,” Revue historique, CLXXI (1933), 1–43Google Scholar; idem, “Stauros nikopoios. La victoire impériale dans l'empire chrétien,” Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses, XIII (1933), 370–400Google Scholar. See also the studies cited in the present writer's article, “Personifications of Abstract Ideas in the Antioch Mosaics,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, LXIX (1938), 356Google Scholar, n. 14. Attention may be called here to a Greek building inscription of A. D. 537/8 recently found in the excavations at Antioch which by its phraseology illustrates in a rather novel fashion the contemporary conception of the all-pervading beneficence of the government. The text is edited by the present writer as No. 112 of the Greek and Latin inscriptions published in Antioch-on-the-Orontes, III: The Excavations, 1937–1939, ed. by B. Stillwell (Princeton University Press; in press). The writer is indebted to Professor Erwin Panofsky of the Institute for Advanced Study and to Professor A. D. Nock of Harvard University for reading this paper and offering criticisms and suggestions.

² A masterly study of this subject has been provided by Grabar, A., L'empereur dans l'art byzantin: recherches sur l'art officiel de l'empire d'orient (Paris, 1936)Google Scholar. See also Bréhier, L., “Les survivances du culte impérial à Byzanee,”Google Scholar in Bréhier, L. and Batiffol, P., Les survivances au culte impérial romain (Paris, 1920), 35–73.Google Scholar

³ This theme is discussed by Grabar, , L'empereur dans l'art byzantin, 57–62, 135–144.Google Scholar

⁴ Quoted by Grabar, , L'empereur dans l'art bygamtin, 58–59.Google Scholar

⁵ Hist., V, 6, pp. 266–267 Bonn ed.Google Scholar

⁶ Migne, , P. G., CXXXIII, 1393Google Scholar. Nemesianus speaks of the hunting of wild beasts as a sort of warfare (Cynegetica, 2Google Scholar: securi proelia ruris), and Xenophon declares that hunting is the best training for war (Cynegeticus, I, 18Google Scholar; XII, 1; XIII, 12).

⁷ Historia, Cap. de Andronico Comneno, II, 6, pp. 433–434Google Scholar Bonn ed. While the meaning of tekmêriazein, translated “symbolize,” is clear, the word appears to be rare. The Thesaurus Graecae Linguae of Stephanus, revised by C. B. Hase and W. and L. Dindorf, cites only two examples of its use: the present passage, and another in the same work of the same author (p. 591, line 7 Bonn ed.). The Lexicon of Liddell and Scott, 8th ed., cites the same two passages, but the word has been dropped from the new (9th) edition of Liddell and Scott, revised by H. S. Jones. It does not appear in the Lexica of Sophocles and Van Herwerden. Apparently Nicetas felt that he had to employ an unusual expression in order to indicate the symbolical character of the scenes which he mentioned.

⁸ Cebetis Tabula, ed. Praechter, K. (Leipzig, 1893)Google Scholar; there is a French translation by M. Meunier in a volume which contains also the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius and the Manual of Epictetus (Paris, 1933)Google Scholar. On the date see von Christ, W.'s Gesch. der griech. Lit., ed. 6, ed. by Sehmid, W. and Stählin, O., II, 1 (Munich, 1920), 367.Google Scholar

⁹ § 22.

¹⁰ For an instructive discussion of the use of allegories in ancient art see the chapter “Das Bild als Ausdruck eines Gedankens” by Friedländer, P., Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Silentiarius (Leipzig, 1912), 75–83.Google Scholar

¹¹ There is no need to cite many examples. Philo, writing of pleasure (hêdonê), says: “It is cursed also beyond all the wild beasts. By these I mean the passions of the soul, for by these the mind is wounded and destroyed.” (Leg. Allegor., III, 37, 113Google Scholar; cf. II, 4, 9, ff., transl, of F. H. Colson and G. H. Whitaker in the Loeb Classical Library). Beasts are used in much the same sense in the Shepherd of Hermas, Sim., IX, 1, 9; IX, 26, 1–8.Google Scholar

¹² See von Schoenebeck, H., “Die christliche Sarkophagplastik unter Konstantin,” Römische Mitteilungen, LI (1936), 261Google Scholar (for a reference ta this article the writer is indebted to Miss Berta Segall). Scenes of the hunt which have an apparently very complicated allegorical significance appear in the mosaic of Megalopsychia at Antioch; see the writer's article cited in the first footnote of this paper, 357, n. 19. The writer hopes to return to this subject in another study which is now in preparation. See also the allegorical mosaic of Dair Solaib in Syria, published and discussed by B. Mouterde and A. Beaulieu in the Mélanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph (Beyrouth), XXII, fase. 1 (1939), 23–40Google Scholar. Examples of allegorical hunting scenes in Gothic and Renaissance art are collected by van Marle, B., Iconographie de l'art profane au moyen-âge et à la renaissance, II (The Hague, 1932), 105 ff.Google Scholar

¹³ See Bréhier, , “Les survivances du culte impérial …”Google Scholar One may refer here also to a paper by Bonner, C., “Some Phases of Religious Feeling in Later Paganism,” Harvard Theological Review, XXX (1937), 119–140CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the remarks by von Schoenebeck, , op. cit., 266Google Scholar, and Willoughby, H. R., Pagan Regeneration (Chicago, 1929), 17–18Google Scholar. It is important to bear in mind in this connection the popularity of representations of the emperors, both pagan and Christian, as heroes of mythological antiquity. This subject will be treated in a study which the writer hopes to publish shortly on the statue of Justinian as Achilles which stood in the Augustaeum at Constantinople (see Procopius, , De aedifioiis, I, 2, 5–12).Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Shepard, Odell, The Lore of the Unicorn (Boston, 1930), 230–239Google Scholar. The sculptures are reproduced by Stolze, F. and Andreas, F. C., Persepolis: Denkmäler und Inschriften, hrsg. von Th. Nöldeke (Berlin, 1882)Google Scholar, Plates 42, 76, 82 (lion and unicorn), 2, 7, 32, 61 (king and lion). In other reliefs the king is shown fighting with other monsters.

¹⁵ This problem has been well stated by N. H. Baynes in a book review in the Journal of Roman Studies, XIX (1929), 226–227.Google Scholar