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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 August 2011
The schismatic “Church of the martyrs” which arose in Egypt after the last persecution possessed, at the time of Nicaea, twenty-eight bishops besides its founder Meletius. Nothing survives to tell us with what rites these men were made bishops. But the schism was so nationalist in character that it is likely to have followed Egyptian church tradition. It has been contended that this tradition, as regards episcopal succession, was peculiar, and followed a pattern different from that established for the propagation of a Catholic hierarchy by the Fourth Canon of Nicaea. The aim of this article is to show that this contention finds support in the Meletian story.
1 ἐκκλησία μαρτύρων Epiphanius, Panarion, lxviii.3.
2 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar.§ 71.
3 Telfer, W., Journal of Ecclesiastical History, III (1953), 1–13Google Scholar, “Episcopal succession in Egypt.”
4 The date is argued in connection with the martyrdom of Phileas; Lawlor, H. J. and Oulton, J. E. L., Eusebius (London, 1928), II, 267Google Scholar.
5 Catholic Christianity exhibits, according to Mgr. P. Batiffol (La paix Constantienne, c. 2), “un civisme convaincu.” from the apostolic age to the last persecution.
6 Or Abitina. See Acta Saturnini, Dativi et sociorum, Migne, P. L. VIII. 688–715.
7 The Passions of the martyrs constitute the first patriotic literature of the Copts. The Era of Diocletian, adopted in Egypt with his reforms, was turned by the Christian sentiment of Egypt into the Era of the Martyrs. See Delehaye, H., Analecta Bollandiana, XV (1922), 5–154Google Scholar, 299–364, “Les martyrs d'Egypte.”
8 Both are described as doctoris habens desiderium. Duchesne (Hist, ancienne de l'église, II, 99) gratuitously makes this into “deux docteurs ambitieux.”
9 They are described as quibus permissum est egentes visitare.
10 The text is printed in Routh, M. J., Reliquiae sacrae, IV (Oxford, 1846) 91–94Google Scholar. For its authorship, see Telfer, W., Harvard Theological Review, XXXVI (1943), 169–246CrossRefGoogle Scholar, “The Codex Verona LX (58).”
11 Commendans eis occasionem.
12 Tantum sibi adsumpsisse ut etiam ex mea auctoritate presbyteros … conaretur separare.
13 According to Epiphanius, the mines of Phaeno in the Idumaean hills near Petra.
14 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. § 59.
15 Meletius separavit eos (Peter's presbyters), et ordinavit ipse duos, unum in carcere, et alium in metallo. Duchesne (1. c.) makes of this “Mélèce eut l'audace de les remplacer” (how could he?) ; “à cet effet, il choisit deux confesseurs, dont l'un était en prison, l'autre aux mines” (which makes nonsense). Clearly, in carcere and in metallo give the location of the ordainer, not of the ordained. The Athanasian writer assumes that it is known that Meletius was sent to the mines.
16 They are described as invidentes pontificatum B. Petri and as recognizing the cupiditas or concupiscentia Meletii, shown (the Athanasian writer argues) by his action to gain presbyters.
17 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. § 59.
18 Occurram illi cum sapientibus viris, et videam quae sunt quae cogitavit. Peter, at the time of writing, did not know that Meletius was no longer in Alexandria.
19 ούδὲ έσπούδαεν ἀπολογήσασθαι μετὰ ταῦτα. No such consideration would arise if he had confronted the Synod.
20 De mortibus persecutorum, 16.
21 Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., I, 15.
22 For the sources here available, see Telfer, W., Analecta Bollandiana, LXVII (1949), 117–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar. “St. Peter of Alexandria and Arius.” The passage here under tribute is on p. 127.
23 Hist. Eccl., ix, 6, 2.
24 Jews and Christians in Egypt, London, 1924Google Scholar.
25 Apol. c. Ar. § 11.
26 Panarion lxviii, 4.
27 Loc. cit., and § 59.
28 For the text of the Synodal letter to the Egyptians, containing these terms, see Socrates, Hist. Eccles., I, 9.
29 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. §§ 12, 76, and the letter of Alexander in Theodoret, Hist. Eccles, I, 4, where the action of Colluthus is called χριστεμπορία. Colluthus may have seized Alexandrine church funds for the support of his men.
30 μνστικοτέρα χειροτονία a rite of such spiritual efficacy that it must add something, and make good any defect. The notion is more conciliating than “conditional reconsecration.”
31 Notes on Socrates I, 9 in the second volume of his Historiae ecclesiasticae scriptores graeci.
32 Viz., the imposition of hands by not less than three comprovincial bishops, the consent of the metropolitan, and the assent of the absent comprovincials, being indispensible.
33 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar., opening of § 72. Athanasius explicitly says that all the persons named in the schedule were in fact present to make their submission.
34 Op. cit., § 71.
35 Apol. c. Ar. § 59. Perhaps this is an exaggeration. Robertson points out (N and P. N. F. IV, p. xxi, Note 6) how Theon of Nilopolis, one of the bishops in the schedule, appears in a Festal Letter of Athanasius as having died in possession of the orthodox bishopric.
36 See Telfer, as in Note 3.
37 Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., II, 17, probably drawing upon Sabinus of Heraclea. This is good evidence that an attempt was made to implement the settlement.
38 Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. § 17.
39 Op. cit. § 65. “Archaph who is also called John.”
40 Hist. Eccles., I, 30.
41 Apol. c. Ar. § 70.
42 Loc. cit.
43 Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus, thinks it to call for no excuse or explanation when he makes the Thaumaturge, single-handed, consecrate Alexander first bishop of Comana Pontica. A considerable list of single-handed consecrations could be compiled.
