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Business, corporatism and the crisis of the French Third Republic. The example of the silk industry in Lyon, 1928–1935

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Kevin Passmore
Affiliation:
University of Wales College of Cardiff

Abstract

The main purpose of this case study of an abortive entente in the Lyon silk industry in 1935 is to show that corporatism, often depicted by historians as a vague intellectual doctrine with little or no appeal to real business, was in reality a key category, linking business, politics and ideology. It is suggested that the problems of the silk industry must be seen in the context of a crisis of the Lyonnais liberal tradition and of the economic and ideological contradictions of French society as a whole. These tensions help in turn to explain the authoritarian potential of corporatism in the 1930s and the attraction of many business people to anti-parliamentary political movements. The example of the silk industry also reveals that corporatism cannot easily be categorised in terms of a traditional/modern dichotomy and that the impetus for the transformation of the French economy originated as much in the ideas of business people themselves as in the actions of the elite groups emphasised by some historians.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

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References

1 I wish to thank John Breuilly and Richard Vinen for their comments on an earlier draft of this article.

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21 CRCCL, 1935, p. 148.

22 CRSFS, 1928: 36% of fabricants-usiniers, 11% of non-usiniers. The latter figure would be much lower were non-syndiqués to be taken into account.

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29 PVCCL, 7 Feb. 1929.

30 In 1928 eight out of nine members of its bureau can be identified, of whom seven were factory owners.

31 Procès verbaux de la Chambre de Commerce de Lyon (PVCCL), 10 Jan. 1929, 14 Feb. 1935.

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44 Fonds Justin Godart, carton I (hereafter FJG, all documents from carton I), Report of Daniel Isaac, 13 Oct. 1935.

45 The support of many artisans in France as a whole for Radicalism is well known (Berstein, S., Histoire du Parti radical (2 vols., Paris, 19801982), pp. 267–70)Google Scholar. Lyon was not an exception to this pattern, Pinol, J.-L., Espace social et espace politique. Lyon à l'époque du Front populaire (Lyon, 1980).Google Scholar

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51 Morel-Journel, Journal, 11 Nov. 1932.

52 PVCCL, 7 Feb. 1929.

53 Zdatny, , The politics of survival, pp. 27–8, 4960Google Scholar. The Lyon Chamber also fought to keep shopkeepers out of the chambers of trades (PVCCL, 19 June 1930).

54 On this issue big business had the support of many artisan bodies, which also wished to limit employment of compagnons to one. It was small business proper rather than the artisanate that wished to widen the definition. Thus before the depression big business did not reject he idea that some small producers ought to be protected, it simply attempted to limit the number of beneficiaries. But in the new circumstances of the depression small business as a whole came under attack.

55 Le Nouvelliste, 31 Mar. 1928.

56 Ladous, , ‘Auguste Isaac et la tradition républicaine’, pp. 147–8.Google Scholar

57 Bertrand, , Soierie lyonnaise, pp. 49, 147–8Google Scholar: ‘L'ouvrier français est plus habile – et moins discipliné – et cela ne se compense pas’.

58 PVCCL, 24 Oct. 1929.

59 Kuisel, R., Ernest Mercier, French technocrat (Berkeley, 1967).Google Scholar

60 John, Laffey, ‘Imperialism 1900–1938’, p. 231Google Scholar, quotes Auguste Isaac, for whom the mission civilisatrice meant elevating the native to the status of ‘one who understands the services rendered to him and is accustomed to pay for them’.

61 Formed by a fusion of the Association des patrons lyonnais, close to the Nouvelliste, and the Union catholique lyonnais which was more moderate. Nouvelliste, 13 Mar. 1928, 12 Mar. 1929, 10 Mar. 1930; Ponson, C., ‘La “Chronique sociale” de Lyon en 1940’ in Eglises et chrétiens dans la deuxième guerre mondiale (Lyon, 1978), p. 28Google Scholar; Henry, Bertrand, Soierie lyonnaise, pp. 49, 147–8Google Scholar, endorsed a social Catholicism, ‘tinted with a light varnish of socialism’.

62 Passmore, K., ‘The right and the extreme right in the department of the Rhône, 1928 to 1939’ (unpublished Ph. D., Warwick, 1992), pp. 178–84.Google Scholar

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65 Garcin, S., ‘La fabrique lyonnais de soieries’.Google Scholar

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70 The silk industry accounted for 11% of French exports in 1928, but only 5% in 1935.

71 CRSFS, 1928 and 1937: a fall of 60%.

72 Lyon républicain, 26 Sept. 1934; Geni, , ‘L'Organisation professionnelle’, p. 112Google Scholar, stated that in 1935 60% of looms were not working. Bonneville, , Naissance et metamorphose, pp. 52–3.Google Scholar

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74 CRCCL, 1931, p. 577.

75 Pinton, A., ‘La soie artificielle à Lyon en 1935’, Etudes rhodaniennes, VII (1936), 104–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 CRCCL, 1929, p. 644: Louis Guéneau stated that the rise of rayon ‘s'est produite avec une intensité, avec une rapidité si differentes de celles du passé en matières textiles qu'on est déconcerté’.

77 Report of Vautheret in CRCCL, 1932, pp. 285–91; PVCCL, 22 Mar. 1932.

78 CRCCL, 1930, pp. 552–3.

79 FJG, Vautheret to Godart, 5 Nov. 1934.

80 FJG, Daniel Isaac to minister of commerce, 13 Oct. 1935.

81 PVCCL, 30 Oct. 1935 and 14 Nov. 1935.

82 FJG, Eymard to Van Gelder, 4 Nov. 1935.

83 Quoted in Jackson, , The politics of depression, p. 96.Google Scholar

84 PVCCL, 24 Jan. 1935.

85 PVCCL, 14 Feb. 1935. As one slightly hysterical opponent of the entente put it, ‘non seulement le Ministère du Commerce est représenté dans le soviet qui doit présider aux déstinées des ententes professionnelles mais encore le Ministère du Travail s'est infiltré dans ce même comité par la présence d'un délégué et, d'autre part, […] il y aurait un délégué ouvrier et certainement, il y en aura plusiers: probablement un représentant chaque région de tissage. C'est done la socialization complète de notre industrie’ (FJG, Eymard to Van Gelder, 4 Nov. 1935).

86 Nouvelliste, 26 Nov. 1931, 28 Nov. 1931.

87 Nouvelliste, 1 Nov. 1931, 26 Nov. 1931, 29 Nov. 1931; Voix sociale, July 1932; Lyon républicain, 20 Apr. 1935; CRCCL, 1932, p. 287.

88 Voix sociale, July. 1932; February and November 1935.

89 Massoubre, E., ‘Les ententes professionnelles dans le cadre national et la doctrine économique’ (unpublished Thèse pour le doctorat, Paris, 1935).Google Scholar

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91 CRCCL, 1935, p. 148.

92 For a summary of the history of the entente see Geni, , ‘L'organisation professionnelle’, pp. 112–41.Google Scholar

93 Henry Morel-Journel reported in his diary on 29 Apr. 1932 that there had been disagreement in the Union des Marchands de Soie over this issue.

94 FJG, rapport Isaac, 13 Oct. 1935; circular from Comité de défense, 12 Nov. 1935.

95 FJG, rapport Isaac, 13 Oct. 1935; a circular of the Comité de défense asked ‘Pourquoi les commerçants prudents feraient-ils les frais de ceux qui ont vu trop grande?’. An article in Salut public, 20 Nov. 1935, of which Isaac was managing director, took up the same theme.

96 Nouvelliste, 5 Dec. 1935.

97 L'Union républicaine, 17 Feb. 1935.

98 L'Union républicaine, 24 Nov. 1935.

99 PVCCL, 25 Oct. 1934. Henry Morel-Journel saw a combination of ententes, state backing and private initiative as an alternative to corporatism, Lyon républicain, 27 Oct. 1935.

100 FJG, Fructus to Godart, 28 Sept. 1935, 30 Sept. 1935: he used the example of his own firm to show that the entente was a threat to the whole system of flexible production. Year round weaving of cheap fabrics for the east, made possible by low costs, was the only means of keeping in action looms that were also able to produce certain luxury silks when fashion demanded. See also the motion of Group II of the SFS (Articles pour l'Orient), 26 Oct. 1935 (FJG).

101 Not a tarif, which would penalise non-usiniers, but a minimum wage to be applied to the whole industry.

102 FJG, Fructus to Godart, 16 Dec. 1935.

103 Bulletin mensuel du commerce, de l'industrie et de l'agriculture, Jan.–Mar., 1928. The views of such people confirm Max Weber's view, that ‘not ideas, but material and ideal interests, directly govern men's conduct. Yet very frequently the “world images” that have been created by “ideas” have, like switchmen, determined the tracks along which action has been pushed by the dynamic of interest’. (Quoted in Murphy, R., Social closure. the theory of monopolization and exclusion (Oxford, 1988), p. 1).Google Scholar

104 Journal d'Henry Morel-Journel, 18 Oct. 1935.

105 Bulletin des soies, 25 Apr. 1936.

106 Passmore, , ‘The right and the extreme right’, pp. 196–8Google Scholar. The silk industry's opposition to agricultural protectionism was weakened by the fact that it too demanded measures against Japanese ‘dumping’.

107 FJG, Circular of SFS (undated).

108 Lyon républican, 20 Apr. 1935.

109 Kuisel, R., Capitalism and the state, pp. 102–4.Google Scholar

110 For a stimulating discussion of corporatism see Berger, S., Peasants against politics: rural organization in Brittany (Massachusetts, 1972), pp. 120–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

111 PVCCL, 19 Jan. 1933.

112 PVCCL, 13 Feb. 1936.

113 pvCCL, 13 Feb. 1936, 30 Apr. 1936; Morel-Journel, Journal, 14 May 1936.

114 L' Union républicaine, 17 Feb. 1935.

115 On these distinctions see Passmore, K., ‘The French Third Republic. Stalemate society or cradle of fascism’, French History, VII, No. 4 (1993), 417–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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117 Dupraz, J., Regards sur le fascisme (Lyon, 1935)Google Scholar. The effective leader of AICA, Aymé Bernard, is said by Richard, Vinen (The politics of French business, 1936–1945 (CUP, 1989), pp. 56–7))Google Scholar to have been an opponent of corporatism. In fact he believed that business should be regulated by a kind of conseil d'ordre similar to that in the legal profession (AICA Bulletins et documents, 1 May 1939).

118 Passmore, , ‘The right and the extreme right’, pp. 128–30, 248–52, 324–30.Google Scholar

119 Kuisel, , Capitalism and the state, pp. 102–4Google Scholar. Kuisel's definition of corporatism is very close to that used in this article.

120 PVCCL, 14 Feb. 1935, Morel-Journel reported that in a meeting of the Association of Presidents of Chambers of Commerce, Paris, Lyon and Rouen had favoured the idea of ententes, but representatives of port towns had opposed them.

121 This is to agree with Vinen, R., The politics of French business, pp. 5560Google Scholar, that corporatism was not an expression of the interests of any particular faction of big business.

122 This is the view of Hoffman, and, with certain qualifications, of Kuisel, R.Capitalism and the state, conclusion.Google Scholar

123 My conclusions should be diffentiated from those of K-J, Müller, ‘French fascism and modernization’, Journal of Contemporary History (1976)Google Scholar, who argues that the hostility of certain modernising businessmen to the stalemate society caused them to turn to the leagues. The fixed social alliances described by Müller simply did not exist. My view is that authoritarianism issued from an acute crisis in a society where social, economic and ideological alliances had always been exceptionally unstable.