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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 February 2017
That's all you heard, everywhere we went, or whatever we done, “oh, he's one of those issues.” We couldn't work with white people, we couldn't be in schools with them, we couldn't associate with them, we couldn't eat [with them]. I think they came up with the slang word “free issue.” They had this hatred; they just had this ungodly hatred. They couldn't accept you as a human.
At the prodding of Thomas Jefferson, the Virginia General Assembly in 1782 passed legislation that allowed slave owners to manumit their slaves by issuing slaves a copy of their emancipation papers and making them “free issues.” Nevertheless, in Amherst County, Virginia, the meaning of “free issue” evolved to connote something very different than it did at its inception for a small mountain community.
1 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Haimes-Bartolf, Melanie D. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, Virginia. I originally conducted this research for my dissertation, Haimes-Bartolf, Melanie D., “Policies and Public Attitudes: Public Education and the Monacan Indian Community in Amherst County, Virginia, from 1908 to 1965” (PhD diss., Virginia Commonwealth University, 2004), 276–285.Google Scholar
2 Virginia, and Hening, W. W., The Statutes at Large: Being the Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619: Published Pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly of Virginia, Passed on the Fifth Day of February One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eight (Richmond: George Cochran, 1823), 39–40.Google Scholar
3 Although there are some similarities between the Monacans and their educational struggles before and after Brown v. the Board of Education 347 U.S. 483; 74 Sup. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873 (1954) rulings, and the experiences of southeastern “Mestee” Indians such as the Lumbees (e.g., the Vardas school in Tennessee), Melungeons, and Brass Ankles, the differences between the Monacans and these other groups are more significant. Because a comparative study is beyond the scope of this essay, for an authoritative account of Lumbee history, see Blu, Karen I., The Lumbee Problem: the Making of an American Indian People (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), and for an overview of the Melungeons, Lumbees, the Brass Ankles, and the Ramapo Mountain People, see the online article by Mike Nassau also known as Mike McGlothlen, “Melungeons and Other Mestee Groups,” http://www.multiracial.com/readers/nassau.html Google Scholar
4 McDougle, Ivan and Estabrook, Arthur, Mongrel Virginians (Baltimore, MD: Williams & Wilkins, 1926). A racial manifesto specifically targeted against the Monacans, researched and written under the cloak of scholarship.Google Scholar
5 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
6 For example, in 1774 Amherst County's namesake American militia general, Jeffrey Amherst, deliberately sent blankets contaminated with small pox to Indian tribes on the frontier in a plot to annihilate them. In 1774, for his military heroism, the colonial Virginia government named a county on the upper James River after Amherst. S.R. Cook, “Monacans and Mountaineers: A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Dependency in Southern Appalachia” (PhD diss., University of Arizona, 1997), 82; O.K. Rice, The Allegheny Frontier: West Virginia Beginnings, 1730–1830 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), 56.Google Scholar
7 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
8 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
9 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
10 Transcribed from the Ewald Scholars Program, American Indian Visions April 1–3, 1993. Babcock Auditorium, Recorded April 3, 1993, 9:30 a.m.—Phyllis Hicks “The Monacan Indian: Reclaiming a Heritage”—obtained with the courtesy of Ms. Marge Freeman, Cochran Library, Sweet Briar College, and reproduced here with written permission from Phyllis Hicks August 23, 2002.Google Scholar
11 Mooney, James, “Siouan Tribes of the East,” Bureau of American Ethnology 22 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1894), 6, 9, 19, & 23; David I. Bushnell, “The Indian Grave: A Monacan Site in Albemarle County, Virginia.” William and Mary Quarterly 23, no. 2 (1914): 106–112; David I. Bushnell, “The Five Monacan Towns in Virginia,” Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 82, no. 12 (1930), 1–35.Google Scholar
12 Lederer, John, “The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches from Virginia, to the West of Carolina, and Other Parts of the Continent Begun in March, 1669, and ended in September 1670,” in The Discoveries of John Lederer with Unpublished Letters By and About Lederer to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. and an Essay on the Indians of Lederer's Discoveries by Douglas L. Rights and William P. Cumming, ed. William P. Cumming (1672; reprint, Charlottesville: University of Virginia, Press, 1958), 115; Mooney, “Siouan Tribes of the East,” 26–27.Google Scholar
13 Mooney, , “Siouan Tribes of the East,” 27.Google Scholar
14 Ibid., 30; Bushnell, David I., “The Five Monacan Towns in Virginia,” 9.Google Scholar
15 Cook, Samuel, Monacans and Miners: Native American and Coal Mining Communities in Appalachia (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 104–07.Google Scholar
16 McLeRoy, Sherrie S. and McLeRoy, William R., Passages: A History of Amherst County (Lynchburg, VA: Peddler Press, 1977), 13.Google Scholar
17 Bushnell, , The Indian Grave, 112.Google Scholar
18 Virginia and Hening, W.W., 280–81. The statute classified Indians with blacks, not as blacks.Google Scholar
19 Indians were not afforded legal standing to own property.Google Scholar
20 McLeRoy, Sherrie S. and McLeRoy, William R., Strangers in their Midst: The Free Black Population of Amherst County, Virginia (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 1993), 38; evidence also suggests that William's mother (Robert's wife) was an Indian. See Houck and Maxham, Indian Island in Amherst County, 55.Google Scholar
21 Houck, and Maxham, , Indian Island in Amherst County, 54–55; Cook, Monacans and Miners, 104–7; McLeRoy and McLeRoy, Passages: A History of Amherst County, 38.Google Scholar
22 Houck, and Maxham, , Indian Island in Amherst County, 58, 100.Google Scholar
23 Smith, J. David, The Eugenic Assault on America: Scenes in Red, White, and Black (Fairfax, VA: George Mason University Press, 1993), 1–4; Cook, Monacans and Miners, 104–7.Google Scholar
24 Cook, Monacans and Miners, 104.Google Scholar
25 Virginia Assembly, “The Virginia Racial Integrity Law, No. 5,” Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Virginia (Richmond, VA: Superintendent of Public Archives, 1924), 535; Gregory M. Dorr, “Segregation's Science: The American Eugenics Movement and Virginia, 1900–1980” (PhD diss., University of Virginia, 2000). The Racial Integrity Act became the basis of eugenics policies in Virginia from 1927 to 1979.Google Scholar
26 Caucasian appears with a lower case “c” in the original legislation.Google Scholar
27 The pantelic system of mid-thirteenth century English common law was devised to determine inheritance of personal property and was the foundation of the “blood quantum” standard. The “one drop rule or theory” is a colloquial expression for a sentiment and a standard held throughout the United States for centuries (National Census of 1790 and 1870) that recognized only two races, white and black, see Helen Rountree, “The Indians of Virginia: A Third Race in a Biracial State” (Unpublished manuscript, The Library of Virginia Archives, Richmond, VA, 1976), 19. The propelling idea was that there were two different kinds of blood and even one drop of black blood would impose a black identity. The United States Congress first used a specific blood quantum law regarding Indians in 1908. See, U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Indian Affairs, Hearings on § 2755 and § 3645, Part 2,73rd Cong., 2nd sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1934), 266; The Secretary of the Interior's approval of tribal rolls was to be “conclusive evidence as to the quantum of Indian blood of any enrolled citizen or freedmen …” (Ibid., 313). In 1912, 37 St. 518 excluded Indian children with less than one-quarter Indian blood from day and industrial schools, see, Ann Merline McCulloch and David E. Wilkins, “‘Constructing’ Nations Within States: The Quest for Federal Recognition by the Catawba and Lumbee Tribes.” The American Indian Quarterly 19, no. 3 (Summer 1995): 388. The “one-drop rule” was codified, in different ways, by different southern states, in the early twentieth century. In Virginia, it appears as The Racial Integrity Act of 1924. It is important to note that race theory was popular before World War I in Europe (threat of the Jews) and in the United States when people felt threatened more by European immigrants than by blacks. Christopher Librizzi, “Painting by Number,” The Harvard Political Review, http://www.hpronline.org/news/2001/06/01bunitedStatesb/Painting.By.Number-83268.shtml; Matthew Press Guterl, The Color of Race in America, 1900–1940 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).Google Scholar
28 Smith, , The Eugenic Assault on America, 71–108.Google Scholar
29 Houck, and Maxham, , Indian Island in Amherst County, 80–82, 84–86.Google Scholar
30 Hening, William Walter, The Statutes at Large: Being the Collection of all the Laws of Virginia from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619, Vol. 3 (Philadelphia: Thomas DeSilver, 1823), 453–54; Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).Google Scholar
31 Estabrook, As and argues, McDougle, “The persistency of Indian traits among the WINS appears remarkable when the remoteness of pure Indian blood is taken into consideration.” See Estabrook and McDougle, Mongrel Virginians, 201; Walter Plecker to Local Registrars, Physicians, Health Officers, Nurses, School Superintendents, and Clerks of the Court, January 1943, Gift MSS 10972, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Department, University of Virginia Library.Google Scholar
32 Gray, Arthur, “A Virginia Tribe of Indians,” The Southern Churchman 4 (January 1908): 1–2; Cook, Monacans and Miners, 68–70.Google Scholar
33 Monacan, Jennifer [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
34 Moretti-Langholtz, Danielle, “Other Names I Have Been Called: Political Resurgence among Virginia Indians in the Twentieth Century” (PhD diss., University of Oklahoma, 1998), 136–38.Google Scholar
35 Old Bear Mountain Mission records suggest that Duff may have been related to the Amherst County Monacans.Google Scholar
36 Wood, Karenne and Shields, Diane, The Monacan Indians: Our Story (Madison Heights, VA: Office of Historical Research Monacan Indian Nation, n.d.), 28; Moretti-Langholtz, “Other Names I Have Been Called,” 133. County census takers could choose among white, Negro, and Indian for their classifications.Google Scholar
37 Gray, Arthur, II, Letter to Rev. Thomas D. Lewis on file at St. Paul's Church, Bear Mountain, Amherst County, VA (1934), 9; Although dedicated to missionary work, Gray was also active in the Eugenics Society of the Carnegie Foundation. See, Tidewater Review Obituaries (1938), 3.Google Scholar
38 Wagner, Isobel, Survey of St. Paul's Mission, Amherst, Virginia (Roanoke, VA: Southwestern Episcopal Diocese Headquarters, 1946), 3.Google Scholar
39 In the context of this essay, individuals relocated to Pedlar Mills are not members of the Monacan community.Google Scholar
40 Wood, and Shields, , “The Monacan Indians,” 30.Google Scholar
41 Monacan, Bill [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 2, 2002, Glen Burnie, MD.Google Scholar
42 Cowan, Florence, “St. Paul's Mission, Bear Mountain.” Southwestern Episcopalian 37, no. 9 (November 1956): 6.Google Scholar
43 Dewar, Helen, “Nobody Wants Amherst Indians,” The Washington Post-Times Herald, May 26, 1963: B2.Google Scholar
44 Plecker lived to be eighty-four years old. He died in 1946 after being struck by a bus while crossing a road.Google Scholar
45 Plecker, Walter to Local Registrars, Physicians, Health Officers, Nurses, School Superintendents, and Clerks of the Court, January 1943, Gift MSS 10972, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Department, University of Virginia Library.Google Scholar
46 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
47 Plecker, Walter to Local Registrars, Physicians, Health Officers, Nurses, School Superintendents, and Clerks of the Court, January 1943, Gift MSS 10972, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Department, University of Virginia Library.Google Scholar
48 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
49 Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1(1967).Google Scholar
50 Monacan, Jennifer [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
51 Moretti-Langholtz, , “Other Names,” 189.Google Scholar
52 Virginia Historic Landmarks Commission, Survey Form File no. 05-161 (July 1980). St. Paul's Mission, Amherst, VA. Amherst Historical Society, Amherst, VA.Google Scholar
53 Gray, Arthur P. II, “Mission Work among Some Cherokee Remnants in Virginia,” Diocesan Journal (September–October 1908), 5.Google Scholar
54 II Arthur Gray, P., “A Virginia Tribe of Indians.” The Southern Churchman 4, (January 1908): 6–7.Google Scholar
55 Teacher's Term Reports. Information reported here is from copies of extant Bear Mountain Mission Teacher's Term Reports, shown to the researcher, with the names of former students removed from the copies of the reports by the Amherst County Public School Board's Clerk and Superintendent.Google Scholar
56 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
57 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
58 McLeRoy, and McLeRoy, , More Passages: A New History of Amherst County, Virginia (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books Inc., 1995), 18–20; Wood and Shields, “The Monacan Indians: Our Story,” 23–32.Google Scholar
59 Branham v. Burton et al., Civil Action 101 in the U.S. D.C. for the Western District of Virginia at Lynchburg (1943).Google Scholar
60 v. Branham Local Board No. 2 Lynchburg, Virginia, Appeal from the U.S. D.C. for the Western District of Virginia at Lynchburg No. 5160 (1943).Google Scholar
61 Tozer, Steven E., Violas, Paul C., and Senese, Guy, School and Society Historical and Contemporary Perspectives Fourth Edition (Boston: McGraw Hill, 2002), 155; “‘Redemption’ refers to the overthrow of the carpetbaggers and their regime. ‘Redeemers’ refers to the Southern leaders who accomplished the overthrow.” “Redemption” is also known as the Compromise of 1877. See C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow Third Revised Edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 4.Google Scholar
62 Cubberley, Ellwood P., Public Education in the United States A Study and Interpretation of American Education History (Cambridge, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1934), 663; Raymond H. Pulley, Old Virginia Restored An Interpretation of the Progressive Impulse 1870–1930 (Charlottesville: The University of Virginia Press, 1968), 9–17; Cornelius J. Heatwole, A History of Education in Virginia (New York: The McMillan Company, 1916), 214–30; James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988), 2, 19–27.Google Scholar
63 “Amherst ranks lowest in area for per capita expenditure for schools in 1949–1950 period,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress (August 30, 1951).Google Scholar
64 McDearmon, J. Bernard, “The Fulcher Appointment,” The Amherst (Virginia) New-Era Progress (September 10, 1953).Google Scholar
65 McLeroy, Sherry S. and McLeroy, William R., Strangers in Their Midst (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books Inc., 1993), 50.Google Scholar
66 Bulletin State Board of Education, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of the Commonwealth of Virginia School Year 1953–1954. Table 64 “Value of School Property” (Richmond, VA: Commonwealth of Virginia State Board of Education, 1954), 280–83.Google Scholar
67 Ibid. Table 61 “Average Number Days Taught; Average Daily Attendance; Average Daily Membership; Per Cent Attendance; and A. D. A. Adjusted to Account for Tuition Pupils,” 272–73.Google Scholar
68 Ibid., 272–73.Google Scholar
69 “Negro Delegation Strongly Urges Building of School,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress (April 10, 1952).Google Scholar
70 “Pleasant View Negroes Demand Pupils Be Enrolled at New School for Whites,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress (July 10, 1952).Google Scholar
71 “The Battle Plan,” was the primary accomplishment of Virginia Governor (1950–54) John S. Battle (1890–1972). In 1950, Battle funds contributed about $45 million in state grants toward local school construction. These grants were remarkable, not only for their place in history, but also because school building and renovation has been a local responsibility. David Blount, ed., Capital Funding: Facilities and Technology (Richmond, VA: Commonwealth Educational Policy Institute, 2000), 1.Google Scholar
72 Cowan, Florence, letter to the editor, Amherst New Era-Progress, October 9, 1956; see also Houck and Maxham, Indian Island in Amherst County, 115–16.Google Scholar
73 “Sanitation Report on School Made,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress, October 29, 1953.Google Scholar
74 Monacan, Mike [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 2, 2002, Glen Burnie, MD.Google Scholar
75 “Mission School Poses Problem,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress, September 10, 1953.Google Scholar
76 Dewar, Helen, “Nobody Wants Amherst Indians,” The Washington Post Times Herald, May 26, 1963: B2.Google Scholar
77 “Sanitation Report on School Made,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress, October 29, 1953; “Clifford Patrons Seek Improvements; School Board Hears Other Requests,” Amherst New Era-Progress, October 8, 1953.Google Scholar
78 “School Board Says Lewis Report Should Have Been Made to Them First,” Amherst New Era-Progress, November 5, 1953.Google Scholar
79 Monacan, Jennifer [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
80 “Mission School Poses Problem,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress, September 10, 1953.Google Scholar
81 Ibid.Google Scholar
82 Bulletin State Board of Education, “Education for Indians on Virginia Reservations,” Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of the Commonwealth of Virginia School Year (Richmond, VA: Commonwealth of Virginia State Board of Education, 1957–58), 35.Google Scholar
83 England awarded the Pamunkey and Mattaponi Tribes land grants before the American Revolution. These tribes “retained elements of sovereignty not extended to tribes who received state reservations after the founding of the United States … For most nonreservation Indians in the segregated South the only public schools available were those designated “colored.” Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green, The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Southeast (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 133, 137. Also see Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian Third Edition, revised and enlarged (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 11. Because the Monacans were nonreservation Indians, they appeared to be less than Indian, not only to whites, but also to other Indians accorded Virginia recognition because of their reservations. Even with state recognition, Virginia's reservation tribes were fighting for survival and perceived competition from nonreservation tribes as a threat to resources and their credibility as “true” Indians. These sentiments are not openly discussed, because currently all of Virginia's Indian Tribes are seeking Federal recognition through confederation. See Moretti-Langholtz, “Other Names,” 152–59, 181–88).Google Scholar
84 Bulletin State Board of Education, “Education for Indians on Virginia Reservations,” 36–37.Google Scholar
85 In 1971 Wayne Hicks graduated from Amherst County High School. The following year, three more Monacan students graduated: Kenneth Branham, Linda Branham, and Diane Johns (Shields). The Monacan Reclaiming a Heritage (Monroe, VA: Monacan Indian Tribal Association, 1991), 9.Google Scholar
86 Bulletin State Board of Education, “Education for Indians on Virginia Reservations,” 36–37.Google Scholar
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88 Ibid., 35–37.Google Scholar
89 As interesting as Florence Cowan is, she is also enigmatic. The Episcopal Diocese of Southwestern Virginia does not have much personal information about Miss Cowan and the Monacans do not know much about her except for their experiences with her as “deaconess” at the Bear Mountain Mission. She was a white woman, who spent many years serving Episcopal Churches in Appalachian Virginia before coming to the Bear Mountain Mission, where she lived among the Monacans. She served the Monacans from 1952 to 1965, and then retired to nearby Arrington, Virginia in Nelson County, where she died at eighty years old on October 9, 1973. She is buried in Rome, New York, presumably at Zion Church where, among other churches, she requested that memorials be made. Florence Cowan is consistently titled “miss” as opposed to “deaconess” in extant Diocese information and she never appears in a deaconess habit in photographs, as is another woman identified as a deaconess (there is a photograph of this woman's ordination into the Order of Deaconesses). Nevertheless, it seems that women workers, ordained or not, performed the same kind of services. (E-mail communication with Lynn Robertson, Volunteer with the Evans House, the Office of the Episcopal Diocese of Southwestern Virginia, August 30, September 20, 2005.) Also, see Houck and Maxham, 1993, p. 120 for a 1959 photograph of Florence Cowan.Google Scholar
90 “Bishop Calls on All Episcopalians to Support Negro Rights Movement,” The Washington Post Times Herald, May 26, 1963: A1.Google Scholar
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92 Ibid.; Houck and Maxham, Indian Island in Amherst County, 115–20.Google Scholar
93 Amherst County Public School Board was very gracious in helping to obtain information concerning Tyler Fulcher's tenure as superintendent and the Bear Mountain Mission School; yet, documents appear absent during his tenure as superintendent.Google Scholar
94 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
95 Frye, Ann, “Integration Plan OK'd For Amherst,” The Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress, June 30, 1965: B1.Google Scholar
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101 Virginia Code, 22–188.3 et seq.; 51–111.38:1.Google Scholar
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106 Monacan, Jennifer [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
107 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
108 Griffin v. SchoolBoard, 377 U.S. 218 (1964); Cochyese Griffin v. State Board of Education et al., 239 F. Supp. 560; U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8978 (1965); Cochyese Griffin v. State Board of Education et al., 296 F. Supp. 1178; U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12571 (1969).Google Scholar
109 Copies of Fulcher's plans appear unavailable; however, it is most likely that the second integration plan was successful because of its deference to the Supreme Court findings in Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218 (1964).Google Scholar
110 Ann Frye, “Integration Plan OK'd for Amherst,” B1.Google Scholar
111 “Whether the arrangement of any measure, no matter how slight, contributes to or permits continuance of segregated public school education.” Cochyese Griffin v. State Board of Education et al., 296 F. Supp. 1178; U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12571 (1969).Google Scholar
112 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
113 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
114 Monacan, Anne [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar
