^{page 403 note 1} The research upon which this article is based was carried out thanks to a Graduate Training Fellowship from the Social Science Research Council. I wish to acknowledge my deep appreciation to it for this opportunity.

^{page 403 note 2} Prudhommeaux legitimately justifies this lacuna in his work in the following manner: “Pour établir jusqu' à quel point l'influence du communisme icarien a été efficace et salu- taire pendant les quelques années qui ont précédé la chute de la Monarchic de Juillet, il faudrait pouvoir raconter la croissance et mesurer l'extension du parti qui reconnut pour chef, dés son retour en France, l'auteur du Voyage en Icarie. La condition préalable d'un pareil travail serait une connaissance exacte des mouvements d'opinion qui, dans les différentes villes de nos provinces françaises et dans les pays voisins du nôtre, ont préparé la révolution de février 1848. En l'état des recherches historiques, les moyens d'infor- mation nous manquent encore. Nous devons done nous borner a quelques breves indi cations qui formeront comme la transition nécessaire entre les deux parties du présent ouvrage.” Icarie et son fondateur Etienne Cabet (Paris, 1907), p. 194.Google Scholar

^{page 403 note 3} Throughout this study, the terms Utopian and Utopian Socialist refer, for the sake of convenienced to all those whom Marx and Engels qualified as such. This does not imply that I adhere fully to their pejorative meaning of these designations. Recent works, such as Frank Manuel's on Saint-Simon and the several studies of the école phalansteriénne, have demonstrated that the oft-maligned thought of the “Utopians” contained elements of originality and sophistication not admitted by Marx as well as a great store of insights which he employed without rendering credit due. As for Cabet (who, alas, has little to recommend him on the above scores), Marx classified him among the Utopian Socialists in the Manifesto, but only on the basis of his colonial scheme (re “little Icarias”). As will be seen momentarily, the pre-emigration Cabet was not scorned by Marx and Engels.

^{page 404 note 1} Two examples of Engels’ estimate of Cabet's influence, both overdrawn, may be given. As early as November 1843, Engels said that the “great bulk of the French working classes [have] adopted the tenets propounded by M. Cabet…” (“Progress of Social Reform on the Continent”, in: New Moral World, November 4, 1843, Marx, / Engels, , Gesamtausgabe, Erste Abteilung, Band 2, Berlin, 1930, p. 439.Google Scholar) An Engels manuscript of March 1847, “Der Status Quo in Deutschland”, identified Cabet as “the recognized representative of the great mass of the French proletarians…” (Ibid., Band 6, p. 232.)

^{page 404 note 2} In the Appendix to Marx, Karl, The Poverty of Philosophy (New York: International Publishers, 1963), pp. 199–200.Google Scholar

^{page 404 note 3} L'Action directe, May 20, 1908. I am indebted to Professor Harvey Goldberg of the University of Wisconsin for pointing out the existence of this review. I was not aware of it until my research, begun on the basis of such an hypothesis, was well advanced.

^{page 405 note 1} See Angrand, , Étienne Cabet et la Révolution de 1848 (Paris: P.U.F., 1948)Google Scholar; Duveau, , 1848 (Paris: Gallimard, 1965), pp. 229–252Google Scholar; and Rude, , “Introduction”, to Voyage en Icarie: deux ouvriers viennois aux Etats-unis en 1855 (Paris: P.U.F., 1956).Google Scholar

^{page 405 note 2} The first, and not entirely complete attempt to deal with this problem is my doctoral dissertation for the University of Wisconsin, “Étienne Cabet and the Icarian Communist Movement in France (1839–1848)”.

^{page 405 note 3} Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, Manifesto of the Communist Party, in L. Feuer, Marx and Engels: Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy (Garden City, N.Y., 1959), p. 38.Google Scholar

^{page 405 note 4} Cabet, , Voyage en Icarie, 3rd ed. (Paris: Bureau du Populaire, 1845), p. 564.Google Scholar

^{page 406 note 1} Daumard, A., La Bourgeoisie parisienne de 1815 à 1848 (Paris, 1963), pp. 213–217Google Scholar. On the bonne bourgeoisie, see pp. 172–179.

^{page 406 note 2} On this question, see Vovelle, M. and Roche, D., “Bourgeois, rentiers, propriétaires: Éléments pour la définition d'une categorie sociale à la fin du XVIIIe siéde”, in: Actes du quatre-vingt-quatrieme Congrés national des Sociétés savantes (Dijon, 1959)Google Scholar, Section d'Histoire moderne et contemporaine (Paris, 1962), pp. 483–512.Google Scholar

^{page 407 note 1} On these, see Williams, Raymond, Culture and Society (1780–1950) (New York, 1960), pp. 87ftGoogle Scholar

^{page 407 note 2} “Les Antagonismes de classes dans la littérature sociale française de Saint-Simon à 1848”, in: International Review of Social History, I (1956), pp. 433–463.Google Scholar

^{page 408 note 1} Lehning, Arthur, “Buonarroti's Ideas on Communism and Dictatorship”, in: International Review of Social History, II (1957), pp. 266–287Google Scholar. Post-revolutionary dictatorship was a constant tenet of Cabet's thought. It antedates not only his communist phase but even the publication of Buonarroti's Conspiration pour l'égalité dite Babeuf (Brussels, 1828). An unpublished manuscript in the Cabet collection at the International Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis (hereafter IISG), “Exposé d'une révolution nécessaire dans le gouvernement de la France” (1827)Google Scholar reveals that Cabet wished to install none other than the due d'Orléans as temporary dictator after the overthrow of the Restoration. The desirability of such a dictatorship is also apparent in the Voyage en Icarie (le bon Icar) and, finally, provides the rationale for Cabet's own heavy-handed “gérance” of the Icarian colony. (The Amsterdam collection, which consists of four boxes and several folders of manuscripts, letters, and diverse printed materials collected by Cabet, was turned over to the Institute by Prudhommeaux. It and the Papiers Cabet (Série 25) at the Bibliothèque historique de la ville de Paris (hereafter BHVP) are the only collections of Cabet MSS known to me. I wish to thank Mr. B. van Tijn, former archivist for France at the Institute, for making the Archief Cabet available to me.)

^{page 409 note 1} Only late in 1847 did he make a concerted effort to capture peasant support. But Les Villageois (Paris, 1847), a brochure by one of Cabet's lieutenants, L. V. Maillard, was mainly for the purpose of recruiting much-needed farmers to open up the virgin land in Cabet's Texas Icaria.

^{page 410 note 1} On this subject the words of Femand Rude ought to be recorded: “Par l'importance qu'il attache à une propagande multiforme et inlassable, Cabet annonce encore notre époque où I'on standardise aussi l'opinion à coups de slogans, ù I'on s'efforce de faire penser les hommes en série et ou se pratique couramment ce qu'on a pu appeler ‘le viol des foules par propagande politique'.” Op. cit., p. 17.

^{page 410 note 2} That Cabet drew followers from among the secret societies is evidenced by several published and manuscript letters to him. His war against conspiratorial techniques was also instrumental in winning the genuine (though never complete) support of the French and German members of the Society of the Seasons and the League of the Just exiled in London during the 1840's. See the letters exchanged between Cabet and the Société démocratique française of London and the German Arbeitersbildungsverein published in the Bulletin of the International Institute of Social History, VII (1952), pp. 87–109Google Scholar and also Nettlau, Max, “Londoner deutsche kommunistische Discussionen (1845) nach dem Protokollbuch des C.A.B.V.”, in: Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus und der Arbeiter- bewegung, X (1922), pp. 362–391.Google Scholar

By and large, however, most of Cabet's adherents appear to be neophytes in politics. Some evidence for this is provided by the fact that the extensive list of members of the Société des Droits de I'Homme and affiliated groups appearing in the report of Girod de 1' Ain, Affaire du mois d'avril (Paris, 1835) does not bear a single name of an Icarian of the 1840's known to us. A similar negative correlation obtains when one scans the list of those arrested after the uprising of June 5–6, 1832 (Archives de la Prefecture de Police, Aa/421). Furthermore, it is quite rare for an Icarian to write of any past political involvement.

^{page 410 note 3} See, for example, his comments in le Populaire, January 30, 1842.

^{page 410 note 4} No contemporary writer denies that Cabet commanded the largest working class following of any French theorist. Estimates of the number of his devotees ran as high as 200,000. His newspaper, le Populaire, achieved a circulation of 4,500 in early 1847 and we know that he sold about 10,000 copies of his Almanach for 1845. There were Icarians in over seventy departments of France. The greatest proportion of his followers were artisans of less than master status, and the principal centers of Icarianism were industrial cities where the modern factory system was still weak (but threatening in some cases) such as Paris, Lyon, Reims, Vienne, Toulouse, and Nantes. Occupationally, of the 462 Icarians whose professions I have identified, 43% were tailors, shoemakers, and bootmakers. Another 8% were weavers and 9% came from the building trades (including his most famous adherent, Martin Nadaud).

^{page 411 note 1} His lead article in le Populaire, July 20, 1845 exposes his position on these questions at this point in his career. See also his brochure, L'Ouvrier, ; ses misères actuelles, leur cause et leur remède (Paris, June 1844), pp. 12–13Google Scholar. Before his discovery of communism, Cabet took a quite different view. His Moyen d'améliorer l'etat déplorable des ouvriers (Paris, 1833)Google Scholar advised precisely the means he later regarded as useless: through “sociéteés de secours mutuels”, the worker would be able to negotiate with his master “equal to equal” (p. 6). He also gave his approbation to coöperation.

^{page 411 note 2} Copies of their letters commenting on the work are preserved in the Archief Cabet, IISG: Lamennais to Cabet, Paris, April 29, 1838 and Voyer d'Argenson to Cabet, Lagran- ge, May 15, 1838.

^{page 411 note 3} See vol. IV, pp. 331ff

^{page 412 note 1} For the internal vicissitudes of the movement during this phase, see Cabet, , Toute la vérité au Peuple ou Réfutation d'un pamphlet calomniateur (Paris, July 1842)Google Scholar and especially his Les Masques attachés (Paris, 1844).Google Scholar

^{page 412 note 2} The fundamental source: Archives Nationales, BB18 1409 dos. 6043.

^{page 412 note 3} See my Ph. D. dissertation, op. cit., Part II, Chapter 4.

^{page 412 note 4} Several of these may be found among the Papiers Cabet, BHVP.

^{page 412 note 5} On his noble and selfless assistance to Blanqui, see Dommanget, M., Blanqui calomnié; une drame politique de 1848 (Paris, 1948), pp. 83ff.Google Scholar

^{page 413 note 1} Sencier, , Le Babouvisme après Babeuf (Paris: Rivière, 1912), p. 196.Google Scholar

^{page 414 note 1} Le Populaire, May 9, 1847.

^{page 414 note 2} The Owen Papers at the Coöperative Union library in Manchester (on microfilm at the University of Wisconsin) contain a letter from Cabet to Owen (August 15, 1847) demonstrating this relationship: “Vous n'avez pas perdu, j'aime à le penser, le souvenir de nos fréquentes entrevues soit chez vous, soit chez moi …, pendant mon exil politique en Angleterre.” Letter no. 1503, U.W. film no. 1090.

^{page 414 note 3} Cabet, , Voyage en Icarie, p. 519.Google Scholar

^{page 414 note 4} Le Populaire, April 18, 1841.

^{page 415 note 1} Le Populaire, July 3, 1842 and September 11, 1842.

^{page 415 note 2} Almanach icarien astronomique, scientifique, pratique, industriel, statistique et social pour 1843 (Paris, December 1842), pp. 95–96Google Scholar. The series of almanachs published by Cabet during the forties, little exploited by historians, contains valuable information on the Icarian movement.

^{page 415 note 3} Le Populaire, November 13, 1842.

^{page 415 note 4} Le Populaire, June 10, 1843. One wonders if Cabet recalled these words as reports arrived about the collapse of his Texas colony during the summer of 1848.

^{page 416 note 1} Cabet presents this point of view with especial clarity in a letter (July 3, 1844) answering the objections made by the Société démocratique française of London in their meetings of May 6 and May 13, 1844. Archief Cabet, IISG.

^{page 416 note 2} Le Populaire, May 2, 1844.

^{page 416 note 3} Le Populaire, July 12, 1844. The original may be found in the Archief Cabet, IISG.

^{page 416 note 4} Ibid., August 16, 1845.

^{page 417 note 1} Ibid., September 27, 1846.

^{page 417 note 2} Support for the assertion of the suddenness of this decision may be found in P. Angrand, op. cit., pp. 27–28. When did Cabet make up his mind to go? A letter from his closest contact in London, Camille Berrier-Fontaine helps answer this question. On April 13, 1847, he advised Cabet: “Ne pensez point à coloniser.” This is in response to a letter from Cabet of early March (since lost to us) posing this possibility. Papiers Cabet, BHVP.

^{page 418 note 1} Ma Ligne droite ou le vrai chemin du salut pout le Peuple (Paris, 1841), p. 57.Google Scholar

^{page 418 note 2} Cabets, , Réfutation des doctrines de l'Atelier (Paris, March 1842), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 1} Cabet, , Toute la vérité au Peuple ou réfutation d'un pamphlet calomniateur (Paris, July 1842), p. 111.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 2} Vincent, G., Grinard, Greppo, Perret, and Calandras to Cabet (undated, but internal evidence establishes that it was written in August 1842)Google Scholar, Papiers Cabet, BHVP. All these men were significant figures in the working class movement of Lyon; Greppo, the best known, will be elected to the Constituant Assembly in 1848.

^{page 419 note 3} Cabet, , Utile et franche explication avec les communistes lyonnais sur des questions pratiques (Paris, 1842). See especially pp. 15 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 4} This was none other than Aloysius Huber (or Hubert), who was to proclaim the dissolution of the Assembly on May 15, 1848.

^{page 419 note 5} L'Esclavage du riche (Paris, 1845), p. 14.Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 1} Cabet, , Le Cataclysme social ou conjurons la tempe¸te (Paris, May 1845), pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 2} Ibid., p. 21.

^{page 420 note 3} Procureur général de Rouen to the Garde des Sceaux, April 23, 1844, Archives Nationa les, BB18 1421.

^{page 420 note 4} This brochure is one of the most vicious pieces of political journalism to be published in the 1840'8. As noted above, before the Toulouse triumph of September 1843, the Icarian party was rent by internal conflicts, most of which revolved around Cabet's dictatorial attitudes. In this pamphlet he “unmasked” many of his former adherents, often in sordid detail.

^{page 421 note 1} Le Populaire, September 19, 1845.

^{page 421 note 2} Ibid., October 18, 1845.

^{page 421 note 3} Papiers Cabet, BHVP,

^{page 422 note 1} Cabet, , Salut ou Ruine, p. 50.Google Scholar

^{page 422 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 423 note 1} Le Populaire, October 18, 1845.

^{page 423 note 2} Ibid., November 22, 1845.

^{page 424 note 1} Ibid.

^{page 424 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 424 note 3} Ibid.

^{page 425 note 1} Altnanach icarien pour 1846, pp. 179–180.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 2} Le Populaire, April, 1846 and May 29, 1846. Cabet's discussion of the émeute in the Saint-Etienne basin seems to have had some effect. In October 1846, Piou, the procureur général of Lyon, informed the Minister of Justice of “the invasion of communism into the coal basin”; the propagandists had come from Lyon (Archives Nationales, BB18 1441). It is not clear if this was Icarian activity, but letters to le Populaire from Saint-Etienne and Rive-de-Gier early in 1848 indicate Icariain nfluence there.

^{page 426 note 1} Le Populaire, June 13, 1845.

^{page 426 note 2} Archives Nationales, BB18 1423.

^{page 426 note 3} Le Populaire, June 27, 1846.

^{page 426 note 4} Almanach icarien pour 1847, pp. 135–136.Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 1} Le Populaire, December 25, 1846.

^{page 427 note 2} Ibid., February 26, 1846 and August 28, 1846. In the latter, Cabet painted the arch- advocate of nineteenth century laissez-faire economics, Richard Cobden, in truly heroic colors. Clearly, we must still have reservations about the extent of Cabet's sophistication.

^{page 428 note 1} Three original drafts of letters dated August 31, September 17, and October 1, 1846 from Cabet to Lamartine exist in the Cabet papers at the IISG.

^{page 429 note 1} Cabet, , L'Ouvrier, pp. 40–41.Google Scholar

^{page 429 note 2} Le Populaire, July 13, 1845.

^{page 429 note 3} Ibid., October 31, 1846.

^{page 430 note 1} Good examples of this argument may be found in la Démocratie pacifique, November 2, 1845 and December 6, 1846.

^{page 431 note 1} Cabet, , Voyage en Icarie, 3rd ed., p. 565.Google Scholar

^{page 431 note 2} Ibid., pp. 336–547.

^{page 431 note 3} This notice, the “Mort héroique de Bories, Goubin, Raoulx et Pommer; récit fait, raconté et distribué le I'endemain de l'exécution”, was printed in the Almanach populaire de la France (Paris: Pagnerre, 1848)Google Scholar. The editor stated: “Cet ecrit autographe ne portait pas, on le pense bien, de signature, mais parmi les carbonari on savait qu'il etait de M. Cabet.”

^{page 431 note 4} This valuable manuscript, already cited, is in the Cabet collection at the IISG. The most pertinent pages are 32–47 and 64–68.

^{page 431 note 5} Cabet, , Poursuites du Gouvernement contre M. Cabet, zéme partie (Paris, 1834), pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 1} Archives Nationales, F17 6674 dos. Association libre pout l'Education du Peuple and BB18 1338.

^{page 432 note 2} Blanc, Louis, Histoire de dix ans, 13th ed., (Paris, 1883), vol. IV, pp. 241–242.Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 3} Ruge, , “Cabet und der Humanismus”, in Zwei Jahre in Paris, vol. I, p. 71 (Leipzig, 1846).Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 4} Engels, , “Progress of Social Reform on the Continent”, in MEGA, Erste Abt., Band II, p. 440.Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 5} Grün, Karl, Die soziale Bewegung in Frankreich und Belgien (Darmstadt, 1845), pp. 325ffGoogle Scholar; von Stein, Lorenz, Geschichte der Socialen Bewegung in Frankreich (Leipzig, 1850), vol. II, pp. 334ff.Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 6} This manuscript, in Cabet's hand, is perhaps the most important document in the Archief Cabet at the IISG. Unfortunately, we are unable to date it precisely. The date appearing at the end is mercredi, 22 aout. Internal evidence shows that it was written sometime after “12 mai” (undoubtedly referring to Blanqui's abortive émeute) but during the July Monarchy. Unhappily, no Wednesday fell on August 22 between 1839 and 1848 (though this was the case in both 1838 and 1849). One must conclude that Cabet made a mistake either as to the day of the week or as to the date. The most likely year seems to be 1839 since he would have missed either day of the week or date by a single day in that year; furthermore, the repeated mention of May 12 points to this conclusion as does the general tenor of the document.

^{page 433 note 1} Prudhommeaux, op. cit., p. 200.

^{page 433 note 2} Procureur général de Lyon to the Garde des Sceaux, October 2, 1843, Archives Nationa- les, BB18 1415.

^{page 434 note 1} Ibid., October 22, 1843.

^{page 434 note 2} This includes a study of the relevant documents at the Bibliothèque municipale de Lyon.

^{page 434 note 3} Commissaire, , Mémoires et souvenirs (Paris and Lyon, 1888), vol. I, p. 98.Google Scholar

^{page 434 note 4} Cabet, , Les masques arrachés, pp. 41–44Google Scholar; Archives Nationales, BB 18 1423.

^{page 434 note 5} Commissaire, op. cit., p. 98.

^{page 435 note 1} See Labrousse, Ernest, “Panoramas de la crise”, in: Aspects de la crise et de la dépression d'économie française au milieu au XIXe siècle, 1846–1851 (La Roche-sur-Yon, 1956).Google Scholar

^{page 436 note 1} After a minor manifestation protesting the price of bread, several Icarians (and others) were incarcerated and charged with conspiracy. The principal government witness, Houdin, drew Blanqui's name into the trial and charged that he had organized them as a secret society. See the Gazette des tribunaux, April 3, 1847 and April 29, 1847 and Anon., Les communistes de Tours; persécutions de police à Blois (1847)Google Scholar (Bib. Nat. Lb5i 4338). The pertinent archival sources are Archives Nationales, BB21 5028 and Archives departe- mentales de Loir-et-Cher, 3 UI 42 (Audiences correctionelles de 26, 27, 28, 29 avril 1847).

^{page 436 note 2} Cabet, , Le voile soulevé sur le procès communiste à Tours et Blois (Paris, 1847).Google Scholar

^{page 436 note 3} Desmoulins to Cabet, November 26, 1846, Papiers Cabet, BHVP.

^{page 437 note 1} Le Populaire, July 25, 1847.

^{page 438 note 1} We have already discussed the Tours development of 1846–1847. At Toulouse, a similar problem had arisen already in 1845. Perpignan, Cabet's correspondant there, wrote him that the movement was fading in face of competition from the more revolutionary communists (letter of July 10 referring to the recent publication of Cabet's brochure), Cataclysme social (June 1845), Papiers Cabet, BHVP. After the emigration announcement, a sizable group at Nantes, one of the principal Icarian strongholds in France, rejected the plan to emigrate on the grounds that the working class needed to stand united in its homeland and prepare to resist impediments placed in the path of progress. Razuret, J. J., an extremely influential Icarian chef d' atelier of Lyon, protested against the emigration in a similar vein and felt that a “revolution is near” (le Populaire, October 22, 1847).Google Scholar

^{page 438 note 2} Nettlau, op, cit., passim.

^{page 438 note 3} Such was not the case with one of Cabet's intimate associates, Hermann Ewerbeck, however. It is clear from Engels’ correspondence that he was much closer to Marx and Engels (in spite of his disapproval of their “hardheartedness” with regard to the Weitling problem) than Cabet suspected. For all this, see MEGA, Dritte Abt., Band 1, pp. 26–37Google Scholar. On Ewerbeck, see Silberner, Edmund, “La correspondance Moses Hess-Louis Krolikow-ski”, in: Annali dell’ Istituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 1960, p. 608, n. 13.Google Scholar

^{page 439 note 1} Archives Nationales, BB18 1451.

^{page 439 note 2} Le Populaire, April 11, 1847.

^{page 439 note 3} Whatever the real nature of the warfare of June (Rémi Gossez argues convincingly that Marx's bourgeois-proletarian confrontation was an oversimplification in “Diversités des antagonismes sociaux vers le milieu du XIXe sieècle”, in: Revue Économique, VII (1956), pp. 439–457)Google Scholar, in the mind of the French working class, the horrors of these days and the recriminations which followed made the breach between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat seem irreparable.

^{page 440 note 1} Cabet was arrested, however, on the basis of allegations to the contrary. A report from the Prefect of Police to the Minister of the Interior, drawn from a note from the sub- prefect at Bar-sur-Seine, stated that a veterinarian named Martin testified that he rode with Cabet in a diligence headed for Paris on June 22. Cabet was alleged to have told him that he was “impatiently awaited” in Paris. Furthermore, one Mme Loisel claimed that she saw Cabet during the insurrection in the rue des Gravilliers (Quartier Feydeau) telling several workers gathered around him that “s'ils ne réussissent pas aujourd'hui, ils réussi- raient plus tard”. This report is located among the documents relating to the investi gations of the insurrections of May 15 and June 25–26 in the Archives de la Ministere de la Guerre (dos. 5753). Similar visions of Cabet were reported on April 16 and May 15; the tribunal believed Cabet's assertion that he was in Marseille during the insurrection and rendered a decision of non-lieu.

^{page 440 note 2} Cabet, , Insurrection du 23 juin avec ses causes, son caractère et ses suites, expliquée par la marche et les fautes de la Révolution du 24 février (Paris, 1858), pp. 17–18 (my italics).Google Scholar

^{page 440 note 3} Ibid., p. 25.

^{page 441 note 1} Leroux, , La Grève de Samarez (Paris, 1864), vol. II, pp. 377–378.Google Scholar

^{page 441 note 2} Butot was a member of the provisional municipal government at Reims and had been instrumental in preventing further acts of violence after the attack on the spinning factory of Thomas Croutelle on February 25. See Gustave, Laurent, “La Révolution de 1848”, in: Le Département de la Marne et la Révolution de 1848 (Châlons-sur-Marne: Archives de la Marne, 1948), p. 48Google Scholar. The history of Butot during the ascendant period of the Revolution illustrates the poverty of the Icarian position. Because of his ardor for pacifism, he was regarded by his bourgeois associates as harmless, and his articulation of working class desires was in large measure ignored (though some social progress was made in Reims in 1848). At the same time he had enough prestige to hold the hungry and bitter elements among the workers in line. His power faded during April as advocates of stronger measures, under the leadership of the worker-poet, Gonzalle, emerged. For an idea of Butot's views, see his electoral confession of faith, Deux mots aux citoyens filec- teurs, contained in the collection of 1848 materials of Lacatte-Joltrois, Abrégé historique, vol. iv, ms. 1686, Bibliothèque municipale de Reims.

^{page 442 note 1} Duveau, op. cit., p. 232.