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The Two Bodies of Christ: Communion Frequency and Ecclesiastical Discourse in Pre–Vatican II Australian Catholicism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 May 2010

Extract

Today, most Catholics attending Mass come forward to receive communion as a matter of course. But this fact actually belies a very long history of low communion frequency and an institution's often losing struggle to have Catholics regularly receive the body of Christ. Already by the end of the fourth century, communion frequency in the Church, both East and West, had declined rapidly. Thereafter, outside small circles of especially devout communicants, communion at Mass remained for most Catholics an infrequent act. Yet during the mid-twentieth century, in the space of just a few decades, this situation showed signs of quite dramatic reversal. In the nineteenth century in Australia, average communion frequency among most practising Catholics was relatively nominal—perhaps three or four times a year was typical. On the eve of the Second Vatican Council, however, most Catholics in Australia were partaking of communion fortnightly and even weekly. Why this shift? What happened in the course of a generation which turned around a situation spanning many centuries in the Church's tradition of eucharistic worship?

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2010

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32 The People's Eucharistic League (PEL) was established in 1859 by Peter Julian Eymard. It was introduced to Australia by a Jesuit, Father Patrick Tighe, in 1914. Members of the League were required to spend one hour in prayer before the Blessed Sacrament each month. Both the People's Eucharistic League and the Priest's Eucharistic League derived from nineteenth-century French spirituality. Though possessing the same aims, each was separately established and canonically approved. The key difference in membership requirements was the frequency of prayer before the Blessed Sacrament: in the People's League, one hour per month was required; in the Priest's League, one hour per week was mandated.

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41 See, for example, Zimmerman, Beverly, The Making of a Diocese: Maitland, its bishop, priests and people, 1866–1909 (Carlton South: Melbourne University Press, 2000), 3233Google Scholar. Zimmerman identifies a small body of 350 Catholics who received communion weekly at St. John's, West Maitland, in 1857. Undoubtedly, the same phenomenon existed in Melbourne.

42 The paschal precept had to be fulfilled within a given time span. Traditionally, this covered the period between Palm Sunday and the first Sunday after Easter. In Australia, the obligation of the paschal precept could be fulfilled between Ash Wednesday and the Octave of the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul, July 6—a generous spread of time. Source: The Catholic Almanac and Directory of the Church in Victoria (Melbourne: Advocate, 1921), 45.

43 In Australia, the Holy days of obligation were all Sundays, Circumcision (January 1), Ascension (May 25), Assumption (August 15), All Saints (November 1) and Christmas day (December 25). It was customary for many Catholics to receive communion on some of these important feast days of the Church. Source: The Jesuit Directory and Year Book (Melbourne: Advocate Press, 1933), 9.

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53 The Holy Name Society for men, to take one example, was established in Australia in 1921. In 1938, there were four hundred branches with approximately fifty-two thousand members, reaching one hundred thousand members in 1953. The second rule of the Society stipulated that members were required to attend “monthly communion on the stated Sunday in company with the local Holy Name men.” Taken from Hogan, S. M. OP, Manual of the Holy Name Society (Middle Camberwell, Victoria: Holy Name Society Headquarters, ca.1950s), 3132Google Scholar.

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61 Addresses Delivered at the Twenty-Ninth Eucharistic Congress, Sydney, Australia, September 1928 (Sydney: Green, 1929), 18.

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103 Ibid.

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105 The designation of “forty hours” was also understood as the forty days Christ spent in the wilderness, or the forty days spent on earth after the resurrection. It should also be noted that early in the devotion's history, it was probably not celebrated before the Blessed Sacrament exposed. This practice appeared later. See McKenna, “Qurant'Ore,” 187.

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108 Henri de Lubac, Corpus Mysticum: Essai sir l'Eucharistie et l'Eglise au Moyen Age was originally published in 1944, but has not appeared in English translation. De Lubac's thinking in this area has been explicated in a number of works. See McPartlan, Paul, The Eucharist Makes the Church: Henri de Lubac and John Zizioulas in Dialogue (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), particularly 8485Google Scholar; Pickstock, Catherine, After Writing: On the Liturgical Consummation of Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 158–66Google Scholar; Cavanaugh, William T., Torture and the Eucharist: Theology, Politics, and the Body of Christ (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 205–21Google Scholar; Kantorowicz, Ernst H., The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 194206Google Scholar.

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115 Polding, John, Lenten Pastoral (1871), in The Eye of Faith, 167Google Scholar.

116 The Eye of Faith, 201.

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118 See Himes, Michael J., “The Development of Ecclesiology: Modernity to the Twentieth Century,” in The Gift of the Church: A Textbook on Ecclesiology, ed. Phan, Peter C., 59 (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2000)Google Scholar. For an in-depth treatment of Mohler's ecclesiology, see Himes, Michael J., Ongoing Incarnation: Johann Adam Mohler and the Beginnings of Modern Ecclesiology (New York: Crossroad, 1997)Google Scholar.

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124 Ibid.

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127 Ibid.

128 Ibid., 306.

129 Ibid.

130 Ibid., 307.

131 Ibid., 308.

132 On Prosper Gueranger, see a series of articles published by Franklin, R. W.: “Gueranger: A View on the Centenary of His Death,” Worship 49 (June–July 1975): 318–28Google Scholar; “Gueranger and Pastoral Liturgy: A Nineteenth Century Context,” Worship 50 (1976): 146–62; “Gueranger and Variety in Unity,” Worship 51 (September 1977): 378–99; and “The Nineteenth Century Liturgical Movement,” Worship 53 (1979): 12–39. As to whether Lambert Beauduin's efforts inaugurated the liturgical movement, it must be noted that there remain some differences in scholarly opinion about when the liturgical movement properly began and, indeed, how many liturgical movements there actually were and are. Some scholars hold that the work of Gueranger and Pius X were antecedent to “the” liturgical movement of the twentieth century. See, for example, Koenker, Ernest, The liturgical Renaissance in the Roman Catholic Church (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), 1112Google Scholar (though Koenker actually dates the beginning of the liturgical movement to the first liturgical week for the laity at Maria Laach Abbey in 1914); A Dictionary of Liturgy and Worship, ed. J. G. Davies (London: SCM, 1972), 217; and Botte, Bernarad OSB, From Silence to Participation: An Insider's View of Liturgical Renewal (Washington D.C.: Pastoral, 1988), 10Google Scholar. James White, on the other hand, identifies two liturgical movements: one beginning in the 1830s with Gueranger, continuing with Pius X, Beauduin and others, and a second movement which only began after Mediator Dei in 1947. See his Roman Catholic Worship: Trent to Today (New York: Paulist, 1995), 69–114. More recently, Frank Senn has identified four liturgical movements with differing, though overlapping, agendas. See “Four liturgical movements: restoration, renewal, revival, retrieval,” Lutheran Theological Journal 40 (December 2006): 143–55.

133 I have taken this characterisation (“bringing the people to the liturgy”) from Searle, Mark, Called to Participate: Theological, Ritual, and Social Perspectives (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 2006): 114Google Scholar. I am persuaded that Searle's characterisation of the history and aims of the liturgical movement is the most enlightening approach.

134 The best work on the liturgical movement in the United States is Peckler's, KeithThe Unread Vision: The Liturgical Movement in the United States of America: 1926–1955 (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1998)Google Scholar. On Virgil Michel, see also Marx, Paul OSB, Virgil Michel and the Liturgical Movement (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical, 1957)Google Scholar.

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140 Roberts, Cornelius, “The Sacrament of Glory,” ACR (April 1953): 110Google Scholar.

141 It was not uncommon during the pre–Vatican II period for communion to be distributed before, during (in addition to after the priest's communion) and after the Mass. Similarly, reserved communion hosts were often distributed for communion, rather than hosts consecrated at a given Mass. Though such practices were not seen as wholly consistent with tradition—see, for example, O'Kane's, JamesNotes on the Rubrics of the Roman Ritual (Dublin: James Duffy, 1922)Google Scholar, 331–32—they were permitted as a necessary pastoral provision. See, Mitchell, Nathan D., “History of the Relationship between Eucharist and Communion,” Liturgical Ministry 13 (Spring 2004): 5765Google Scholar. Mitchell's, excellent Cult and Controversy: The Worship of the Eucharist Outside Mass (Collegeville, Minn.: Pueblo, 1997)Google Scholar is also highly informative on this development.

142 Pius, Pope XII, Mediator Dei (London: Catholic Truth Society, 1947), 4748Google Scholar.

143 Pius, XII, Christus Dominus: Apostolic Constitution on the discipline to be observed in regard to the Eucharistic Fast in ACR 30 (April 1953): 93100Google Scholar.

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145 Congar, Yves, A History of Theology (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1968), 236–37Google Scholar.

146 See Congar, Yves, Lay People in the Church (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1985)Google Scholar. On the emergence of the laity in theological thinking, see Lakeland, Paul, The Liberation of the Laity: In Search of an Accountable Church (New York: Continuum, 2003), esp. 1775Google Scholar. Of continuing use is Rosemary Goldie's “Lay, Laity, Laicity: A Bibliographical Survey of Three Decades,” in Elements for a Theology of the Laity, Special issue of “The Laity Today” (Vatican City: Pontifical Council for the Laity, 1979), 107–18.

147 Searle, Called to Participate, 8–12.

148 Of course the extent to which one needs to, or even should, adapt the liturgy to suit modern needs represents the nub of the issue when discussing post–Vatican II liturgical reform. See Baldovin, John F., Reforming the Liturgy: A Response to the Critics (Collegeville, Minn.: Pueblo, 2008)Google Scholar. Nichols's, AidanLooking at the Liturgy (San Francisco: Ignatius, 1996)Google Scholar gives the more cautious appraisal.

149 Pius XII, Christus Dominus in ACR: 96–97.

150 Ibid., 98.

151 Rev. John F. Kelly, “Liturgy in Sub-Primary Classes,” in Australian Liturgical Week, 143–44.

152 Sixth National Education Conference of Directors of Catholic Education and Diocesan Inspectors of Schools, 20–22 April, 1953. Material quoted from Archbishop Beovich's Papers, “Catechetics and National Projects,” 1958–1972, Box 374, Adelaide Catholic Archives.

153 Roberts, “The Sacrament of Glory,” ACR: 110–11.

154 Herbst, Winfrid SDS, Frequent Communion and the Eucharistic Fast (Melbourne: ACTS, 1959), 3Google Scholar.

155 Ibid., 5.

156 Ibid., 29.

157 Australian Messenger of the Sacred Heart (September 1, 1959): 524.

158 Australian Messenger of the Sacred Heart (December 1, 1958): 726.

159 See, for example, Irwin, Kevin W., Models of the Eucharist (New York: Paulist, 2005), 57Google Scholar. Also, Mitchell, Nathan, Real Presence: The Work of Eucharist (Chicago: Liturgy Training, 2000), 23Google Scholar.