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¹⁷ Cuddy, N., ‘Anglo-Scottish union and the court of James I, 1603–1625’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., XXXIX (1989), 107–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This marked a departure from practice under James's earlier (Scottish) favourite, Somerset, who attempted to manage patronage in both kingdoms.

¹⁸ Melrose to James, 26 July 1621, Melros papers, II, 411–12.

¹⁹ Melrose to James, 3 Aug. 1621, Melros papers, II, 425; Calderwood, , History, VII, 491.Google Scholar

²⁰ Calderwood, , History, VII, 308Google Scholar. It is interesting that his bishop, Lancelot Andrewes, later to emerge as a leading Arminian, was a nominal member of the Scottish privy council: RPCS, XI, 169.

²¹ James stayed for a week at Carnegie's house, Kinnaird, during his seven-week visit to Scotland in 1617: The Muses' Welcome to the High and Mighty Prince James …At His Majestie's Happie Retume to his Old and Native Kingdome of Scotland… (Edinburgh, 1618), pp. 85, 104.Google Scholar

²² Calderwood, , History, VII, 490Google Scholar. For their names, and the names of all those at the parliament, see Appendix. The ‘barons’ were the shire commissioners, who had gained representation as a separate estate in parliament in 1587.

²³ Melrose to James, 26 July 1621, Metros papers, II, 416; Calderwood, , History, VII, 490Google Scholar; cf. Rait, , Parliaments, p. 370.Google Scholar

²⁴ APS, IV, 594; Calderwood, , History, VII, 491.Google Scholar

²⁵ Calderwood, , History, VII, 490Google Scholar; James to parliament, n.d., Metros papers, II, 417–21.

²⁶ Melrose to James, 27 July 1621, Metros papers, II, 421–3. Melrose gives the impression that the parliament as a whole had made this decision, but this cannot be correct. Notice that 1,000,000 merks (£666,666) was already only about half the £1,200,000 suggested by Spottiswoode in Jan.

²⁷ Ibid.

²⁸ Calderwood, , History, VII, 491.Google Scholar

²⁹ Caldwood, , History, VII, 491–2.Google Scholar

³⁰ Melrose to James, 2 Aug. and 3 Aug. 1621, Metros papers, II, 423–5.

³¹ Ibid.

³² SirHamilton, Thomas, ‘Memoriall anent the progres and conclusion of the parliament haldin at Edinburgh in October 1612’, Miscellany of the Maitland Club, III (1843), 116.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Melrose to James, 3 Aug. 1621, Melros papers, II, 425.

³⁵ Melrose to James, 4 Aug. 1621, Melros papers, II, 426; Original letters, II, 661.

³⁶ How consensus was sought in English taxation debates is described in Russell, C., Parliaments and English politics, 1621–1629 (Oxford, 1979), pp. 40–1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ Calderwood, , History, VII, 498–501Google Scholar; for the official sederunt of parliament, APS, IV, 592–6, and the official voting figures, Original letters, II, 661. Among Calderwood's improvements to the sederunt is his inclusion of a substitute commissioner for Edinburgh, Andrew Scott, who replaced the goldsmith George Foulis when the latter was injured in a fall from his horse during the riding of parliament: cf. Extracts from the records of the burgh of Edinburgh, 1604–1626, ed. Wood, M. (Edinburgh, 1931), p. 224Google Scholar. Calderwood listed the voters' names, but gave no totals, and adding them up is not as simple as might be imagined. Two erroneous attempts to do so, the figures from which have unfortunately been widely quoted by later historians, are those of David Masson, in his magisterial edition of the Register of the privy council of Scotland (XII, 557–9n), and Rait, R. S., in his equally influential Parliaments of Scotland (p. 408)Google Scholar. Masson listed 85 voting in favour and 59 against; Rait's figures were 86 to 59. The main error in both cases was to count the shire commissioners (and some burgh commissioners) as voting individually, whereas the voting unit was the shire or burgh. I have corrected this in my figures. The table includes one duke (Lennox) among the earls. To Calderwood's list I have added Sir William Alexander of Menstrie, master of requests (I assume that he voted the same way as the other officers of state), and Viscount Lauderdale, whom Calderwood himself mentioned in his narrative of the parliament (p. 495) as abstaining. Another figure, more widely quoted, is the statement of Melrose that the government majority was 27: Melrose to James, 4 Aug. 1621, Metros papers, II, 426; also in Original letters, II, 661–2. Rait's figures also happened to produce such a majority, which gave them an undeserved credibility. Before leaving this subject, it should be observed that one contemporary gave the government majority as 9: John, Row, History of the kirk of Scotland (Wodrow Soc., 1842), p. 330Google Scholar. It might be conjectured that he subtracted the votes of the proxies (10 to 3), of which he complained, and the 11 bishops; he revised his work after 1638 when bishops had been abolished, and as a presbyterian he may have extended their non-existence back to 1621.

³⁸ Donaldson, G., ‘Scotland's conservative north in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’, Scottish church history (Edinburgh, 1985)Google Scholar; originally published in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., XVI (1966), 65–79.Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ RPCS, XI–XII, per index.

⁴⁷ Lee, M., Government by pen: Scotland under James VI and I (London, 1980), pp. 182–3.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lee, M., The road to revolution: Scotland under Charles I, 1625–1637 (Urbana & Chicago, 1985), p. 211Google Scholar; the point is illustrated with a list of the ‘connections’ of Dunfermline's son and successor. Dunfermline's ‘connections’ were partly based on the marriages he arranged for his nephews, the sons of the first earl of Winton: Lee, M., ‘King James's popish chancellor’, in Cowan, I. B. & Shaw, D. (eds.), The renaissance and reformation in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983), p. 181Google Scholar. His five ‘connections’ among the opposition were the earl of Eglinton (his nephew), the earl of Linlithgow (Eglinton's father-in-law), Lord Kintail (Dunfermline's son-in-law), Lord Yester (his brother-in-law, with a further marriage between the families in 1621), and the earl of Rothes (whose later half-sister had been married to Dunfermline, making Dunfermline's children by her Rothes' nephews): Lee, M., ‘James VI and the aristocracy’, Scotia, 1 (1977), p. 22Google Scholar. Equivalent ‘connections’ among those voting yes include: the third earl of Winton, Eglinton's elder brother and the head of Dunfermline's own family; Winton's father-in-law, the earl of Errol; and the earl of Kellie, whose son had married Dunfermline's daughter. Another daughter had married Viscount Lauderdale, who abstained. For these and other statements about the peerage, see Paul, J. B. (ed.), The Scots peerage (9 vols., Edinburgh, 1904–1914)Google Scholar, under the relevant title.

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⁵³ Brown, K. M., ‘Noble indebtedness in Scotland between the reformation and the revolution’, Historical Research, LXII (1989), 260–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar. To this list may be added Lord Dingwall: Prestwich, M., Cranfield: politics and profits under the early Stuarts (Oxford, 1966), p. 73.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ Treasurer's accounts, 1621–2, S.R.O., E21/88; Comptroller's accounts, 1620–1, S.R.O., E24/38. Stewart of Shillinglaw's pension, strictly, was as agent of the duke of Lennox, but he is included on the assumption that both benefited from the arrangement: E24/38, fo. 26r. That he had such a close connection with the arch-courtier Lennox is itself significant.

⁵⁷ HMC, Mar & Kellie, I, 113.

⁵⁸ APS, IV, pp. 633–91, cc. 43–7, 49–59, 64, 66, 69, 71–2, 100, 103, 108.

⁵⁹ Melrose to James, 4 Aug. 1621, Melros papers, II, 426; APS, IV, pp. 667–72, cc. 77–80; pp. 691–2, c. 109; Dumbarton common good accounts, 1614–1660, eds. Roberts, F. & Macphail, I. M. M. (Dumbarton, 1972), pp. 25–28, 31.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ Hannay, R. K. & Watson, G. P. H., ‘The building of the parliament house’, Book of the Old Edinburgh Club, XIII (1924), 1–78Google Scholar. The worm did eventually turn – once it was safe to do so.

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⁶⁵ Melrose to James, 2 Aug. 1621, Melros papers, II, 424; Kellie to Mar, 9 Apr. 1622, HMC, Mar & Kellie, II, 117. Elphinstone's son (Alexander, master of Elphinstone) was not at the parliament; Kellie probably meant his nephew, Lord Balmerino.

⁶⁶ Few works on English history in this period fail to discuss the concepts of ‘court’ and ‘country’. For those that make it their central theme, see particularly Zagorin, P., The court and the country: the beginnings of the English revolution (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Ashton, R., The city and the court, 1603–1645 (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar; Hirst, D., ‘Court, country and politics before 1629’, in Sharpe, K. (ed.), Faction and parliament: essays on early Stuart history (2nd edn, London, 1985).Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ APS, IV, 615–16, c. 18.

⁸⁰ APS, IV, pp. 609–12, cc. 6–8; p. 613, c. 13; p. 623, c. 20; p. 627, cc. 27–8.

⁸¹ Donaldson, G., All the queen's men: power and politics in Mary Stewart's Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983), p. 151Google Scholar. Of course, it is also noteworthy that ‘religious or political principles’ had already begun to make inroads into traditional patterns of allegiance.

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⁸⁶ For Kinghorn see RPCS, XII, 240–1. Menteith's presbyterianism is inferred from the fact that the minister, John Craigengelt, whom he presented to Aberfoyle parish in 1621 (having purchased the patronage and augmented his stipend) was later appointed minister to a covenanting regiment: Fraser, Menteith, I, 336–7; Records of the commissions of the general assemblies of the church of Scotland, 1646–1647, eds. Mitchell, A. F. & Christie, J. (Scottish History Society, 1892), p. 144Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Walter Makey for a discussion of Craigengelt.

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