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Impeachable Source? On the Use of the Second Edition of Reindorf's History as a Primary Source for the Study of Ghanaian History - II*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Ray Jenkins
Ray Jenkins*
Affiliation:
University of Birmingham
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Extract

Here Reindorf described the events leading to the defeat and death of MacCarthy. Unlike Ellis, his account differed substantially -- both in detail and emphasis -- from earlier (mostly British) ones. The panegyric verse with which he closed the chapter was, however, quite typical of the Fante-Wesleyan response to this Governor. With the exception of a few details (and, of course, the vernacular) this chapter is fairly and fully reproduced, including even the panegyric.

In a detailed chapter covering the period from July, 1824 to July, 1826, Reindorf described the siege of Cape Coast and the circumstances inducing the Asante to retire to Kumase. He then traced the recovery and reorganization of the Asante army under Osei Yaw Akoto and the efforts of Europeans and Accra businessmen to revive the southern alliance. In his own work Cruickshank was concerned only with the siege and withdrawal and on these parts Reindorf relied for some events of the siege. But, rather characteristically, he emphasized the Gã role in certain of these (197/190).

It has been argued that one of the more salient features of Reindorf's work is its palpable orientation toward the Gãs. The extent to which this is valid criticism will be discussed below but, rather ironically, the evidence in this chapter which might support this thesis has been largely omitted from History II. For example, in the second sentence of the chapter Reindorf had labeled the Gas as “bull-dogs of the European governments” for fighting in no fewer than five engagements between March of 1823 and June of 1824, but this was omitted in History II (196/[189]).

Type
Research Article
Information
History in Africa , Volume 5 , 1978 , pp. 81 - 99
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1978

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Footnotes

*

Part I of this paper appeared in History in Africa 4(1977), pp. 123-47.

References

73. Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 1: pp. 159–60.Google Scholar

74. Fage, J.D., “Some Considerations Relevant to Historical Research in the Gold Coast,” Transactions of the Gold Coast and Togoland Historiaal Society, 1/1(1952), pp. 24–25Google Scholar; Kimble, David, A Political History of Ghana, 1850-1928 (London, 1963)Google Scholar; July, Robert W., The Origins of Modern West African Thought (London, 1968), pp. 256–57.Google Scholar

75. This omission is particularly important since Appendix C (as noted above) was also left out of History II. The contents of this Appendix support the view that Reindorf had access to very detailed sources for this period.

76. Beecham, , Ashantee, pp. 81–83Google Scholar; Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 1:pp. 161–63.Google Scholar

77. Reindorf's date of 7 August 1826 (210/203) has proved to be the correct one, Wilks, , Asante, p. 183.Google ScholarBeecham, , Ashantee, p. 81Google Scholar, suggested September, and Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 1: p. 166, 26 August.Google Scholar

78. E.g., Buhl, C., Die Basier Mission auf der Goldküste (Basel, 1882), pp. 9–10.Google Scholar Later accounts usually began with the arrival of the Basel Mission in 1828.

79. Steiner, , Ein Blatt aus der Geschichte der Brüder-mission (Basel, 1888)Google Scholar, contained an account of Protten. Debrunner, , History, pp. 62–64.Google Scholar

80. To date the value of Reindorf's observations on education seems to have been recognized only by McWilliam, H.O.A. in his Development of Education in Ghana (London, 1962).Google Scholar These have been retained and expanded by M.A. Kwamena-Poh in his revision (London, 1975). Reindorf's educational views are discussed more fully in R. Jenkins, “Lessons from the Past: Trends in the Historiography of Formal Education in Ghana,” THSG, forthcoming.

81. Christaller used the Report of 1894 to insert recent statistics on the Mission. However, his statistics for the Wesleyans for the years 1890 to 1894 were omitted (245-46/238]).

82. The only other reference to Beecham was in a footnote (27) initialed by Christaller.

83. Evidence suggests that the sections on the Roman Catholics and the SPG were also re-drafted or amended.

84. The passage was included in a different type-face and bears no relation to the preceding paragraph. Cf. Beecham, , Ashantee, p. 258Google Scholar, and Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 1:p. 183n.Google Scholar Attoh-Ahuma, who seems to have relied heavily on Reindorf at times, offered a sympathetic view of Quaque in his “Sketches of the Lives and Labours of our Great Men,” Gold Coast Aborigines, 8 Jan and 5 March 1898, and in his Gold Coast, pp. 45-58.

85. In turn Claridge, W.W., A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti (2 vols: London, 1915), 1:pp. 412–13Google Scholar, relied on Reindorf's account of the treaty signed at Cape Coast.

86. See HA, 4(1977), p. 129n26. In this instance Reindorf used the serialization on the origins of palm wine in Western Echo, 17 March 1886, p. 7.Google Scholar

87. Possibly Reindorf was referring here to Müller, W.J., Die africanische auf der guineischen Gold-Cust gelegene Landsahafft Fetu (Nürnberg, 1675), pp. 190–219.Google Scholar Reindorf used Bosman in referring to rice cultivation, and it is possible that he also relied on his extensive account of gold production.

88. Buhl, , Basler Mission, p. 12Google Scholar; Nørregård, Georg, Danish Settlements in West Africa, 1658-1850 (Boston, 1966), p. 185Google Scholar; Debrunner, , History, p. 15.Google Scholar According to Kwamena-Poh, , Akuapem, p. 144Google Scholar, these Danish initiatives are still remembered in Akuapem traditions -- a source available to Reindorf.

89. Cf. Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 2:p. 273.Google Scholar

90. His reference to Barnes was in a footnote but the Almanack of 1844 was mentioned in the Appendix containing the List of Additions (355). Both were omitted from History II.

91. Moloney, C.A., Sketch of the Forestry of West Africa with Particular Reference to its Present Principal Commercial Products (London, 1887).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

92. Wilks, , Asante, pp. 118–19Google Scholar, has suggested that the initial tests of strength took place in 1826 and “shortly afterwards,” and that war was declared in 1831. It seems, then, that the “three years” of History I was approximately correct.

93. There is some indication of links between Reindorf and the Juabens. In his brief biography of Reindorf, Ephson noted that “it is reported that the granting of political asylum to Ashanti-Juaben political refugees and the creation of the New Juaben Traditional Area (with Koforidua as its capital) following the hostilities between the then Asantehene and the Ashanti-Juaben royal house in the middle [sic] of the last century, were mainly due to the influence of Rev. Carl Reindorf. He was a great friend of the then Governor of Christiansborg [?], whose sway extended over Akyem lands, a small portion of which was ceded to the Juaben refugees.” Ephson, I.S., Gallery of Gold Coast Celebrities (Accra, 1969), pp. 56–57.Google Scholar Note, though, that Ephson cites no sources and is a bit vague in his chronology and nomenclature. Agbodeka, Francis, African Politics and British Policy on the Gold Coast, 1874-1900 (London, 1972), p. 82Google Scholar, speaks of “Juaben intriguers” who were in Accra in 1877 attempting to enlist Gã support against Asante. Finally, missionary correspondence between December, 1875 and September, 1877 indicates their knowledge of and concern with the Juaben situation. See Jenkins, Paul, comp., “Abstracts from the Gold Coast Correspondence of the Basel Mission,” typescript, Legon, 1970, pp. 52–76Google Scholarpassim.

94. Reindorf did not date Kwaku Dua's accession in the text but included the date 1837/38 in his list of Asantehenes in the Appendix (346/[350]). Claridge, , History I: p. 433Google Scholar, followed Reindorf, but Wilks, , Asante, pp. 119, 157Google Scholar, dates Kwaku Dua's advent to 1834 and attributes the treaty of 1835 to him.

95. Riis, , “Reise,” p. 93.Google Scholar

96. Ibid, pp. 230-31.

97. The Gãs had commercial links with the Krepe and Reindorf's family were involved in them (5R).

98. These tensions were due mainly to the attitude of the new Danish Governor Mørck to this interference. Kwamena-Poh, , Akuapem, pp. 104–05.Google Scholar Reindorf did not make this claim but did describe Mørck as inexperienced and “deceitful, weak, and unreliable.” (318/311).

99. Riis was in Akuapem at the time and participated in the Krobo conflict. Reindorf noted this (316/309; 318/311) but failed to mention that relations between Riis and Mørck had deteriorated as a result of the former's involvement in local politics (and perhaps his “real and lasting friendship” with Maclean). In this respect it is interesting to compare Nørregård's assessment of Riis, based on Danish records, with Reindorf's comment on Mørck, which was as caustic as Riis' own and suggests that Reindorf was influenced by the tenor as well as the substance of the accounts in Basel mission sources. See Riis, , “Reise,” p. 93Google Scholar; Kwamena-Poh, , Akuapem, p. 116Google Scholar; Debrunner, , History, p. 96Google Scholar; Nørregård, , Danish Settlements, pp. 204, 209.Google Scholar

100. The precision of Reindorf's dates here suggest the availability of a printed source, perhaps the Bannerman newspapers, for which see Jones-Quartey, , History, Politics, and the Early Press, pp. 60–61.Google Scholar Reindorf acknowledged using the Bannerman papers for events of the 1820s and since he was usually scrupulous in citing his sources we can only assume that here he relied on other printed materials.

101. Cruickshank, , Eighteen Years, 1: p. 208n.Google Scholar

102. Kimble, , Political History, p. 176.Google Scholar Asante heard the account in Aburi and it was published in The Christian Reporter in May-July, 1893, some forty years later. See Jenkins, , “Forgotten Vernacular Periodical,” p. 13.Google Scholar

103. Brown, , Gold Coast and Asanti Reader, 1: pp. 94–101, 193–95Google Scholar, for extracts from History I and History II. Despite the date of publication (1929) Brown assured the reader that he had completed the manuscript in 1921. Certainly his manuscript circulated among the offices of the Secretary for Native Affairs, the Education Department, and the Colonial Secretary between 1924 and 1929, during which materials for yet another two volumes was eventually rejected. Correspondence in Acc. No. 3115/58, National Archives of Ghana. My thanks to Roger Thomas for providing details of the contents of this file.

104. Marion Johnson suggests that the adverse attitude of the editor(s) to the Basel Mission could reflect the anti-German feelings then prevalent in the Gold Coast. The Gold Coast press certainly reflected such hostility. In 1917 the Kumase correspondent of the Gold Coast Leader blamed the Bole riots on Basel missionaries “trekking up and down the country advising epople that the Hun is likely to be victorious.” Gold Coast Leader, 5 May 1917. His colleague in Kyebi demanded the expulsion of the missionaries on grounds of their alleged enemy sympathies, ibid., 19 May 1917. Perhaps the intensity of these feelings resulted from the sinking of the Abosso, with Kobina Sekyi aboard, by German submarines at this very time. Ironically, Reindorf's own death coincided with the expulsion of the Basel Mission, which was followed by attempts of the colonial government to suppress Basel Mission materials, particularly in the schools. These attempts were not always successful; Rev. W. Stamm, who worked at Akropong and Kumase in the 1930s, writes that he had seen one of the prescribed books and “looked through it furtively.” Personal communication, 16 March 1976.

105. See Sarbah, , “Gold Coast,” p. 195Google Scholar; Attoh-Ahuma, , “Sketches of Lives,” Gold Coast Aborigines, 30 April, 4 June 1898.Google Scholar

106. Ibid, 8 January, 5 March, 30 April, 4 June 1898; idem, Memoirs of West African Celebrities, pp. 25-27, 45-58.

107. Anaman, J.B., Simple Stories from Gold Coast History (Cape Coast, 1919), pp. 3–7Google Scholar (clearly influenced by Chapter I of History I).

108. Danquah, J.B., Akim Abuakwa Handbook (London, 1928), pp. 16–21.Google Scholar

109. Johnson, J.W. de Graft, Historical Geography of the Gold Coast (London, 1929)Google Scholar; Sampson, M., Gold Coast Men of Affairs (London, 1937)Google Scholar; Owusu, , “The Rise of the United Ashanti,” Transactions of the Cape Coast Historical Society, 1(1936), p. 26.Google Scholar

110. MacDonald, G., The Gold Coast Past and Present (London, 1898), pp. 14, 31, 58, 158Google Scholar (but sections were pirated from Reindorf); Claridge, , History, pp. 103, 412Google Scholar; Fuller, Francis C., A Vanished Dynasty (London, 1921), pp. viii, 9, 16, 19, 55.Google Scholar Ivor Wilks has noted that Claridge “drew heavily” on Reindorf. See his review of Nørregard, , Danish Settlements, JAH, 9(1968), pp. 162–63.Google Scholar

111. Rattray, Robert S., Ashanti (London, 1923), pp. 288, 324–25Google Scholar; Ward, W.E.F., “Problems of Gold Coast History,” Gold Coast Review, 2(1926), pp. 37–52.Google Scholar Mr. Ward has confirmed that copies of History I were rare even then and that he regarded Reindorf as a valuable source. Personal communication, 10 August 1976.

112. Weiman, C.W., foreword to Balmer, W.T., A History of the Akan Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1925), p. 7.Google Scholar Like the other writers mentioned here, Weiman was a colonial government official and was Secretary for Native Affairs during the period when Indirect Rule began to be implemented. It is not surprising, then, that he regarded History I as an important working tool. His own study of Peki, for which Reindorf was used, was designed to enable Administrative officers “to have its history and something about its institutions in a small and portable compass.” Welman, , Native States of the Gold Coast, I, Peki (London, 1925), pp. 4, 7.Google ScholarEx officio, Weiman edited the Gold Coast Review, a treasure trove of traditional information, from 1925 to 1928.

113. As suggested, for example, by Agbodeka, , African Politics and British Policy, p. viii.Google Scholar

114. Reindorf's use of the term “folklore” (5/20) is interesting in this respect.

115. This contrasts with the rather exclusive Fante-Akan orientation of the Fante-Wesleyan school.

116. Samson, , Short History of Akwapim, pp. 4, 9–10Google Scholar; Kwamena-Poh, , Akuapem, p. 91n31.Google ScholarDebrunner, , History, p. 144Google Scholar, points out that Reindorf had access to materials collected by Basel missionaries from the 1860s. For Juaben traditions see Ephson, , Gallery, pp. 56–57Google Scholar, and Agbodeka, , African Politics and British Policy, p. 82.Google Scholar