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Further Light on John Duncan's Account of the “Fellatah Country” (1845)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Robin Law*
Affiliation:
University of Stirling, law/r.c.c.law@stir.ac.uk

Extract

The kingdom of Dahomey (in the modern Republic of Bénin) was one of the African states best known to Europeans in the precolonial period, from its prominent role as a supplier of slaves for the trans-Atlantic trade. In the late eighteenth century it was said that the road from Ouidah, the coastal port of Dahomey, to Abomey, its royal capital 100 kilometers inland, was “perhaps the most beaten track, by Europeans, of any in Africa.” Beyond Abomey, however, European knowledge of the interior was limited, and prior to the nineteenth century based only upon hearsay. This reflected in part the deliberate policy of Dahomey, which normally sought to bar direct access to the interior, in defense of its position as middleman in the supply of slaves to the coast. Archibald Dalzel, who served as Governor of the British fort at Ouidah in 1767-70, opined that “to pass from [Abomey] towards the northern country was next to impracticable … from the extreme jealousy of the Dahomans and their government.” It was known, however, that the immediate northern neighbors of Dahomey, against whom it fought a series of wars during the eighteenth century, were the Mahi (commonly “Mahees” in contemporary sources). There were also vaguer reports of another people further inland, the Bariba (“Barrabas,” “Barbar” etc.) of Borgu, from whom, as well as from the Mahi, slaves were brought for sale at the coast.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2001

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References

1 Dalzel, Archibald, The History of Dahomy (London, 1793), xi.Google Scholar

2 Minutes of a meeting of the African Association, 2 August 1804, in Hallett, Robin, ed., Records of the African Association 1788-1831 (London, 1964), 192–93.Google Scholar

3 For the Mahi, see especially Mulira, Jessie Gaston, “A History of the Mahi Peoples from 1774 to 1920” (Ph.D., UCLA, 1984).Google Scholar

4 For discussion of early references to Bariba in the Atlantic slave trade, see Law, Robin and Lovejoy, Paul E., “Borgu in the Atlantic Slave Trade,” African Economic History 27 (1999), 6992.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

5 Law, Robin, “Slave-Traders and Middlemen, Monopolists and Free-Traders: the Supply of Slaves for the Atlantic Trade in Dahomey, c.1715-1850,” JAH 30 (1989), 5758.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Public Record Office, London (hereafter, PRO), CO2/15, letters of Thomas Dickson, Abomey, 31 December 1825 (to Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies); Shar, 28 January 1826 (to King of Dahomey). The account in Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa (London, 1829), xivGoogle Scholar, says that “Shar” was only 17 days' journey from Abomey (perhaps a misreading of “22”), and that Dickson intended to go from there to Yauri. Clapperton is said to have entrusted a letter to Dickson to some messengers of the king of Dahomey whom he met at Wawa in eastern Borgu, but this evidently missed him, and was subsequently delivered unopened to the coast.

7 Cornevin, Robert, Histoire du Dahomey (Paris, 1962), 56.Google Scholar However, it has been suggested that the root “Sa” is also shared in the names of other Yoruba communities north of Dahomey, including Sabe and Dassa (Idaisa), so the reference may be more general: Palau-Marti, Montserrat, Histoire de Sàbé et de ses rois (Paris, 1992), 66.Google Scholar

8 UK Parliamentary Papers (hereafter PP), Correspondence Relating to the Slave Trade 1849-50, Class B, inclosure 9 in no.9, Journal of Lieutenant Forbes, Abomey, 18 October 1849. This account says that Dickson was last heard of at “Neekie (Neefoo).” “Neefoo” here seems to be a misreading of “Noofee,” i.e., Nupe, east of Borgu across the Niger, since in the published version of his journal, Forbes refers to “Noofee, on the road to Haussa”: Forbes, Frederick E., Dahomey and the Dahomans (2 vols.: London, 1851), 1:8384.CrossRefGoogle Scholar But this is evidently a misidentification on Forbes' part.

9 Duncan, John, “Notice of a Journey from Whydah on the W. Coast of Africa to Adofoodiah in the Interior,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 16 (1846), 154–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar (a letter written by Duncan from Cape Coast, 4 October 1845); idem., Travels in Western Africa, in 1845 & 1846, Comprising a Journey from Whydah, Through the Kingdom of Dahomey, to Adofoodia, in the Interior (2 vols.: London, 1847).

10 Bassett, Thomas J. and Porter, Philip W., “‘From the Best Authorities:’ The Mountains of Kong in the Cartography of West Africa,” JAH 32 (1991), 367413.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 Clapperton, Journal. The term does not occur in Clapperton's narrative journal, but in the heading of chapter 1, for which he may not have been responsible: “Journal from Badagry over the Kong Mountains to the City of Eyeo or Katunga,” and (as “Mountainous Range called Kong”) in the accompanying map.

12 Duncan, , Travels, 2: 575.Google Scholar

13 At “Whagba” Duncan records meeting the ruler of a neighboring town called “Teo,” which is certainly Thio, northwest of Agouagon: Duncan, , Travels, 2:66.Google Scholar

14 Ibid., 2: 190-258.

15 Savalou had been mentioned (as “Sabalours”) in an unpublished report of 1733, cited in Law, Robin, The Slave Coast of West Africa 1550-1750: The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on an African Society (Oxford, 1991), 19n19.Google Scholar Gbowele appears (but disguised as “Boagry”) in Norris, Robert, Memoirs of the Reign of Bossa Ahadee, King of Dahomy (London, 1789), 1724.Google Scholar

16 Duncan, , Travels, 2:224, 237.Google Scholar It may be noted that “Beh-gae-dee [Gbaguidi], king of Mahee” is also recorded in attendance at the “Annual Customs” at Abomey in 1850: Forbes, , Dahomey, 2:246.Google Scholar

17 For discussion of the evidence for these wars, including Duncan's account, see Law, Robin, “The Oyo-Dahomey wars, 1726-1823: a Military Analysis” in Falola, Toyin and Law, Robin, eds., Warfare and Diplomacy in Precolonial Nigeria: Essays in Honor of Robert Smith (Madison, 1992), 925.Google Scholar

18 Duncan, , Travels, 2:6162Google Scholar; cf. Herissé, A. Le, L'ancien royaume du Dahomey (Paris, 1911), 324.Google Scholar A contemporary report of 1849 also alludes to Gezo's recent conquest of, among other places, “Kangaroo [Kenglo]”: PP, Slave Trade, 1849-50, Class B, inclosure 10 in no. 9, Lieutenant Forbes, 5 November 1849

19 Duncan, , Travels, 2:74189.Google Scholar

20 Ibid., 2:38, 41, 75-76.

21 Palau-Marti, , Histoire de Sàbé, 7.Google Scholar

22 Duncan, , Travels, 2:89.Google Scholar

23 For the kola trade, including the central role of Borgu in it, see Lovejoy, Paul E., Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade, 1700-1900 (Zaria, 1980).Google Scholar Duncan's reference to the trade is geographically unspecific: The kolla-nut is a great article of trade here [at “Babakanda”], and seems much prized by the natives:Travels, 2:100.Google Scholar

24 Ibid., 2:111, 161. For the use of Hausa in Borgu and neighboring areas, cf. e.g. Clapperton, , Journal, 119.Google Scholar

25 Felata is the Arabic, and Fulani the Hausa form of the name, the people calling themselves Fulbe (sing. Pulo). Duncan first uses the term “the Fellatah country” ibid., 2:88, and frequently thereafter, but never offers a precise description of its extent.

26 For the subordinate status of Fulani in Borgu, see Lombard, Jacques, Structures de type “féodal” en Afrique noire: étude des dynamismes internes et des relations sociales chez les Bariba du Dahomey (Paris, 1965), 3637.Google Scholar

27 The Diaries of Lord Lugard, ed. Perham, Margery and Bull, Mary (4 vols.: London, 19591963), 4:189.Google Scholar Lugard refers imprecisely to “Kwampanissa” and “Asafudia.”

28 Johnson, Marion, “News from Nowhere: Duncan and ‘Adofoodiaz’,” HA 1 (1974), 5566.Google Scholar

29 Duncan, , Travels, 2:188Google Scholar; cf. Barth, Heinrich, Travels and Explorations in West and Central Africa (3 vols.: London, 1965[1865]), 3:337.Google Scholar

30 Duncan, , Travels, 2:167–69Google Scholar; cf. Ba, Hampaté and Daget, J., L'empire peul du Macina (Dakar, 1955), 6667.Google Scholar

31 Dupuis, Joseph, Journal of a Residence in Ashantee (London, 1824), esp. lxxxvi-lxxxviiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar, which gives the name “Fillany” to an area northwest of Borgu (called by Dupuis “Killinga”), including Timbuktu and Djenne.

32 Duncan, , Travels, 2:179–83.Google Scholar This account claims that Park's party was attacked by forces from Yauri, rather than from Bussa. This is consistent with the account originally given by Park's guide Amadi Fatuma, although this is dismissed as “in flat contradiction to almost all of the other credible evidence” by Lupton, Kenneth, Mungo Park, the African Traveler (Oxford, 1979), 207–08.Google Scholar Conceivably, Duncan's account may have derived from Amadi's, rather than providing independent corroboration of it, although he differs materially in blaming Amadi himself for the dispute between Park and the ruler of Yauri.

33 Cf. Brenner, Louis, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu (Oxford, 1973), 52–3.Google Scholar

34 For Terasso-weea's later life and travels, see Duncan, , “Notice of a Journey,” 157Google Scholar; idem., Travels, 2:183-84.

35 Duncan, , “Notice of a Journey,” 156, 158.Google Scholar

36 Duncan, , Travels, 2:38, 75, 178Google Scholar

37 Ibid., 2:150.

38 Ibid., 2:150, 184.

39 For other references see Law, Robin, “Islam in Dahomey: a Case Study of the Introduction and Influence of Islam in a Peripheral Area of West Africa,” Scottish Journal of Religious Studies 7/2 (1986), 95122.Google Scholar

40 Duncan had returned to Dahomey as Vice-Consul in 1849, but died there soon after arrival.

41 PRO, FO84/886: Journal of Louis Fraser, 21 and 22 August 1851.

42 Johnson, , “News from Nowhere,” 60Google Scholar, notes the anomaly that Duncan gives the same name to the “caboceer [chief]” of Paouignan, in the Mahi country: Duncan, , Travels, 2:29.Google Scholar