1 For ‘ideological state apparatus’ as applied in education, see Edward H. Epstein, “The Social Control Thesis and Educational Reform in Developing Nations,” Theory and Society 5 (March 1978): 256; Michael Apple, “Ideology, Reproduction, and Educational Reform,” Comparative Education Review 22 (October 1978): 367–387; Paolo Freire, The Politics of Education: Culture, Power and Liberation (South Hadley, MA: Bergin and Garvey, 1985); Herbert Gintis and Samuel Bowles, Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (New York: Basic Books, 1976); Roger Dale, “Education and the Capitalist State: Contributions and Contradictions,” in Education and the State, v.1. Schooling and the National Interest eds. Roger Dale, Geoff Esland, Madeleine McDonald, et al (Sussex: Falmer and Open University Press, 1981), pp. 127–8. For legitimacy, see Max Weber, in H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (London: Routledge, 1991), pp. 76–82.Google Scholar

2 For “nationalist educator intellectuals,” see Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (London: Penguin, 1990), 66.Google Scholar

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4 See Roger Owen and Ṣevket Pamuk, A History of Middle East Economies in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 27, 271; Joseph Szyliowicz, Education and Modernization in the Middle East (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1973), 209–10; Turhan Oğuzkan, “Orta Dereceli Genel Öğretim Kurumlarının Gelişmesi,” Cumhuriyet Döneminde Eğitim (İstanbul: Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1983), 296–299; Hasan Cicioğlu, Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde İlk ve Ortaöğretim: Tarihi Gelişimi (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakultesi Yayınları, 1982), 141.Google Scholar

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6 Qāsim Amīn's The Liberation of the Woman had appeared in 1899; Huda al-Sha'rāwī had unveiled in 1923. For the general tenor of feminist discourse in these earlier years, see Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); and Beth Baron, The Women's Awakening in Egypt (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

7 During the 1850s-80s, Ottoman administrators had advocated for the use of schooling to generate pious mothers able to raise moral youth loyal to the sultan. See Selçuk Akşin Somel, The Modernization of Education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839–1908: Islamization, Autocracy, and Discipline (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 57, 185. Writers in the popular press of the Second Constitutional era (1908–1919) asserted that women needed to be formed as “the educated citizen-mother” able to support constitutionalism. See Palmira Brummett, Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), 199. In Egypt, certain women, and a growing number of men, addressed the proper kind of girls’ education to preserve Islamic morality or to produce a modern middle class domesticity. Along with Beth Baron and Margot Badran (both cited above), see Marilyn Booth, “Woman in Islam: Men and the ‘Women's Press’ in Turn-of-the-Twentieth-Century Egypt,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 33:2 (May 2001): 171–201; Mona Russell, Creating the New Woman: Consumerism, Education, and National Identity in Egypt, 1863–1922 (New York: Palgrave, forthcoming 2004). For further insights into this earlier period in Egypt, see Lisa Pollard, Nurturing the Nation: The Family Politics of Modernizing, Colonizing, and Liberating Egypt, 1805–1925 (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming 2004).Google Scholar

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25 Ibid. For more background on Baltacıoğlu, see Frank A. Stone, “The Evolution of Contemporary Turkish Educational Thought,” History of Education Quarterly 13:2 (Summer 1973): 145–161; Nazım İrem, “Turkish Conservative Modernism: Birth of a Nationalist Quest for Cultural Renewal,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 34:1 (February 2002): 89–90.Google Scholar

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28 Along with implications regarding Turkey (and Egypt's) aspired-to international cultural-pedagogical affiliations, Baltacıoğlu and Oymen's references to coeducation in the American context suggest a resonance of Middle Eastern debates on coeducation to trends in American thinking on this subject. For an eloquent examination of evolving American approaches to coeducation and girls’ education in general from the 1850s-1950s, see David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

29 See “Ülkülü Köy Muallimin Yaratacağı Yeni Köy Mektebine Doğru …” pt III, Fikirler 119 (January 1935), 11.Google Scholar

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31 For social background of Egyptian cultural elites in this period, see Joel Beinin, “Egypt: Society and Economy, 1923–1952,” in The Cambridge History of Egypt, Vol. 2: Modern Egypt, from 1517 to the End of the Twentieth Century, ed. M.W. Daly (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 309–33; also see Magda Baraka, The Egyptian Upper Class Between Revolutions, 1919–1952 (London: Middle East Centre–St. Antony's College, Oxford and Ithaca Press, 1998); Marius Deeb, Party Politics in Egypt: the Wafd and its Rivals (London: Middle East Centre–St. Antony's College, Oxford and Ithaca Press, 1979), 123–220; Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot, Egypt's Liberal Experiment, 1922–1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977). For the social milieu of early Republican Turkey's leaders, see M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Preparation for a Revolution: the Young Turks, 1902–1908 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); idem., The Young Turks in Opposition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Aykut Kansu, Politics in Post-Revolutionary Turkey, 1908–1913 (Leiden: Brill, 2000); M. Nairn Turfan, Rise of the Young Turks: Politics, the Military and Ottoman Collapse (London: I.B. Tauris, 2000). For educators in particular, see my “Pedagogies of Patriotism: Teaching Socio-Political Community in Twentieth-Century Turkish and Egyptian Education” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2002), 103–148.Google Scholar

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