^{page 177 note 1} The phrase is that of John Plamenatz in: German Marxism and Russian Communism (London, 1954), p. 184.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 1} Vorstand der SPD, Zur Frage der Verantwortung am Weltkriege (Berlin, n.d.), p. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 2} ibid., p. 4.

^{page 178 note 3} Schön, C., “Der Vorwärts” und die Kriegserklärung (Berlin, 1929), p. 16.Google Scholar

^{page 178 note 4} Verantwortung am Kriege, p. 4.

^{page 178 note 5} Der Ausbruch des ersten Weltkrieges und die Deutsche Sozialdemokratie: Chronik und Analyse [Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Schriften des Instituts für Geschichte, Reihe I: Allgemeine und deutsche Geschichte, Band 4] (Berlin, 1957), pp. 19, 37, 38, 44, 67.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 1} Koch, Hartwig, Die Hamburger sozialistische Presse im Weltkrieg (Elmshorn, 1929), pp. 27–34Google Scholar; Laufenberg, H. and Wolffheim, F., Kommunismus gegen Spartakismus (Hamburg, 1920), p. 7Google Scholar; Luxemburg, , Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie (Berlin, 1916), pp. 13–4Google Scholar. Liebknecht, , Klassemkampf gegen den Krieg (Berlin, 1919), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 2} See Leipziger Volkszeitung, July 24; Dresdner Volkszeitung, July 24; Vorwärts, July 25; Münchner Post, July 25; Magdeburger Volksstimme, July 25; Frankfurter Volksstimme, July 28; Echo, Hamburger, July 28; and Koch, p. 28.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 3} Drahn, Ernst and Leonhard, Susanne, Unterirdische Literatur im revolutionären Deutschland während des Weltkrieges (Berlin, 1920), p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 4} Verantwortung am Weltkriege, p. 7.

^{page 179 note 5} Q.v. Die deutschen Dokumente zum Kriegsausbruch (Berlin, 1919), Vol. I, p. 125 and passim.Google Scholar

^{page 179 note 6} July 30, 1914.

^{page 179 note 7} Cf. Kautsky, Karl, Wie der Weltkrieg entstand (Berlin, 1919), p. 90Google Scholar. Kautsky was of a notoriously different opinion.

^{page 179 note 8} See Fechenbach, Felix, Der Revolutionär Kurt Eisner (Berlin, 1929), p. II.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 1} Echo, Hamburger, July 30, 1914.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 2} Vorwärts, , July 29, 1914.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 3} Borchard, Julian, Vor und nach dem 4. August (Berlin, 1915), p. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 4} Vorwärts, July 29.

^{page 180 note 5} Birth of the German Republic (London, 1931), p. 58.Google Scholar

^{page 180 note 6} See my “Triumph of Nationalism in the German Socialist Party on the Eve of the First World War,” Journal of Modern History (hereafter cited as “JMH”), XXIV, No. 1 (March, 1952), 15–41.

^{page 181 note 1} Kuczynski, , pp. 83–4Google Scholar, 77. Kuczynski is the latest advocate of the myth of German Social Democratic treason, no more tenable than his “lie of a Russian attack” or the thesis of G. Barraclough (Origins of Modern Germany [Oxford, 1947], pp. 435–6) that the German government “ran the risk of a great European war” so as to give a set-back to Socialism.

^{page 181 note 2} Herbach, F., Die Strömungen des Marxismus in Deutschland während des Weltkrieges und die Grenzen zwischen seinen einzelnen Richtungen nach Ideologie und Praxis (Berlin, 1933), p. 8Google Scholar; Wahl, Adalbert, Deutsche Geschichte von der Reichsgründung bis zum Ausbruch des Weltkrieges, 1871–1914, 4 vols. (Stuttgart, 1936), IV, 766–7Google Scholar; Anderson, E., Hammer or Anvil (London, 1945), pp. 24–5Google Scholar. Although the Russian question was the great hub around which SPD war policy turned, anti-English sentiments in the party were strong. For a number of years before the war a group of Socialist imperalists on the SPD Right (Wally Zepler, Max Schippel, Max Maurenbrecher, Wolfgang Heine, Eduard David, Max Cohen, Ludwig Quessel, Heinrich Peus, etc.) linked with the Sozialistische Monatshefte had rung the changes upon British monopoly over world markets and colonies. The Socialist imperialists pictured England as a “have” and Germany simply as a “have not” nation. Translated into Marxist terminology, Britain was an arch-capitalist, Germany, a proletarian. After the English declaration of war, this artfully fostered mass resentment degenerated to bitter hatred. Then the contrapuntal course to the SPD's Russian melody became quite naturally the revolution against plutocratic Britain. The alternative, it was argued by the Lenschs, Winnigs, and Max Cohens, was the ruin of not only the German working class but European proletarian democracy. (See articles by Hildebrand, G., Quessel, Leuthner, Quessel in the Sozialistische Monatshefte, XVIII–2 (1912), pp. 661–75Google Scholar; ibid., pp. 707–15; XVIII-3, pp. 1119–24; ibid., pp. 1491–6; XIX-2 (1913), pp. 715, 718 respectively; and Carl Severing, Sozialdemokratie und Völkerhass [Vol. XI of Kriegsprobleme der Arbeiterklasse, Berlin, 1915], pp. 8–10; Lensch, Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie und der Weltkrieg [Berlin, 1915]; Lensch, , Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie in ihrer grossen Krisis [Hamburg, 1916], pp. 6Google Scholar. 18; and David, Eduard, Sozialdemokratie und Vaterlandsverteidigung [Bielefeld, 1915], pp. 25–6).Google Scholar

^{page 182 note 1} The German Social Democratic Party, 1914–21 (Columbia University Studies in History Economics, and Public Law, No. 557; N.Y., 1949), pp. 67–8Google Scholar; also Ossip K., Flechtheim, Die KPD in der Weimarer Republik (Offenbach a.M., 1948), p. IIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 182 note 2} Herzfeld, Hans, Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie und die Auflösung der nationalen Einheitsfront im Weltkrieg (Leipzig, 1928), p. 8Google Scholar; Heinrich, Ströbel, Die deutsche Revolution (Berlin, 1922), pp. 10–Google Scholar. Cf. Drachkovitch, Milorad, Les socialismes français et allemand et le problème de la guerre, 1870–1914 (Geneva, 1953), p. 286.Google Scholar

^{page 182 note 3} La décomposition politique du socialisme allemand, 1914–19 (Paris, 1919), p. 47.Google Scholar

^{page 182 note 4} Herzfeld, , pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

^{page 182 note 5} John L., Snell, Socialist Unions and Socialist Patriotism in Germany, 1914–18, in: American Historical Review, LIX (1953), p. 67Google Scholar; Konrad, Hänisch, Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie in und nach dem Weltkriege (Berlin, 1919), pp. 22–3.Google Scholar

^{page 183 note 1} Kautsky, , Die Sozialdemokratie im Kriege, in: Die Neue Zeit (hereafter cited as [NZ]), XXXIII–1 (1914), p. 7Google Scholar; Kuczynski, of the Humboldt University of Berlin, concedes that, in any case, circumstances did not favor a general strike in Germany in 1914 (Op. cit., p. 142).

^{page 183 note 2} Quotation from Paul Lensch, Am Ausgang der deutschen Sozialdemokratie (Berlin, 1919), p. 30.Google Scholar

^{page 183 note 3} Heidegger, Hermann, Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie und der nationale Staat, 1870–1920 (Göttinger Bausteine zur Geschichtswissenschaft, Vol. XXV, Göttingen, 1956), p. 80.Google Scholar

^{page 183 note 4} Koch, , pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 1} Scheidemann, P., Memoiren eines Sozialdemokraten, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1928), I, p. 353Google Scholar; Bios, Wilhelm, Von der Monarchie zum Volksstaat (Stuttgart, 1922), I, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 2} Verantwortung am Kriege, p. 8.

^{page 184 note 3} Ursachen des deutschen Zusammenbruches im Jahre 1918, (Berlin, 1928) II, p. 74Google Scholar. See also correspondence between the chancellor and the right Socialist Dr. Südekum, A. of July 29 and 30, from the Deutsches Zentralarchiv Potsdam, Reichskanzlei, reproduced in Kuczynski, pp. 77–80Google Scholar, confirming SPD reliability.

^{page 184 note 4} Prinz von Bülow, Denkwürdigkeiten, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1931), II, pp. 307–9.Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 5} Op. cit., p. 74. – The most recent discussion of Kautsky's position is that by Matthias, Erich, in Marxismusstudien, Vol. 2 (Tübingen, 1957).Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 6} Frölich, P., Zehn Jahre Krieg und Bürgerkrieg, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1924), I, pp. 68–9.Google Scholar

^{page 184 note 7} The dissenting declaration is given in Eugen Prager, Geschichte der unabhängigen sozialdemokratischen Parrei Deutschlands (Berlin, 1921), pp. 30–1.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 1} Verhandlungen des Reichstags: Stenographische Berichte (hereafter cited as “V.R.”), CCCVI (Aug. 4, 1914), p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 2} Koch, , p. 54Google Scholar: Haenisch, , p. 25Google Scholar; Grünberg, C., Die Internationale und der Weltkrieg (Leipzig, 1916), Part I, pp. 303–4.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 3} See especially editorials in the Hallesche Volksblatt, August 5; Hamburger Echo, August 6 and 7; and Schleswig-Holsteinische Volkszeitung, August 7.

^{page 185 note 4} Liebknecht, , Klassenkampf gegen den Krieg (Berlin, 1919), pp. 14–9.Google Scholar

^{page 185 note 5} This is Kuczynski's phrase (! – Op. cit., p. 164).

^{page 186 note 1} New Yorker Volkszeitung, Aug. 21, 1914.

^{page 186 note 2} Harry J., Marks, The sources of Reformism in the Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1890–1914, in: JMH, XI (1939), pp. 557–61Google Scholar. See also Marck, Siegfried, Sozialdemokratie, in: Die geistige Struktur der politischen Parteien Europas (Berlin, 1931)Google Scholar and Buddeberg, Theodor, Das soziologische Problem der Sozialdemokratie, in: Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, XLIX (1922)Google Scholar for sociological aspects of SPD organization.

^{page 186 note 3} Am Ausgang der S.D., p. 33. Lensch was one of “the fourteen” who had voted against support of war credits at the caucus meeting of Aug. 3.

^{page 186 note 4} Prager, p. 51; cf. Herzfeld, , p. 15Google Scholar. For the evolution of Germany's western war aims until 1916 see Gatzke, Hans, Germany's Drive to the West (Baltimore, 1950), p. 67 and passim.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 1} Dittmann, W., Die Wahrheit über die Friedenspolitik der Regierungssozialisten, in: Leipziger Volkszeitung, June 15, 1917.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 2} Herzfeld, , p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 3} ibid.; Cf. ed. in Vorwärts, Nov. 6, 1916.

^{page 187 note 4} See “Der Krieg und die russiscne S.D.,” in: Ausgewählte Werke (Berlin, 1951), I, 739.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 5} In: Bergische Arbeiterstimme, Jan. 2, 1915.

^{page 187 note 6} In: David, S. D. und Vaterlandsverteidigung (Bielefeld, 1915), pp. 25–6.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 7} Similarly see Lensch, , SPD in ihrer grossen Krisis (Hamburg, 1916), p. 14Google Scholar; Haenisch, , Wo steht der Hauptfeind? (Berlin, 1915), p. 10Google Scholar; Haenisch, , SPD im Weltkriege, pp. 125–6Google Scholar; Cohen, M., Das Volk und der Krieg (Berlin, 1916), p. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 8} In: Die deutsche Arbeiterbewegung und der Krieg (Annalen für soziale Politik und Gesetzgebung, IV [Berlin, 1915], Part I, p. 139).

^{page 187 note 9} Dittmann, Wilhelm, Wie Ailes Kam: Deutschlands Weg seit 1914 (unpublished MS in possession of Dittmann family), p. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 187 note 10} Dittmann, MS, p. 48.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 1} Verantwortung am Kriege, p. 9.

^{page 188 note 2} Text in Sozialisten und Krieg (Prague, 1937), p. 459Google Scholar. Liebknecht insisted Kautsky's proposal was turned down by the majority (Klassenkampf, p. 15), but this was denied by Dittmann (MS, pp. 46–7) and Herzfeld (Op. cit., p. 9).

^{page 188 note 3} According to Kautsky, the deletion was requested by Bethmann who was concerned over English neutrality (Sozialisten und Krieg, , p. 460Google Scholar); cf. Scheidemann, , Memoiren, I, 300.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 4} “Die Sozialdemokratie im Kriege,” N.Z., XXXIII–I (1914), p. 7.

^{page 188 note 5} For Socialist policy towards France see Kautsky, , Sozialisten und Krieg, p. 459Google Scholar; Severing, Carl, Sozialdemokratie und Völkerhass (Vol. XI of “Kriegsprobleme der Arbeiterklasse”; Berlin, 1915), pp. 8–10Google Scholar; Stampfer, F., Die Sozialdemokratie und Kriegskredite (Berlin, 1915) p. 12Google Scholar; Gatzke, , pp. 73–4.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 6} Lensch, , S.D. in Krisis, pp. 14–5.Google Scholar

^{page 188 note 7} Cf. Koch, , p. 95.Google Scholar

^{page 189 note 1} Der Freibeit eine Gasse, III (Oct., 1915), p. II8.

^{page 189 note 2} Meine Stellungnahme zum Krieg, ibid., p. 156.

^{page 189 note 3} ibid., p. 158.

^{page 189 note 4} Zeman, Z.A.B., ed., Germany and the Revolution in Russia, 1915–18: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry (London, 1958), pp. 23–4.Google Scholar

^{page 189 note 5} See documents 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 (Jan. 9, 1915-Dec. 26, 1915) in ibid., pp. 1–6; 8–10. Parvus received an earnest payment of one million roubles for transmission to Petrograd to the revolutionary Socialists with the purpose of organizing the Russian revolution (State Secretary to the Minister in Copenhagen, tg. 952, Dec. 26, 1915, in: ibid., p. 10).

^{page 190 note 1} Speech of November, 1914, at a Berlin meeting, reported in Ströbel, , Die Kriegsschuld der Rechtssozialisten (Berlin, 1919), pp. 35–7Google Scholar. But the Kaiser had made the same funeral prediction on July 30 (Marginalia to tg. from Pourtalès to Jagow, July 30, 1914. In: Deutsche Dokumenten zum Kriegsausbruch, I, pp. 132–3).

^{page 190 note 2} As in the March, 1915 offensive on the Austrian front. See Prager, , p. 58Google Scholar; Herzfeld, , p. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 190 note 3} V.R., CCCVII, pp. 895–6.

^{page 190 note 4} ibid. (April 6, 1916), p. 889.

^{page 191 note 1} See Prager, , p. 94.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 2} Scheidemann, , Die deutsche S.D. und der Krieg: eine Rede gehalten in einer Breslauer Volksversammlung am 20. Juni, 1916 (Breslau, 1916), p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 3} Berger, R., Die SPD im dritten Kriegsjahr (M.-Gladbach, 1917), p. 52.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 4} See tg., Brockdorff-Rantzau (Copenhagen) to Zimmermann, , Aug. 14, 1915Google Scholar; in: Zeman, , P. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 191 note 5} Heidegger, , p. 141.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 1} Zeman, , p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 2} Herzfeld, , p. 45.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 3} See Scheidemann's, speech, V.R., CCCIX (Feb. 22, 1917), p. 2483.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 4} Protokoll der Sitzung des Parteiausschusses von Aug. 18, 1916 (Berlin, 1916), p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 5} Reported in Vorwärts, March 30, 1917.

^{page 192 note 6} SPD leaders feared that the OHL wanted to force Russia to her knees, then turn and launch a Friedenssturm in the west to achieve a Machtfrieden. “This suspicion,” said the editors of Vorwürts (May 16, 1917), “is at present the greatest hindrance to an end of the war.”

^{page 192 note 7} Ursachen, des d. Zusammenbruches, Sec. 2, VII, Part 2, p. 332.Google Scholar

^{page 192 note 8} Scheidemann, Memoiren, II, p. II. See also Cohen, Max, Zum internationalen Sozialistenkongress in Stockholm, in: Sozialistische Monatshefte, IX (1917), pp. 455–9Google Scholar; and Heinrich Peus, Die Aufgabe des Siockholmer Kongresses, ibid., pp. 563–8.

^{page 193 note 1} Q.v., V.R., CCCX (May 15, 1917), pp. 3390–8.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 2} B.-H., Betrachtungen zum Weltkrieg, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1921), II, p. 212.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 3} Merle Fainsod, Q. v., International Socialism and the World War (Cambridge, Mass., 1935), pp. 144–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 01ga Gankin, and Fisher, H. H., The Bolsheviks and the World War (Stanford, 1940), pp. 597–8Google Scholar; Frölich, , I, p. 189.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 4} The Socialists had joined the fronde against Bethmann because they could not forgive his public rejection of their peace program (Ursachen des d. Zusammenbruches, Sec. 2, VII, Part 2, p. 379; VIII, pp. 79–80. Braun, Otto, Von Weimar zu Hitler (N.Y., 1940), pp. 35–6Google Scholar; Stampfer, F., Die vierzehn Jahre der ersten d. Republik (Karlsbad, 1936), p. 28.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 5} George, D. L., War Memoirs (London, 1996), III, p. 1115Google Scholar; also Wilson's note to the Russian government. Lansing to Tereshchenko, , May 22, 1917Google Scholar. Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the U.S., 1917: Russia (Wash., D.C., 1940), I, Suppl. 2, pp. 71–3.

^{page 193 note 6} MS, Dittmann, p. 68Google Scholar; Erzberger, M., Erlebnisse im Weltkrieg (Stuttgart, 1920), p. 167Google Scholar. Text of resolution in V.R., CCCX, p. 3573.

^{page 193 note 7} E.g., see views of British ministers, in Great Britain, 5 Parliamentary Debates: Commons (July 26, 1917), pp. 1479–1589.

^{page 193 note 8} Bernstein, , Die deutsche Revolution (Berlin, 1921), p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 193 note 9} Cf. Heidegger, , pp. 142–3.Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 1} Protokoll öber die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der SPD abgehalten in Würzburg, 1917 (Berlin, 1917), pp. 216–7Google Scholar; also PP. 339–51. Cf. David's speech in ibid., pp. 316–9.

^{page 194 note 2} ibid., pp. 217–8.

^{page 194 note 3} Zeman, , p. 73.Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 4} See Ledebour's speech in V.R., CCCX (Oct. 10, 1917), pp. 3838–56.Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 5} An accusation made by Ludendorff (Op. cit., pp. 438, 443) and repeated more recently by Tiedemann, Helmut, Sowjetrussland und die Revolutionierung Deutschlands, 1917–19. (Vol. CCXCVI of Historische Studien [Berlin, 1936], p. 118).Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 6} Vorwärts, , Nov. 27, 28, 1917.Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 7} Text in Die Friedensverhandlungen in Brest-Litovsk und der Friede mit Russland (Leipzig, 1918), pp. 23–5.Google Scholar

^{page 194 note 8} See ed. in Vorwärts, , Dec. 28, 1917.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 1} Vorwärts, , Jan. 6, 1918.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 2} Ludendorff, , Meine Kriegserinnenmgen, 1914–1918 (Berlin, 1919), p. 365.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 3} Heidegger, , p. 156.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 4} Q.v., Ströbel, , Die Kriegsschuld der Rechtssozialisten, p. 42;Google ScholarSchinkel, Friedrich, Preussischer Sozialismus (Breslau, 1934), p. 202.Google Scholar

^{page 195 note 5} Heidegger, , p. 156Google Scholar; cf. Scheidemann, , Der Zusammenbruch (Berlin, 1921), p. 155.Google Scholar

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^{page 196 note 1} See the Report for the Under Secretary of State from Herr Nasse, Dec. 26, 1917 in Zeman, , pp. 110–2.Google Scholar

^{page 196 note 2} See Mehring's, F.Vom Militärstaat, in: Kriegsartikel (Berlin, 1917), p. 77Google Scholar; also G. Ledebour's speech before the Main Committee on Jan. 24, in Schulthess, (1918), Part I, p. 39Google Scholar; and Haase in ibid., p. 46.

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^{page 196 note 4} See editorials in Vorwärts, Feb. 19, 20, 1918.

^{page 196 note 5} Speech in V.R., CCCXI, pp. 4007–13.

^{page 196 note 6} Scheidemann, , Zusammenbruch, , p. 154.Google Scholar

^{page 196 note 7} Scheidemann, , Memoiren, , II, p. 151.Google Scholar

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^{page 197 note 2} Scheidemann, , Memoiren, II, p. 151.Google Scholar

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^{page 197 note 4} Haase's speech in ibid. (Feb. 27, 1918), pp. 4208–16.

^{page 197 note 5} Schulthess, (1918), Part I, 127Google Scholar; for details see Quarck, Max, Von der Friedensresolution bis zur Revolution (Berlin, 1919), p. 44.Google Scholar

^{page 197 note 6} V.R. CCCXI (March 18, 1918,) pp. 4431–41.

^{page 197 note 7} ibid., CCCXI, p. 4356.

^{page 197 note 8} ibid., pp. 4540–4; P. 4522–6.

^{page 198 note 1} Kautsky, , Die Diktatur des Proletariats (Vienna, 1919), p. 60.Google Scholar

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