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Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2019

University of Oxford
St Antony's College, Oxford, ox2


The 1860 Japanese embassy inspired within the antebellum African American press an imagined solidarity that subverted American state hierarchies of ‘civilization’ and race. The bodies of the Japanese ambassadors, physically incongruous with American understandings of non-white masculinity, became a centre of cultural contention upon their presence as sophisticated and powerful men on American soil. The African American and abolitionist press, reimagining Japan and the Japanese, reframed racial prejudice as an experience in solidarity, to prove further the equality of all men, and assert African American membership to the worlds of civility and ‘civilization’. The acceptance of the Japanese gave African Americans a new lens through which to present their quest for racial equality and recognition as citizens of American ‘civilization’. This imagined transnational solidarity reveals Japan's influence in the United States as African American publications developed an imagined racial solidarity with Japanese agents of ‘civilization’ long before initiatives of ‘civilization and enlightenment’ appeared on Japan's diplomatic agenda. Examining the writings of non-state actors traditionally excluded from early historical narratives of US–Japan diplomacy reveals an imagined transnational solidarity occurring within and because of an oppressive racial hierarchy, as well as a Japanese influence on antebellum African American intellectual history.

Research Article
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

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I would like to thank Sho Konishi for his insightful and dedicated feedback on early drafts of this article. This article was supported by a generous fellowship provided by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Fellowship at the Library Company of Philadelphia and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. I would also like to thank the Oxford Japanese History Workshop members and the Historical Journal reviewers for their careful and improving comments.


1 ‘The Japanese’, Weekly Anglo-African (WAA), vol. 1, 30 June 1860, p. 2.

2 ‘Our correspondence from Philadelphia’, WAA, vol. 1, 30 June 1860, p. 3.

3 For the purposes of this research, the term ‘African American’ will use the following definition, ‘an American (esp. a North American) of African origin; a black American’. See ‘African American, n. and adj.’, OED Online, Oxford University Press (July 2018). For the difficulties in defining ‘Afro-American’ and the early origins and different development of African American cultures, see Berlin, Ira, ‘Time, space, and the evolution of Afro-American Society on British mainland North America’, American Historical Review, 85 (1980), pp. 4478CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 A ninety-one-man escort group aboard the Kanrin Maru, plus an additional eleven American sailors transported the embassy's gifts and luggage. The Kanrin Maru arrived in California two weeks before the USS Powhatan. The escort group, upon receiving word that the ambassadors had arrived safely in DC, left for Japan in May 1860.

5 For discussion of the embassy members and selection process, see Miyoshi, Masao, As we saw them: the first Japanese embassy to the United States (1860) (Berkeley, CA, 1979), p. 28Google Scholar.

6 Masao Miyoshi's As we saw them is the most thorough and critical scholarship of the embassy. Nearly all modern English-language studies cite Miyoshi's excellent translations and research. Other works highlight the embassy's reception in the context of US–Japan state relations, Japanese literature, or the personal experiences of the embassy members. See LaFeber, Walter, The clash: a history of U.S.–Japan relations (New York, NY, 2007)Google Scholar; Beasley, W. G., Japan encounters the barbarian: Japanese travellers in America and Europe (New Haven, CT, 1995)Google Scholar; Keene, Donald, Modern Japanese diaries: the Japanese at home and abroad as revealed through their diaries (New York, NY, 1998)Google Scholar. These notable works excepted, most English-language writings on this embassy reflect a racialized early and mid-twentieth-century celebration of an ‘awakened’ Japan on the road to progress. For one of many examples, see Yanaga, Chitoshi, ‘The first Japanese embassy to the United States’, Pacific Historical Review, 9 (1940), pp. 113–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Japanese scholarship rarely questions the veracity or intent of the American reports of the embassy's visit. Modern Japanese scholarship focuses on the embassy's effect on future intellectual and political leaders, such as Fukuzawa Yukichi, upon their return to Japan, as well as the observations of the participants themselves. See Masao, Nakazaki, Fukuzawa Yukichi to shashin'ya no musume (Osaka, 1996)Google Scholar; Susumu, Hashimoto, Kanrin Maru taikai o yuku: San Furanshisuko kōkai no shinsō (Tokyo, 2010)Google Scholar.

7 Though not the focus of this study, several of the samurai discussed native, immigrant, and African American people encountered during their travels. For one of many examples, see Norimasa, Muragaki, ‘Kenbeishi nikki’, in Kyōkai, Nihon Shiseki, ed., Kengai shisetsu nikki sanshū (Tokyo, 1971)Google Scholar.

8 The Japanese ambassadors were a racial minority within the geographic context of the United States, but not, as can be imagined, in their own country. I here refer to the Japanese as a minority to reflect their status as a racial minority while physically in the United States.

9 ‘Japanese – the objects of the embassy, etc.’, Wilmington Journal, 24 May 1860, p. 5.

10 ‘The Japanese embassy – their arrival at Washington, &c., &c.’, Daily Exchange, 15 May 1860, p. 4.

11 ‘Japan’, Daily Exchange, 25 May 1860, p. 4.

12 Here I am using the phrase ‘metropolitan publications’ to encompass newspapers, including those with a political and/or commercial focus, published in metropolitan areas in daily and/or weekly form and aimed towards an English-speaking audience, excluding specialty publications targeting specific minority and religious groups, women, or children. Examples of such publications consulted for this study include the New York Herald, the Daily Dispatch, Harper's Weekly, the Daily Alta California, and the New Orleans Daily Crescent, among others. The majority of these metropolitan publications’ editors, publishers, and documented contributors were white and male.

13 ‘The Japanese embassy in San Francisco – their trip – recapture by the state authorities – California news – advices from the territories, &c.’, Daily Dispatch (DD), vol. xvii, 17 Apr. 1860, p. 2.

14 This analysis is based on an earlier study of every surviving issue of every surviving daily newspaper published in the four most populated Southern cities between the months of May and August 1860. Additional issues printed before and after the above range, as well as select leading Northern publications, such as the New York Times, were consulted to illuminate the different ways in which Southern and Northern publications rejected the 1860 Japanese embassy. For a full list of periodicals and the complete study of the welcome and subsequent rejection of the 1860 Japanese embassy, see Natalia Doan, ‘Samurai and Southern belles: “Prince Tommy” and Southern representations of the 1860 Japanese embassy’ (M.Sc. thesis, Oxford, 2015).

15 ‘The Japanese embassy in San Francisco’, DD, p. 2.

16 ‘Our Japanese visitors’, Harper's Weekly, vol. iv, no. 178, Harper & Brothers, 26 May 1860, p. 2 [322].

17 For more on bodies as encounters, see Ballantyne, Tony and Burton, Antoinette M., Bodies in contact: rethinking colonial encounters in world history (Durham, NC, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

19 None of the publications in this study had explicit religious affiliations. African American and abolitionist newspapers frequently invoked religious elements to further condemn racial injustice. For one of many examples, see the reprinted article ‘Conflict between Christianity and slavery’, Anti-Slavery Bugle (ASB), vol. 15, no. 39, 12 May 1860, p. 1.

20 Ball, Erica L., Race in the Atlantic world, 1700–1900: to live an antislavery life: personal politics and the antebellum black middle class (Athens, GA, 2012), p. 16.Google Scholar

21 Ibid., p. 7.

22 Defining African American newspapers and periodicals as those published and/or written by African Americans, as well as those publications with African Americans as their target audience, the African American and abolitionist publications with extant issues published between April and August 1860, the period of highest discussion of the embassy, consist of the following: the Anglo-African Magazine (NY), the Anti-Slavery Bugle (OH), the Anti-Slavery Tracts (NY), Douglass’ Monthly (NY), the Liberator (MA), the National Anti-Slavery Standard (NY), and the Weekly Anglo-African (NY).

23 Articles about the Japanese appeared in Californian newspapers in March upon the arrival of the Kanrin Maru and enjoyed heavy reprinting throughout April. Extensive and reprinted commentary regarding the embassy regularly appeared in metropolitan publications through August 1860. The only extant 1860 issues of the Anglo-African Magazine are listed as published January through March. However, the 26 May Weekly Anglo-African advertised the recent release of the February issue of the Anglo-African Magazine. It can be assumed, then, that the production of the February and March issues of the Anglo-American Magazine coincided with the stay of the Japanese embassy. See ‘The Anglo-African Magazine’, WAA, vol. 1, 26 May 1860, p. 2.

24 Hutton, Frankie, The early black press in America, 1827 to 1860 (Westport, CT, 1993), p. xvGoogle Scholar.

25 The Anti-Slavery Bugle was funded by the Anti-Slavery Society, a British organization. The other newspapers in this study received funding through donations, often from white abolitionists, and subscriptions. Low subscriber counts and unpaid dues resulted in the closing of many African American publications in the antebellum era. For discussion of the financing and circulation of African American periodicals, see Bullock, Penelope L., The Afro-American periodical press 1838–1909 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1981)Google Scholar, especially pp. 233–4 and 240–1, for the subscription rates and publication details of some of the newspapers cited in this study.

26 Wilentz, Sean, The rise of American democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York, NY, 2005), p. 410Google Scholar.

27 References to the ‘African American community’ henceforth refer to free, urban, middle-class African Americans. Though the interests and views of African Americans and abolitionists often differed, both types of publications with an overlapping audience interested in racial equality were consulted for this study. Three publications, the Anti-Slavery Reporter (1840–1909), the African Repository (1850–92), and the New-York Tribune (1841–66) were intentionally omitted. The first, although circulated in the United States, was a British publication with no extant 1860 issues. The African Repository was a product of the American Colonization Society (ACS) and encouraged the ‘repatriation’ of African Americans into Liberia. The ACS, though its aims appealed to some African Americans, was based on the assumption that free African Americans could never truly be American citizens. For this reason, despite its target audience of African Americans, the African Repository is not comparable to publications that urged the pursuit and promotion of racial equality in America. Similarly, the New-York Tribune was the most widely circulated abolitionist newspaper of its day, but it was pro-abolition, not pro-equality. The Tribune’s editor, Horace Greeley, received frequent condemnation in African American periodicals and speeches for his ‘negro-hate’. See ‘Mr. Horace Greeley's Dislikes’, Liberator, vol. xxx, 23 Mar. 1860, p. 2.

28 ‘Prejudice against color manifested toward the Japanese embassy’, Douglass' Monthly, vol. iii, July 1860, p. 304 (16). Also ‘Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, on the bill for the admission of Kansas as a free state’, ibid., p. 302 (14).

29 Ibid., p. 304 (16).

30 Publications large and small reprinted news from metropolitan publications. African American publications too, as small, though influential organizations, gathered and discussed the news their editors believed most appealing to and necessary for their readers. For a history of early African American publication practices, see Hutton, The early black press in America, 1827 to 1860. Very few articles in the newspapers consulted for this study cited individual or group authorship by name. None of the Japanese-related material, excepting transcribed speeches about the Japanese, cited more than a penname or set of initials. Though it is possible authors feared the repercussions of personal linkage to inflammatory articles, or that the authors – especially for papers such as Douglass’ Monthly – were the editors themselves, most antebellum newspapers attributed simply initials, a last name, or no name at all to the authorship of their articles. For more details on the journalistic practices of the era, see Cordell, Ryan, ‘Reprinting, circulation, and the network author in antebellum newspapers’, American Literary History, 27 (2015), p. 417CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 ‘Japan – Arcadia realized’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 45, 23 June 1860, p. 4; ‘Japan – Acadia [sic] realized’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 42, 2 June 1860, p. 4.

32 See ‘A Japanese belle’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 4, p. 4; also ‘Japanese clothing’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 42, 9 June 1860, p. 4.

33 ‘A Japanese belle’, ASB.

34 ‘Japan – Acadia [sic] realized’, ASB.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid.

37 Ibid.

38 No direct interaction occurred between the embassy and Frederick Douglass, who had recently returned from Europe. Though no longer under direct suspicion as a potential conspirator in John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry, Douglass was in mourning for the death of his ten-year-old daughter. Douglass was highly aware of the Japanese visit, and both reprinted and published articles about the embassy in Douglass’ Monthly.

39 Masao Miyoshi discusses the homogeneity of the embassy's reactions to non-white people. See Miyoshi, As we saw them, pp. 59–64.

40 ‘Our Philadelphia letter’, WAA, vol. 1, 30 June 1860, p. 3.

41 For some of many examples, see ‘The Japanese at New York’, DD, vol. xvii, 4 May 1860, p. 1; ‘The Japanese embassy at Panama’, New Orleans Daily Crescent, vol. xiii, 14 May 1860, p. 10.

42 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

43 Ibid.

44 ‘Our Philadelphia letter’, WAA.

45 Bob'n Around, ‘A letter to my country cousin’, WAA, vol. 1, 7 July 1860, p. 2. This satirical letter, of unknown authorship, was written from the perspective of a man to his cousin, describing the New York procession of the embassy. The light tone of the narrator, an avid supporter of the Weekly Anglo-African, grows more serious as he discusses the injustices of racial prejudice and the potential positive effects of the ‘complexional sympathy’ of the Japanese on the American people.

46 The Japanese observed African Americans employed in a serving capacity at hotels and at musical performances, but these were distanced encounters not designed to encourage communication. No African Americans were diplomatically introduced to the Japanese.

47 For discussions of intentionalized distance, see ‘Imperfection of the Japanese programme’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 45, 30 June 1860, p. 2.

48 Ibid.

49 Charles Sumner criticized the ‘character of slavery as a pretended form of civilization’ in his notable attack on slavery. ‘Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, on the bill for the admission of Kansas as a free state’, Douglass' Monthly, pp. 290 (2) – 304 (16).

50 ‘Imperfection of the Japanese programme’, ASB.

51 Ibid.

52 ‘Plan for opening Japan’, National Era, vol. v, 18 Sept. 1851, p. 152 (4).

53 ‘Original communications’, Freedom's Journal, vol. ii, 5 Dec. 1828, p. 130 (2).

54 Ibid.

55 ‘Mourning’, Freedom's Journal, vol. ii, 2 Jan. 1829, p. 314 (6).

56 M. R. D., ‘Southern customs – Madame Chevalier’, The North Star, vol. ii, 22 June 1849, p. 2.

57 The mentions of Japan in connection to barbarism were reprints of political speeches and current events articles from other newspapers. See ibid.

58 E. B., ‘Glasgow, Scot., May 28, 1852’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, vol. v, 24 June 1852, p. 3.

59 ‘Anti-slavery convention at Lockport’, The North Star, vol. iv, 3 Apr. 1851, p. 2.

60 ‘Going further to fare worse’, Frederick Douglass' Paper, vol. v, 11 Mar. 1852, p. 3.

61 The United States had engaged in commerce with Haiti, but did not diplomatically recognize the country until 1862. For a history of US–Haiti relations, see Philippe R. Girard, ‘Haiti and the early United States’, Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History (Dec. 2015)

62 Osterhammel, Jürgen, The transformation of the world: a global history of the nineteenth century (Princeton, NJ, 2014), p. 845Google Scholar. For discussion of the colonization movement, see Berlin, Ira, Slaves without masters: the free negro in the antebellum south (New York, NY, 1974)Google Scholar; Horton, James Oliver, Free people of color: inside the African American community (Washington, DC, 1993)Google Scholar; for opinions on colonization in some of the newspapers above, see Tripp, Bernell E., ‘Like father, like son: the antislavery legacy of William Hamilton’, in Sachsman, David B. et al. , eds., Seeking a voice: images of race and gender in the 19th century press (West Lafayette, IN, 2009), pp. 8796Google Scholar.

63 ‘Going further to fare worse’, Frederick Douglass’ Paper.

64 Benedict Anderson used the phrase ‘imagined community’ to define the nation as ‘an imagined political community – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign’. See Anderson, Benedict, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (rev. edn, London, 2006), p. 5Google Scholar. The interactions between African Americans and the Japanese were neither communal, in the sense of both sides participating, nor political – rather, they subverted US state policies. For these reasons, I term these interracial interpretations as those of ‘imagined solidarity’ rather than as part of an ‘imagined community’.

65 ‘The Japanese at Philadelphia’, New York Times (NYT), vol. II, 11 June 1860, p. 1.

66 Ibid.

67 This representation dramatically differed from earlier representations of the Chinese in metropolitan publications, which emphasized the dissimilarities between the Japanese and ‘all the races of Asia’. See ‘The Japanese embassy in San Francisco’, DD, p. 2. As the metropolitan press perceived the embassy members’ threat to America's racial hierarchy, assertations of Japanese difference from the Chinese decreased.

68 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

69 ‘The Japanese at Philadelphia’, NYT.

70 Ibid. Several articles reprinted reports of members of the crowd comparing the Japanese to monkeys. See ‘Movements of the Japanese’, Harper's Weekly, 23 June 1860, p. 391 (7). Also ‘The Japanese in New York’, New York Herald, 15 June 1860, p. 2. It is, of course, possible that these reports of racial rejection were manufactured. It is equally possible that this rejection did occur, but went unnoticed by the Japanese. The Japanese were in the carriages for the duration of the parade and very few of the embassy members had any proficiency in the English language.

71 Cornwallis, Kinahan, ‘Paddy's ode to the prince’, Vanity Fair, vol. 2, 1860, p. 126Google Scholar.

72 ‘The Japanese embassy’, Louisville Daily Journal (LDJ), vol. xxx, 1 May 1860, p. 4.

73 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

74 Discussing the comparative treatment of the Japanese in various cities, see ‘The Japanese in New York’, New York Herald.

75 Ibid. This term was also used offensively to describe Irish immigrants. See Samito, Christian G., Becoming American under fire: Irish Americans, African Americans, and the politics of citizenship during the Civil War era (Ithaca, NY, 2009), p. 19Google Scholar.

76 This racist remark was reprinted in an abolitionist publication. See M., ‘Our Philadelphia correspondence’, National Anti-Slavery Standard, vol. xxi, American Anti-Slavery Society, 23 June 1860, p. 3.

77 ‘Prejudice against color manifested toward the Japanese embassy’, Douglass' Monthly, p. 304 (16).

78 Ibid. This article, while reporting outrage at the treatment of the Japanese, described the embassy members as ‘unsophisticated’ and ‘simple children of the sun’. It is perhaps possible that these descriptions reflect the importance of religion – ‘Christianity over Idolatry [and] American civilization over heathenism’ – to the African American press and the concerns that many Americans had about the embassy members not being Christian. For the importance of religion and the church to nineteenth-century African Americans, see Glaude, Eddie S. Jr, Exodus!: religion, race, and nation in early nineteenth-century black America (Chicago, IL, 2000), pp. 1921Google Scholar. However, considering the later defence of the Japanese in Douglass’ Monthly, as well as the life work of Douglass himself, I do not believe that Douglass or the author of this article actually believed the Japanese to be ‘children’ or ‘unsophisticated’. This article begins from the perspective of those discriminated against based on colour. When describing the parade, the author adopts the rhetoric of an American perpetrator of racial intolerance, describing ‘our incivility’ and declaring that ‘we hate niggers … [and] we pour contempt upon all the dark races of men’. At the end of the article, the author returns to the ‘us’ who, like the embassy, experience racial prejudice.

79 ‘The Japanese at Philadelphia’, NYT.

80 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

81 Bob'n Around, ‘A letter to my country cousin’, WAA.

82 Ibid.

83 Berlin, Slaves without masters, p. 369.

84 Eileen Southern defined blackface minstrel shows, also known as ‘Ethopian minstrelsy’, as a type of entertainment that ‘[emerged] during the 1820s and reached its zenith during the 1840s to the 1880s. The first half of the period was dominated by whites, who blackened their faces with burnt cork and took to the stage to impersonate the rural slave and his free urban counterpart’. I describe these productions as ‘minstrel shows’ instead of ‘blackface minstrelsy’ since it is unclear whether the actors in these performances donned blackface in their representation of the Japanese. See Southern, Eileen, ‘Black musicians and early Ethiopian minstrelsy’, in Bean, Annemarie et al. , eds., Inside the minstrel mask: readings in nineteenth-century blackface minstrelsy (Hanover, NH, 1996), p. 43Google Scholar.

85 Eric Lott, ‘Blackface and blackness: the minstrel show in American culture’, in Bean et al., eds., Inside the minstrel mask, p. 13.

86 ‘George Christy's minstrels – Niblo's saloon, the coolest salon in the city’, New York Herald, 20 June 1860, p. 7.

87 Many minstrel theatres allowed African Americans into less desirable sections of the theatre. See Christy Minstrels in Philadelphia, ‘The Japanese Treaty’, 25 July 1860, MS Thr 1556 (1322), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Other performances banned African American guests entirely. See Morris Bros., Pell & Trowridge's Minstrels, ‘Programme for this evening’, MS Thr 556 (502), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

88 Considering the celebrity of the embassy, it would have been nearly impossible for one of the samurai to observe this performance undetected, undisturbed, or unmentioned. It is equally unlikely that American officials tasked with ensuring the Japanese returned to their country with a high opinion of America and its people would have exposed the embassy to such entertainment, especially when hundreds of artists, businessmen, and politicians regularly beseeched the Japanese to visit their reputable establishments, and were denied.

89 Christy Minstrels, ‘Immense hit or the treaty with Japan’, 12 Nov. 1862, MS Thr 556 (319), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

90 ‘Frederick Douglass in Newcastle-on-Tyne’, Douglass' Monthly, vol. ii, Apr. 1860, p. 6.

91 LDJ, vol. xxx, Prentice, Henderson, & Osborne, 18 June 1860, p. 4.

92 Ibid.

93 ‘A negro's notion of the Japanese’, Lewistown Gazette, 7 June 1860, p. 2.

94 See ‘John Chinaman's view of treaties’, DD, vol. xvii, 2 May 1860, p. 1; also ‘Japanese’, Daily Exchange, vol. v, 1 May 1860, p. 1.

95 ASB, vol. 15, no. 39, 12 May 1860, p. 1.

96 For examples, see LDJ, vol. xxx, 18 June 1860, p. 4; ‘A negroe's [sic] opinion of the Japanese’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 43, 9 June 1860, p. 3; also ASB, vol. 15, no. 44, 16 June 1860, p. 1.

97 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

98 Ibid.

99 ‘Editorial notes’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 44, 16 June 1860, p. 3.

100 Ibid.

101 ‘A bit of satire’, ASB, vol. 15, no. 50, 28 July 1860, p. 1.

102 Ibid.

103 Ibid.

104 Banneker, ‘Our Philadelphia letter’, WAA. Many of the embassy members were mistakenly referred to as ‘princes’ by the American press. See ‘About the strangers’, NYT, vol. ix, 18 May 1860, p. 8.

105 Ibid.

106 Ibid.

107 ‘A bit of satire’, ASB.

108 Koshiro, Yukiko, ‘Beyond an alliace of colour: the African American impact on modern Japan’, Positions: East Asian Cultures Critiques, 11 (2003), pp. 183215CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 197.

109 For early twentieth-century black internationalism, see Gallicchio, Marc S., The African American encounter with Japan and China: black internationalism in Asia, 1895–1945 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2000)Google Scholar.

110 ‘The American expedition to Japan’, Republic, 21 May 1852, p. 1.

111 ‘Doings in South Carolina. The hair-brained fools of South Calhounia’, North Star, vol. ii, 12 Oct 1849, p. 2.

112 Ibid.

113 Iriye, Akira, Across the Pacific: an inner history of American–East Asian relations (New York, NY, 1967), p. 7Google Scholar.

114 ‘Imperfection of the Japanese programme’, ASB.

115 Ibid.

116 For the interplay of race, class, and self-improvement in the lives of antebellum African Americans, see Walker, Clarence E., ‘The American negro as historical outsider, 1836–1935’, Canadian Review of American Studies, 17 (1986), pp. 137–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Bob'n Around, ‘A letter to my country cousin’, WAA.

118 For the relationship between African Americans and Irish immigrants, see Samito, Becoming American under fire, pp. 18–22.

119 Bob'n Around, ‘A letter to my country cousin’, WAA.

120 Ibid.

121 Not all African American and abolitionist publications expressed anti-Irish sentiment. The Anti-slavery tracts, for example, urged solidarity with and compassion for Irish immigrants. See O'Connell, Daniel and Mathew, Theobald, ‘Address from the people of Ireland, to their countrymen and countrywomen in America!’, Anti-slavery tracts no. 5: Daniel O'Connell upon American slavery: with other Irish testimonies, American Anti-Slavery Society, 1860, p. 38Google Scholar.

122 ‘The Japanese’, WAA.

123 Ibid.