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Religion and the Collapse of Gladstone's First Government, 1870–1874*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

J. P. Parry
Affiliation:
Peterhouse, Cambridge

Extract

Gladstone has not been well served by the historiographical tradition dominant for much of this century. It has disseminated an image of him that emphasizes little more than an undefined ‘reformism’ and a moralizing populism; this is as unhelpful and distorted as is the interpretation, emanating from the same source, of much of the rest of nineteenth-century politics. It is no longer enough to judge public figures of this period by the degree of their commitment to nebulous platitudes like ‘social reform’ or ‘progress’: historians have recently exposed the flimsy foundations that sustain the reputations of even those most frequently celebrated in these spheres. It is misleading to concentrate attention on the development of institutional reform, centralized government, trade union legislation, or welfare statutes for the poor; franchise extension apart, advances here were often provoked solely by bureaucratic agency or by the concern of philanthropic backbenchers, and contributed only occasionally to the major disputes of Victorian political society. If we are to shed light on the domestic issues of vital importance to contemporary politicians, we need a far more coherent account than is now available of financial, taxation and land policy on the one hand, and, on the other, of the main subject of this article, the role of religion in politics.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

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104 Hansard, ccx, 343–59, 602–3, 723.

105 Stansfeld to Halifax, 23 Apr. 1872, Hickleton papers, A 4 51.

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114 Dublin column, The Times, 18, 24, 26 Feb., 3 Mar. 1873.

115 Hansard, ccxiv, 1824–6, 11 Mar. 1873.

116 The whips had accurately computed two days before that only sixteen Irish Liberal M.P.s of any sect would support the bill. One very moderate Irishman, O’Reilly, said that he would have voted for the second reading but for Cardwell's speech. Hartington to Spencer, 8 Mar. 1873, Holland, Devonshire, I, 116; Hansard, ccxiv, 1754.

117 For example in his Address to the electors of Greenwich, 24 January 1874; see E. R. Norman, Catholic Church and Ireland, p. 451.

118 Other secularists who opposed the bill were Horsman and Whalley; Fitzmaurice and the nonconformist Taylor abstained. However, these six were also notorious party dissidents probably motivated in large part by dislike of Gladstone (as were a couple of the whiggish rebels). For Fitzmaurice and Horsman on the academic question, see Hansard, ccxiv, 1209, 1419. For the whips, see Holland, Devonshire, I, 116.

119 Hansard, ccxiv, 1773; for Harcourt, see Ibid. 1618–30.

120 Ibid. 1855.

121 Ibid. 1618–9. Bouverie, Torrens, Akroyd and Peel were the most celebrated of the whiggish rebels; others had been undistinguished.

122 Fortescue to Northbrook, 9 Mar. 1873, Northbrook papers, India Office Library, Eur. c 144, 21 (1); Minto to W. Wilson, 24 Feb. 1874, Minto papers, National Library of Scotland, 12360, fo. 88.

123 Hansard, ccxiv, 1683–7.

124 Ibid. 1226–30.

125 Harcourt to Rathbone, Jan. 1874, Rathbone papers, Liverpool University Library, IX 7, fo. 144; Gardiner, Harcourt, I, 263–6, 279.

126 Russell to Halifax, 11 Mar. 1874, Hickleton papers, A 4 56. Whigs could complain not merely about religious policy, but about indecision abroad and extremist tendencies on local government and taxation, which must be explained elsewhere.

127 Grey to Halifax, 25 Jan. 1874, Ibid. A 4 55; Somerset, in Hansard, ccxviii, 39–43, 19 Mar. 1874; Halifax to Northbrook, 26 Mar. 1874, Northbrook papers, 22.

128 For example Harrington to Gladstone, 11 May 1872, Gladstone papers, 44143, fo. 166.

129 Holland, Devonshire, I, 136.

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140 Harcourt, Speech to his constituents, pp. 19–20; Spencer to Hartington, 23 [Dec] 1870, Devonshire papers, 354, fo. 2; Lowe to Ellice, 13 Dec. 1874, Ellice papers, 15036, fo. 86.

141 Lowe to Ellice, Ibid.; Argyll to Selborne, 21 Dec. 1874, Selborne to Gordon, 6 Sept. 1874, Selborne, Memorials II, I, 360, 333–6.

142 Chamberlain, J., ‘The next page of the Liberal programme’, Fortnightly Review, xvi (Oct. 1874), 405–29; Hirst, Morley, II, 11–12. This belief was powerfully reinforced by developments in Scottish ecclesiastical politics, which must be investigated separately.Google Scholar

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144 Gladstone to Bright, 27 Jan. 1874, Bright papers, 43385, fo. 247.

145 Bouverie to Ellice, 3 Sept. 1873, Ellice papers, 15005, fo. 130; Halifax to Northbrook, 12. Aug. 1874, Kimberley to Northbrook, 9 Aug. 1874, Northbrook to Kimberley, 8 Sept. 1874, all Northbrook papers, 22; Halifax to Northbrook, 21 Jan. 1875, Ibid., 23; Brand diary, summary of 1874 session, Brand papers, House of Lords Record Office.

146 Holland, Devonshire, I, 139–47. Bouverie was strongly against reuniting the party, to Ellice, 3 Nov. 1874, Ellice papers, 15005, fo. 151.

147 Selborne, Memorials II, I, 470.

148 Gladstone to Granvillc, 7 Dec. 1874, Ramm, Correspondence, II, 461.

149 Shannon, Bulgarian agitation, passim.

150 See Arnstein, W. L., The Bradlaugh case: a study in late Victorian opinion and politics (Oxford, 1965), p. 135Google Scholar: , Torrens, Twenty years, pp. 309–16.Google Scholar

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154 Russell, G. W. E. (ed.), Malcolm MacColl: memoirs and correspondence (London, 1914), pp. 226–8. Some nonconformists, like Dale, also supported the idea of substantial Irish self-government, but desired to uphold the abstract emotional appeal of empire more emphatically than they felt Gladstone did. Dale therefore withdrew from political activity on either side: Dale, Dale, pp. 448–74.Google Scholar

155 Personal papers of Lord Rendel, pp. 57–8, 65.

156 Hansard, ccciv, 1064.

157 See e.g. C. Harvie, ‘Ideology and home rule: Bryce, James, Dicey, A. V. and Ireland, 1880–1887’, English Historical Review, xci (1976), 298314Google Scholar, and Roach, J., ‘Liberalism and the Victorian intelligentsia’, Cambridge Historical Journal, xiii (1957), 5881.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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