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Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 January 2011


This article examines the rise and fall of the Malhamé family at the court of Abdülhamit II. The point of departure is the flight and arrest of six Malhamé brothers and the accompanying outbursts of popular anger at them during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. The analysis locates the historical conditions that made the Malhamé phenomenon possible in the interstices between Levantine society, late Ottoman bureaucracy, and European diplomacy and capitalist expansion. In order to bring into conversation the hitherto unconnected literatures on the Levant and the Ottoman state, the Malhamé story is framed in the analytical concept of transimperialism. This concept shares affinities with wider transnational studies. But it is also grounded in the specific political, economic, and social processes of the Levant—both within the Ottoman Empire and among it and its British, French, German, and Italian imperial rivals at the height of the “Eastern Question.”

Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

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Author's note: I am deeply indebted to the anonymous referees for IJMES and to its editor, Beth Baron, and managing editor, Sara Pursley, for their incisive comments. For their help at various stages of the project, I am grateful to Engin Akarlı, Isa Blumi, Edhem Eldem, Leila Fawaz, Amal Ghazal, James Gelvin, Andrea, Pierre, and Sacha Malhamé, Milena Methodieva, Mostafa Minawi, Nigel Morton, and, above all, Melanie Newton.

1 Arminius Vambéry, cited in Akarlı, Engin, “The Tangled Ends of Empire: Ottoman Encounters with the West and the Problem of Westernization,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 26 (2006): 363CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Kansu, Aykut, The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 135–38Google Scholar.

3 Hanioğlu, Şükrü, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 265–78Google Scholar.

4 Diamantopulo, Hercule, Le Réveil de la Turquié: Études croquis et historiques (Alexandria, Egypt: n.p., 1908), 109Google Scholar. Judging by its cover, this book was published to celebrate Greek–Young Turk friendship. Joseph Mouawad has kindly provided me with a copy of this rare source.

5 This line is an allusion to Salim's escape on the ship “Bosnia,” which was facilitated by the Italian ambassador.

6 This line satirizes ʿIzzat Pasha's Germanophilia.

7 This line is an allusion to ʿIzzat Pasha's scheme to build the Hijaz Railway with funds from private donors in exchange for the Hamidiye-Hijaz Demiryolu Medal of Honor.

8 For a detailed analysis of Young Turk caricatures, see Brummett, Palmira, Image & Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (Albany, N.Y.: City University of New York Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

9 The two representations of Salim as a Roman Catholic clergyman, which mock his escape to Italy, are peculiar exceptions. Çeviker, Turgut, İbret Albümü (Istanbul: Mataş Matbaacılık, 1991), 9596Google Scholar.

10 For further caricatures, see Çeviker, Turgut, Meşrutiyet İmzazsız Karikatürler Antolojisi (Istanbul: Anadolu Yayıncılık, 1989), 2829Google Scholar, 169–70, 175, 178, 184, 187. Other frequently caricatured palace favorites were Director of Police Ahmed Fehim, General Zeki, and Field Marshall Mehmed Rıza pashas.

11 This and many other images of ʿIzzat Pasha and of Salim, Najib, and Habib Malhamé were reproduced in Revue du Monde Muselman 5 and 6 (1908).

12 For a comparison with “the Jew as scapegoat” in European historiography, see Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, 1976 [1949]), 510Google Scholar.

13 All three have published their versions of events in memoirs: Pasha, Kamil, Hatırat-ı Sadr-i Esbak Kamil Paşa (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Ebul-Ziya, 1913/1329)Google Scholar; Pasha, Mehmet [Küçük] Said, Said Paşa'nin Hatıratı, 2 vols. (Istanbul: Sabah, 1911/1328)Google Scholar; Pasha, Tahsin, Abdülhamit: Yıldız Hatıraları (Istanbul: Ahmet Halit Kitaphanesi, 1931)Google Scholar.

14 Farah, Caesar, “Arab Supporters of Sultan Abdülhamid II: ʿIzzet al-ʿAbid,” Archivum Ottomanicum 15 (1997): 189219Google Scholar. This interpretation rests on ʿIzzat Pasha's pejorative epithet “Arab” in the press. According to Brummett, he “became the image of the quintessential traitor, toady, and enemy of the nation.” Image & Imperialism, 367.

15 Brummett, Image & Imperialism, 323.

16 The Westfälische Archivamt in Münster, Germany, which administers the von Fürstenberg Family Foundation archive, contains the correspondence between Salim Malhamé and his son-in-law, Wilderich von Fürstenberg. It also holds Salim's desperate genealogical research, which Nazi authorities requested in 1934. I am grateful to its director, Dr. Konrad, for providing me access to the uncatalogued von Fürstenberg papers in 1999.

17 Most European publications use the Turkish transliteration “Melhame.” On his Banque Impériale Ottomane account card, Salim Pasha used Melhamé. I write the name the way today's descendents spell it.

18 Hourani, Albert, “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” in The Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East, ed. Polk, William and Chambers, Richard (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 4168Google Scholar.

19 Fitzmaurice was the key British analyst of Hamidian palace politics. He graduated from the Levant Consular Service School in Ortaköy in 1888. But despite his flawless spoken Turkish and Arabic, the British FO blocked his career advances because he was a middle-class Catholic. See Berridge, G. R., Gerald Fitzmaurice (1865–1939): Chief Dragoman of the British Embassy in Turkey (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007)Google Scholar.

20 Bouquet, Olivier, Les pachas du sultan: Esai sur les agents supérieus de l'État ottoman (1839–1909) (Louvain, France: Peeters, 2007)Google Scholar. See also Findley, Carter V., Ottoman Civil Officialdom (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Lambert, David and Leister, Alan, eds., “Introduction: Imperial Spaces, Imperial Subjects,” Colonial Lives across the British Empire: Imperial Careering in the Long Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 21Google Scholar.

22 Schmitt, Oliver Jens, Levantiner: Lebenswelten und Identitäten einer ethnokonfessionellen Gruppe im osmanischen Reich im “langen 19th Jahrhundert” (Munich, Germany: Oldenbourg, 2005), 15Google Scholar.

23 Naaman, Abdallah, Les Levantines: une race; essai d'analyse sociale (Beirut: Maison Naaman, 1984)Google Scholar; and Alcalay, Ammiel, After Jews and Arabs: The Remaking of Levantine Culture (Minneapolis, Minn.: Minnesota University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

24 Urquhart, David, Turkey and Its Resources (London: Saunders & Otley, 1833)Google Scholar; quoted in Schmitt, Levantiner, 70. British Arabophiles such as Mark Sykes and T. E. Lawrence considered “mongrel” Levantines with similar disdain. I thank James Gelvin for this comparison.

25 Brubaker, Rogers and Cooper, Frederic, “Beyond ‘Identity,’Theory and Society 29 (2000): 14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 See Sturdza, Mihail-Dimitri, Dictionnaire historique et généalogique des grandes familles de Grèce, d'Albanie et de Constantinople (Paris: M. Sturdza, 1983)Google Scholar.

27 A notice in Lisan al-Hal (Beirut), 27 February 1890, 2, represents anecdotally the Levant as a social space where Greeks, Arabs, Christians, Muslims, businessmen, and Ottoman bureaucrats mingled: “Katrin Numidis marries [Prof.] Elias Matar, and the wedding will be attended by the notables of Galata. Special guests are Beirut-born Subhi Bey, son of [Grand Vizier] Kamil Pasha, Joseph Mutran and Ahmad ʿIzzat Bey [al-ʿAbid] of the Department of Trade.”

28 Khoury, Philip, Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus, 1860–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 4344CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Weber, Stefan, Damascus: Ottoman Modernity and Urban Transformation, 1808–1918, 2 vols. (Aarhus, Denmark: Narayana Press, 2009), 1:5558Google Scholar.

29 On “radical” Levantine politics, see Khuri-Makdisi, Ilham, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860–1914 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 See Hanley, Will, Foreignness and Localness in Alexandria, 1880–1914 (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2007), 2978Google Scholar; and Clancy-Smith, Julia: Mediterraneans: North Africa and Europe in an Age of Migration, c. 1800–1900 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

31 Quoted in Kleinert, Claudia, Die Revision der Historiography des osmanischen Reiches am Beispiel von Abdülhamid II (Berlin: Klaus Schwartz, 1995), 14Google Scholar.

32 Landau, Jacob M., The Politics of Pan-Islamism: Ideology and Organization (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Kara, İsmail, ed., İslam siyası düşüncesinde değişme ve süreklilik: hilafet risaleleri, 5 vols. (Istanbul: Klasik, 2002)Google Scholar.

33 See, for example, Yasamee, F. A. K., Ottoman Diplomacy: Abdülhamid II and the Great Powers, 1878–1888 (Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Karpat, Kemal, The Politicization of Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; and Koloğlu, O., Abdülhamit Gerçeği (Istanbul: Eylül Yayınları, 2002)Google Scholar.

34 Heper, Metin, “Center and Periphery in the Ottoman Empire, with Special Reference to the 19th Century,” International Political Science Review 1 (1980): 81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Mardin, Şerif, “Centre–Periphery Relations: A Key to Turkish Politics?Daedalus 102 (1973): 169–91Google Scholar.

35 Findley, Carter V., “The Acid Test of Ottomanism: The Acceptance of non-Muslims in the Late Ottoman Bureaucracy,” in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, ed. Braude, Benjamin and Lewis, Bernard, 2 vols. (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), 2:339–67Google Scholar; and Akarlı, Engin, “Abdülhamid II's Attempt to Integrate Arabs into the Ottoman System,” in Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period, ed. Kushner, David (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), 7489Google Scholar.

36 Kayali, Hasan, Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1918 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1997), 2530Google Scholar; idem, “Jewish Representation in the Ottoman Parliaments,” in The Jews of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Avigdor Levy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), 504–17.

37 Makdisi, Ussama, “Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism,” and Thomas Kühn, “Ordering Urban Space in Ottoman Yemen,” in The Empire in the City: Arab Provincial Capitals in the Late Ottoman Empire, ed. Hanssen, Jens, Philipp, Thomas, and Weber, Stefan (Beirut: Orient Institute, 2002), 2948Google Scholar, 329–48; and Deringil, Selim, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-colonial Debate,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45 (2003): 311–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 Makdisi, Ussama, “Ottoman Orientalism,” American Historical Review 107 (2002): 768–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Philliou, Christine, “The Paradox of Perceptions: Interpreting the Ottoman Past through the National Present,” Middle Eastern Studies 44 (2008): 668CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Akarlı, “Tangled Ends of Empire,” 357–58.

41 Georgeon, François, Abdulhamid II: Le sultan calife (Paris: Fayard, 2003), 130–32Google Scholar. For a Kafkaesque allegory of the Yıldız compound, see Kadare, Ismail, The Palace of Dreams (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1998)Google Scholar. For a contemporary dissection of the Mabeyn institution, see al-Muwaylihi, Ibrahim, Ma Hunalik, translated and introduced by Allen, Roger as Spies, Scandals, and Sultans: Istanbul in the Twilight of the Ottoman Empire (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), 2971Google Scholar.

42 See, for example, İrtem, Süleyman Kani, Sultan Abdülhamid ve Yıldız Kamarillasi: Yıldız Sarayı’nda Paşalar, Beyler, Ağalar ve Şeyhler (Istanbul: Temel, 2003)Google Scholar.

43 Eich, Thomas, Abu l-Huda as-Sayyadi: Eine Studie zur Instrumentalisierung sufischer Netzwerke und genealogischer Kontroversen im spätosmanischen Reich (Berlin: Klaus Schwartz, 2003)Google Scholar. See also Abu-Manneh's, Butrus foundational “Sultan Abdulhamid II and Shaikh Abulhuda al-Sayyadi,” Middle Eastern Studies 15 (1979): 131–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Gooch, G. P. and Temperley, H., eds., British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1895–1914, vol. 5, The Near East (London: The Crown, 1928), 8Google Scholar.

45 İnalcık, Halil, “Ottoman Galata, 1453–1553,” in Première rencontre internationale sur l'empire Ottoman et la Turquie moderne, ed. Eldem, Edhem (Istanbul: Institut Français d'Études Anatoliennes, 1991), 17116Google Scholar.

46 Eldem, Edhem, French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999), 210Google Scholar.

47 Cervati, R[aphael] and Sargologo, N. C., L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain: Guide Commercial (Istanbul: n.p., 1868, 1889–90)Google Scholar.

48 Al-Jarida (Beirut), 24 October 1964, 7.

49 Spagnolo, John, France and Ottoman Lebanon, 1861–1914 (London: Ithaca, 1977), 78Google Scholar.

50 de Tarrazi, Philippe, Asdaq ma Kana fi Taʾrikh Lubnan wa-Safha min Taʾrikh al-Siryan, 2 vols. (Beirut: n.p., 1948), 2:45Google Scholar.

51 Letter by Patriarch Pierre Arida, Beirut, 27 March 1934, Fürstenberg Family Foundation archive, Westfälisches Archivamt in Münster (hereafter FFA).

52 Diamantopulo, Le Réveil, 105.

53 Naum-Duhani, Said, Vieilles gens—Vieilles demeures: Topographie sociale de Beyoğlu au XIXè siècle (Istanbul: Touring et Automobile Club de Turquie, 1947), 130–31Google Scholar.

54 Eldem, Edhem, A 135-Year-Old Treasure: Glimpses from the Past in the Ottoman Bank Archives (Istanbul: Ottoman Bank, 1998), 124–25Google Scholar.

55 Cervati and Sargologo, L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain (1891): 644.

56 Archive of the Banque Impériale Ottomane (hereafter BIO), “Dossier d'Avances sur Garanties Diverses: S. E. Sélim Pacha Melhamé” (a.d. 003, 1287). Edhem Eldem kindly allowed me access to the BIO archive in 1999. See also Eldem, A 135-Year-Old Treasure, 176.

57 Cervati and Sargologo, L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain (1889–90, 1892, 1896–97, 1900–1908), provide the Malhamés’ addresses.

58 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 18.

59 Donald Quataert, “Ottoman Reform and Agriculture in Anatolia, 1876–1908” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1973), 73.

60 Hallgarten, George W. F., Imperialismus vor 1914, 2 vols. (Munich: Beck, 1963), 2:9899Google Scholar.

61 Letters from Marie Malhamé to Wilderich von Fürstenberg, 20 July 1907 to 3 December 1908, FFA.

62 Letter from Salim to Wilderich, 11 September 1907, FFA; and Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

63 Bouquet, Les pachas du sultan, 328–35.

64 Shaw, Stanford J. and Shaw, Ezel, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 2:212–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Georgeon, Abdülhamid II, 148–49.

66 Bouquet, Olivier, “L'Autobiographie par l'État sous des derniers Ottomans,” Turcica 38 (2006): 269CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 Ibid., 274.

68 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (hereafter BOA), Dahiliye Sicill-i Ahval İdare-i Umumiyyesi (hereafter DH.SAİD), d. 72/s.67–68.

69 Subhi Pasha was both an exceptional individual and a “textbook pasha” (no. 13 in Bouquet's list). He grew up at Mehmed ʿAli Pasha's court in Cairo. After the pasha's death in 1848 he moved to Istanbul and quickly rose in the Tanzimat bureaucracy to become a minister of awqāf before assuming the governorate of Syria in 1871. Later he was a minister of education, then of finance and trade. His residence was an intellectual center that hosted Ottoman and European men of letters. He was a noted scholar of Arab and Islamic history and numismatics and translated Ibn Khaldun's al-Muqaddima into Turkish. Babinger, Franz, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1927), 368–70Google Scholar.

70 DH.SAİD, d. 72/67.

71 Ibid. See also Lisan al-Hal (Beirut), 26 May 1888, 2.

72 Caillard, Vincent, Report on the Revenue Ceded by Turkey to the Bondholders of the Ottoman Public Debt Administration (Istanbul: PDA, 1888), 9Google Scholar.

73 Diamantopulo, Le Réveil, 106.

74 “Acten betreffend den Libanon, Türkei, no. 177,” Beirut, 25 July 1892, Politisches Archiv des Auswärtiges Amt, R13793, Berlin.

75 On the intermarried Duhani-Kusa faction's governance of the mutaṣarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon, see Akarlı, , The Long Peace: Ottoman Lebanon, 1860–1920 (London: Centre for Lebanese Studies and I. B. Tauris, 1993), 196–99Google Scholar; and Ismail, Adel, Documents Diplomatiques et consulaires relatifs a l'histoire du Liban, 20 vols. (Beirut: Editions des Oeuvres Politiques et Historiques, 1976), 17:174–75Google Scholar (29 July 1902). Franko Pasha Kusa (governor, 1868–73), his son Yusuf Pasha (1907–12), and Ohannes Kuyumcuyan (1912–15) all shared with the Malhamés Catholic ancestry in Aleppo.

76 Ismail, Documents Diplomatiques, 17:112 (12 March 1902).

77 Quataert, “Ottoman Reform,” 73. See also Thobie, Jacques, Intérêts et impérialisme français dans l'empire ottoman (1895–1914) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1977), 236–56Google Scholar.

78 Said Pasha, Hatıratı, 2:102.

79 Tunger-Zanetti, Andreas, La Communication entre Tunis et Istanbul, 1860–1913: Province et métropole (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996), 133Google Scholar.

80 Hanioğlu, Şükrü, The Young Turks in Opposition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 43Google Scholar, 117, 125. BOA, HR.TO, 355/44 and 45, 21 and 23 March 1898.

81 Crampton, Richard, Bulgaria 1878–1918: A History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983)Google Scholar.

82 Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition, 122–24.

83 Crampton, Bulgaria, 143–58, 166–73.

84 BOA, A.MTZ, 04 73/23, 10 Kanun I, 1317/23 January 1902. Milena Methodieva kindly shared her Bulgarian documents.

85 BOA, A.MTZ, 54/55, 29 Muharram, 1327, 18 February 1909; see also Tanin, 7 August 1908, 3. Cited in Kansu, The Revolution, 138.

86 British intelligence reported that in “the position of supreme jurnalci [internal security agent], collecting and selecting all reports . . . he actually did well to expose the absurdity of many of these reports.” Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

87 This account is based on Tahsin Pasha, Hatıratı, 111–16, 213–23; and Sonyel, Salahi R., The Ottoman Armenians: Victims of Great Power Diplomacy (London: Rustem & Bro., 1987), 261–63Google Scholar, which is in turn based on British FO documents.

88 British intelligence generally suspected Najib Malhamé to act in the interests of France but here comments on his appointment approvingly: “That such powers should have been given to a Syrian Catholic [sic] is in itself enough to excite against the holder of them an enormous amount of ill-will and jealousy, and it is proof of considerable courage of the holder. Nor, as far as is known, have they been greatly abused. Compared to his predecessors, Najib's conduct has been marked by moderation and good sense and with the Europeans with whom he, like Salim, has unlimited access, there is apparent a desire and effort to live down to his past reputation.” Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

89 al-Dirani, Augustin al-Bustani, al-Kawkab al-Sayyar: fi Rihlat . . . Mari Ilyas Butrus al-Huwayyik . . . ila Rumiya wa-Baris wa-l-Ustana al-ʿAliya (Beirut: Matbaʿat al-Arz, 1906), 275Google Scholar.

90 Khuri-Makdisi, Mediterranean Radicalism, 103–106.

91 Patriarch Huwayyik, cited in Carol Hakim, “The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea, 1840–1914” (PhD diss., Oxford University, 1997), 212.

92 Akarlı, The Long Peace, 170–73. It should be mentioned in passing that the Malhamés were also patrons of the liberal Maronite opposition to the church's claims to temporal power over Mount Lebanon.

93 On the Taba crisis and its wider implications, see Lawson, Fred, Constructing International Relations in the Arab World (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006), 2122CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 191; and Viscount Grey of Fallodon, Twenty-Five Years, 1892–1916, 2 vols. (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1925), 1:119–28Google Scholar.

95 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 19.

96 Naum-Duhani, Vieilles gens, 131.

97 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 249. In March 1908, the sultan attempted to assign Najib to Mursus's post. BOA, Y.PRK.AZJ, 54/55, 27 ZA, 1326, 31 March 1908. In the event, Naum Pasha Duhani became the ambassador after the revolution.

98 Akarlı, Engin, “The Defence of the Libyan Provinces (1882–1902),” in Ottoman Diplomacy, ed. Sinan Kuneralp and S. Deringil, 5 vols. (Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1990), 5:7585Google Scholar.

99 Grange, Daniel, L'Italie et la Méditerranée, 1896–1911: Les fondements d'une politique étrangère, 2 vols. (Rome: Ecole Française, 1994), 1:1430–431Google Scholar. See also Koloğlu, O., Osmanli-İtalya Libya Savaşinda (Ankara: Ümit Yayıncılık, 1999), 15Google Scholar.

100 For examples of the Malhamés’ battle for European public opinion, see BOA, Yıldız Esas Evrakı, 14/88–39/88–12. It contains an Ottoman draft of one of Salim Pasha's articles for the French press; see also BOA, HR.TO, 45/355 (23 March 1898) for an interview with Najib Pasha in La Tribune de Genève.

101 Deringil, Selim, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1909 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1998), 139Google Scholar.

102 Cervati and Sargologo, L'Indicateur Constantinopolitain (1903), 73.

103 For contemporaneous processes in the Western hemisphere, see Galeano, Eduardo, Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973)Google Scholar, esp. chap. 4.

104 Birdal, Murat, The Political Economy of Ottoman Public Debt: Insolvency and European Financial Control in the Late Nineteenth Century (London: I. B. Tauris, 2010)Google Scholar.

105 Ibid., chaps. 4 and 6.

106 For the Ottoman laws on imperial concessions, see Young, George, Corps de droit ottoman, 7 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 4:5258Google Scholar.

107 Hanioğlu, Young Turks, 43.

108 Flemming, Barbara and Schmidt, Jan, eds., The Diary of Karl Süssheim (1878–1947): Orientalist between Munich and Istanbul (Stuttgart, Germany: Steiner, 2002), 150Google Scholar.

109 Barillari, Diana, D'Aronco, Ottoman Architect: Projects for Istanbul, 1839–1909 (Istanbul: Kıraç Foundation, 2006), 59Google Scholar.

110 BOA, Yıldız Mütenevvi Tasnifi, 221/48–51, 8 C. 1319/ 8 July 1903. Quataert, Donald, Miners and the State in the Ottoman Empire: The Zonguldak Coalfield, 1822–1920 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), 2731CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 48.

111 Shaw and Shaw, History, 230. Quataert, “Ottoman Reform,” esp. 64–154.

112 Verney, Noël and Dambmann, George, Les Puissances Etrangeres dans le Levant en Syrie et en Palestine (Lyon: A. Rey, 1900), 648Google Scholar.

113 Quataert, Donald, “The Silk Industry of Bursa, 1880–1914,” in The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy, ed. İslamoğlu-İnan, Huri (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 284–99Google Scholar.

114 Gooch and Temperley, British Documents, 17.

115 BIO, OD-007, 10301. Salim's other banking relations are unclear.

116 Toprak, Zafer, “The Financial Structure and the Stock Exchange in the Late Ottoman Empire,” in East Meets West: Banking, Commerce and Investment in the Ottoman Empire, ed. Cottrell, Philipp (London: Ashgate, 2008), 143–59Google Scholar.

117 Kent, Marian, Oil and Empire: British Policy and Mesopotamian Oil, 1900–1920 (London: Macmillan Press, 1976), 1516CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

118 The agreement between D'Arcy's representative and Malhamé is reproduced in Longrigg, Stephen H., The Origins and Early History of the Iraqi Petroleum Company (Warwick University, Coventry, U.K.: BP Archive, undated manuscript), 235–38Google Scholar.

119 Hanssen, Jens, Fin de Siècle Beirut (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005), chap. 3Google Scholar.

120 Thobie, Intérêts et impérialisme français, 189–90.

121 Stamboul, 28 September 1906, MAE, Nantes, Consulat Beyrouth 1863–1914, carton 330.

122 Hanssen, Fin de Siècle Beirut, 100.

123 Shorrock, William, French Imperialism in the Middle East: The Failure of Policy in Syria and Lebanon, 1900–1914 (Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), 2332Google Scholar.

124 Berliner Tageblatt, 22 February 1901, 4. Around the same time, a Young Turk journalist in Bulgaria challenged Najib Malhame to a duel. Hanioğlu, Young Turks, 123.

125 Quoted in The Fortnightly Review 84 (1908): 565–67.

126 Diamantopulo, Le Réveil, 107.

127 BOA, DH.MKT, 76/2888 (1 August 1909).

128 On Habib's arrest, see the caricature reprinted in Revue du Monde Muselman, May–August, 1908, 727.

129 MAE, Nantes, Consulat Damas, carton 42, 8 July 1910; and MAE, Nantes, Consulat Beyrouth, carton 348, 18 April 1913.

130 BOA, DH.MKT, 49/2662, 18 November 1908; Y.PRK.AZJ., 17 December 1908.

131 Ismail, Documents diplomatiques, 19:255 (31 December 1912).

132 Ibid., 20:291–92 (2 August 1913).

133 Ibid., 19:170 (4 June 1913).

134 Arslan, Shakib, Sira Dhatiyya (Beirut: Dar al-Taliʿa, 1969), 130Google Scholar.

135 al-Khuri, Bishara, al-Haqaʾiq al-Lubnaniyya, 3 vols. (Beirut: Awraq Lubnaniyya, 1960), 1:134Google Scholar.

136 Abbot, George F., Turkey in Transition (London: Arnold, 1909), 240Google Scholar.

137 Engin Akarlı, “The Problems of External Pressures: Power Struggles and Budgetary Deficits in Ottoman Politics under Abdülhamid II” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1976), 50.

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