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Emigrants and Exiles: Irish Cultures and Irish Emigration to North America, 1790- 1922.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2016

Extract

From 1740–1922, as many as seven million people emigrated from Ireland to North America. Arguably, if there are any patterns in modern Irish history, a cultural analysis of this vast flow may help to reveal them. For while the Irish question is usually defined in Anglo/Irish terms (those of conflict) it has more universal import as the adjustment of Irish identity and culture, both personal and national, to the demands of the modern industrialising world. Emigration afforded one such response; Irish nationalism another; Irish American nationalism linked the two. More humans were directly and articulately involved in the migratory response than in the nationalist, both cumulatively over time and in the degree of freely active personal involvement. If scholars such as Robert Kennedy, Cormac Ó Gráda and others have studied emigration in terms of Ireland’s economic modernization, we would suggest that it may be studied culturally as a revealing cross-section of Ireland’s attendant psychic modernisation.

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Copyright © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 1980

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References

1 Statistical analyses of the migration are contained in Doyle, David N., Ireland, Irishmen and revolutionary America, 1760–1820 (Dublin 1980), pp 5176 Google Scholar; Kennedy, Robert E., The Irish: emigration, marriage and fertility (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Miller, Kerby A., ‘Emigrants and exiles: Ireland and Irish emigration to North America,’ Ph.d., Berkeley, , 1976, pp 367385 Google Scholar; Fitzpatrick, David, ‘Irish emigration in the later Nineteenth Century’, in I.H.S., 22, No. 86 (Sept. 1980), pp 126–43Google Scholar; MacDonagh, Oliver, ‘Irish Famine Emigration to the U.S.’, in Perspectives in American History, 10 (1976), pp 357446 Google Scholar; Gráda, Cormac Ó, ‘A Note on Nineteenth Century Irish Emigration Statistics,’ in Population studies, 29 (1975), pp 143–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in studies listed in these. On Norway, see Skard, Sigmund, The United States in Norwegian history (Westport, Ct, 1976)Google Scholar. For a critical overview, see Gráda, Cormac ÓIrish Emigration to the United States in the Nineteenth Century’, in Doyle, D.N. and Edwards, Owen D., America andIreland, 1776–1976 (Greenwood, Ct., 1980), pp 93103.Google Scholar

2 For a more expansive treatment of the issues raised here, and for more complete citations, see Miller’s doctoral thesis, ‘Emigrants and exiles: Ireland and Irish emigration to North America’ to be published in revised form by Oxford University Press, New York.

3 Arnold Schrier used emigrants’ letters and oral reminiscences in his Ireland and the American emigration, 1850–1900 (Minneapolis, 1958); as did Green, E.R.R., ‘Ulster emigrants’ letters’ in Green, (ed.), Essays in Scotch-Irish history (London, 1969).Google Scholar

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34 Dumont, Louis, Homo Hierarchus: The caste system and its implications (London, 1972), p. 42.Google Scholar

35 O’Faolain, Seán, King of the beggars (New York, 1938), p. 12 Google Scholar; Fr. William Purcell 10 Dec. 1848 (Notre Drame University Aarchives, Bishop Purcell Papers, II-4-k).

36 Tighe MacMahon, petition to the Colonial Office, 1825 (P.R.O., CO., 384/11).

37 James Martyn’s petition, ibid.

38 See the sources cited nn 25 and 26. For evidence of transmission into English-speaking culture, see Muirgheasa, Enri Ó, Céad de Cheoltaibh Uladh (Dublin, 1915), pp 175341 Google Scholar (provenances and notes of Ulster tradition, in English); Zimmerman, Georges-Denis, Irish political street ballads and rebels songs, 1780–1900 (Geneva, 1966), passimGoogle Scholar; Dúill, Gréagóir Ó, ‘Ballads and the law, 1830–1832’, in Ulster Folklore, 19 (1973), pp 3840.Google Scholar

39 Fox, Robin, The Tory islanders (Cambridge, 1978), pp 3181, 99–126, 136–7, 158 ff.Google Scholar, Limerick rural survey, interim reports, 3: social structure (Tipperary, 1961), portrays familial dominance within social structures (rather than family-in-itself, as in sources, n. 33 above).

40 Muirgheasa, Enrí Ua (ed.), Seanfhocla Uladh (Dublin, 1907), pp 58, 68, 78Google Scholar. See also Seabhac, An (pseud. Pádraig Ó Siochfhradha) (ed.), Seanfhocail na Muimhneach (Dublin, 1926), passim.Google Scholar

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42 Miller, David W, ‘Catholic religious practice in pre-famine Ireland’, in Journal of Social History, 8 (1975), pp 8198 Google Scholar; Connolly, S.J., ‘Catholicism and social discipline in pre-Famine Ireland’, in Bulletin of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences: Thesis Abstracts, 1 (1976), 3036.Google Scholar

43 Evans, E. Estyn, in Casey, D.J. and Rhodes, R.E., Views of the Irish peasantry, 1800–1916 (Hampden, CT, 1977), pp 3756.Google Scholar

44 White, Jack, Minority Report: The Protestant community in the Irish Republic (Dublin, 1975), p. 62 Google Scholar; for critical mid-20th c. studies both establishing yet modifying salient Catholic/Protestant differences, see (Ireland) Rose, Richard, Governing without consensus, pp 247326 Google Scholar; (United States) Lenski, Gerhard, The religious factor (New York, 1961)Google Scholar; (S. Germany) Golde, Gunther, Catholics and protestants (New York, 1975)Google Scholar. Such studies have not yet been convincingly related to more imprecise studies of western business development, e.g. Eisenstadt, S.N. (ed.), The protestant ethic and modernisation (New York, 1968)Google Scholar: but see Miller, David, ‘Presbyterians and “modernisation” in Ulster’, in Past and Present, 80 (1978), pp 6690.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

45 Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, ed. Mayer, J.P., trans. Lawrence, G. (New York, 1969), pp 4647, 288, 293, 528–30Google Scholar; Chevalier, Michael, Society, manners and politics in the United States (1838), ed. Ward, J.W (New York, 1961),pp 273, 355–6Google Scholar. See Greven, Philip, The protestant temperament (New York, 1977)Google Scholar, which roots it in the colonial family, but contrast MacFarlane, Alan, The origins of English individualism (Oxford, 1978).Google Scholar

46 Arthur Quinn, 22 Sept. 1873 (PRONI, D. 1819/4); Johnson, Paul E., A shopkeeper’s millenium (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; Cross, Whitney, The Burned-Over District (Ithaca, N.Y., 1950)Google Scholar; Rev. O’Riordan, M., Catholicity and progress in Ireland (London, 1906), p. 64 Google Scholar is a trenchant statement of the bounds of individuality as a priest of that era might put it.

47 Ellis, J.T (ed.) The catholic priest in the United States: historical investigations (Collegeville, Minn., 1971), p. 307 Google Scholar; Handlin, Oscar, Boston’s immigrants, 2nd ed. (New York, 1972), pp 125–35Google Scholar; Dolan, Jay, The immigrant church (Baltimore, 1975), pp 115120 Google Scholar; Roohan, J.E., American catholics and the social question, 1865–1900 (New York, 1976; originally 1952), pp 1225, 103-118, 247–63.Google Scholar

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49 The following interpretation of Irish as a stative-active language was first set out by Boling, initially in ‘Irish language and culture’ (Berkeley, 1976), a paper since delivered at the Kentucky Foreign Language Conference (Lexington, Apt. 1978).

50 See Sapir, Edward, ‘The psychological reality of phonemes’ in Mendelbaum, David G. (ed.), Selected writings of Edward Sapir in language, culture, and personality (Berkeley, 1963), pp 4660.Google Scholar

51 Smith, R.F, Ireland’s renaissance (Dublin, 1903)Google Scholar; Irishman, An, (pseud.) My countrymen (Edinburgh, 1929), pp 46–7, 86–97Google Scholar; Horace, , Plunkett, , Ireland in the new century (London, 1904), p. viiiGoogle Scholar; interview with Dennis Wholley (Berkely, 1977); Zimmermann, , Irish political street ballads, p. 11.Google Scholar

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54 In this regard, the incapacity of the American Irish and urban Irish authors of O’Brien, John A. (ed.), The vanishing Irish (New York, 1953), to perceive this pattern is itself most revealing.Google Scholar

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57 Doyle, , Irish Americans, native rights, national empires, pp 186202 Google Scholar; Lees, Lynn, Exiles of Erin (Manchester, 1979), pp 164212 Google Scholar; Gilley, Sheridan, ‘Supernaturalised culture: catholic attitudes and Latin lands, 1840–1860’, in Studies in Church History, 11 (1975), pp 309323 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carthy, M. Peter, English influences on early American Catholicism (Washington, 1959)Google Scholar. Neither Dolan nor Handlin, loc. cit., η. 47 above, distinguish between the Irish social sources and English cultural ones of this ideology, and confuse )oth with the religious faith these forces enclosed.

58 That is, notwithstanding a westward tilt to nationalist, anti-Treaty, and early Fianna Fáil support: see Rumpf, E. and Hepburn, H.C., Nationalism and socialism in Twentieth Century Ireland (Liverpool, 1977), pp 3868.Google Scholar

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60 Westerhoff, John H., McGuffey and his readers (Nashville, 1978)Google Scholar, ch. 1, Weisz, Harold, Irish-American and It alian-American educational views and activities (New York, 1976), pp 3334.Google Scholar

61 John King, Pittsburg, to Robert Nevin, Carnduff, Dervock, Co. Antrim, Sept. 1832, (King Family Papers, Illinois State Historical society); N. Carrothers, Westminster, Upper Canada, to William Carrothers, Farnagh, Lisbellaw, Co. Fermanagh, 5 Dec. 1853, N.L.I. Schrier Collection: William Radcliff, Dec. 1832, in McGrath, TW (ed.), Authentic letters from Upper Canada (Dublin, 1833, reprint ed., Toronto, 1953), p. 110 Google Scholar; William N. Lyster, Springfield, Michigan, to (Armstrong Lyster?) Co. Wexford, 4 July, 1839 (Lyster Papers, Michigan Historical Collections, Uni. of Michigan); Samuel N. Fogarty, New York City, to Joseph Fogarty, Limerick, 4 March 1839, Schrier Collection. For homesickness, Wm. Lyster (Eyry Forest, Michigan) to his father, July-Sept. 1841 (Lyster Papers); Samuel Buchanan, Maysville, Alabama, to Augusta Buchanan, Dublin, undated (1870s), (N.L.I. Schrier Collection).

62 John McBride, Watertown, N.Y., to James McBride, Derriaghy, Co. Antrim, 9 Jan. 1820 (P.R.O.N.I., T.2613/3); Wills and Lydia Anstis, Bandon, to Robert Eady. Chaleur Bay, New Brunswick, 29 July 1827 and 6 April 1834 (Cork Archives Council); Andrew Johnston, Ballymahon, Co. Longford to his sons Peyton, Andrew and Samuel Richmond, Va., 20 Jan. 1834 and 20 Dec. 1837 (Peyton Johnston Letters, Huntington Library, San Marion, Cal.).

63 McDermott, Michael, ‘Recollections and Memories’ (c. 1884) Library of Congress Ms. 2–15–1000; ’Memoir of the Late Honorable Richard Robert Elliott1, in Michigan Historical and Pioneer Collections, 37 (1909), p. 644 Google Scholar; Mulvey, Helen F (ed.), ‘New York City in 1859: a Letter to William Smith O’Brien (from Richard O’Gorman)’ in New York History, 34 (1943), pp 8590.Google Scholar

64 Gerald Griffin, Corgrigg, Co. Limerick, to James Griffin, Silver Lake, Susquehanna Co., Pa., 24 Nov. 1825 and 29 Jan. 1826; Annie Griffin to same, 4 Aug., 1826 (Lewis Neale Whittle Papers, Georgia State Archives, Atlanta). These were kin of novelist Gerald Griffin, whose father emigrated: see Mannin, Ethel, Two studies in integrity (London, 1954), pp 76–8Google Scholar, 97 William Lalor, Lima, Indiana, to D. Lalor, Tinakill, Abbeyleix, Queen’s Co., 12 May 1834 (N.L.L, MS. 8567).

65 Doyle, David N., ‘Unestablished Irishmen: New Immigrants in Industrial America’, in Hoerder, Dirk (ed.), American labor and immigration history 1877–1920: recent European research (Uni. of Illinois Press, forthcoming).Google Scholar

66 Edward Toner, Unity Township, Pennsylvania, to Pat Donnelly, Pomeroy, Co. Tyrone, 7 June, 1818 and 21 Jan. 1819 (N.L.I., Ms. 2300); Pádraig Phiarais Cúndún, 1777–1856, ed., Foghludha, Risteard Ó (Dublin, 1932), p. 54 Google Scholar; Cúndún to Michael Ó Glasaín, Baille Mhacóda, Co. Cork, 17 Dec. 1834.

67 Ibid., pp 27 and 29: Cúndún to Partolán Suipeál, Cluain Ard, Co. Cork, 17 Dec. 1834; Τ W Magrath, Erindale, Upper Canada, to Rev. Thomas Radcliff, Dublin, Jan. 1832, in Magrath, (ed.), Authentic letters, p. 64 Google Scholar; Anastasia Dowling, Buffalo, N.Y., to Mr and Mrs. Dunny, Sleaty, Co. Carlow, 20 Jan. 1870, (N.L.I. Schrier Collection).

68 Charles Mullen, 28 Dec. 1883(P.R.O.N.I.,T 1866/9); Annie Heggarty, Ottumwa, Iowa, to Mr and Mrs. Michael McFadden, Kilcar, Donegal, 19 July 1884, (Schrier Collection N.L.I.); James J. Mitchell, Ά Journal Commenced on leaving Ahascragh, Co. Galway May 16, 1853’ (ms, in New York Historical Society); Maurice Wolfe, Washington, D.C., to his uncle, Cratloe, Co. Limerick, 19 Nov. 1863 and 25 Sept. 1865; same, Fort Segdwick, 12 May 1867, to same; same to Michael(?), Cratloe, 1869, undated (all N.L.I., microfilm 3887); George Crosby, Boston Navy Yard, Mass., to his mother, Bridget Crosby, Aggardbeg, Croughwell, Co. Galway, 28 Mar. 1848 (N.L.I., ms. 3549); B. Colgan, Carson City, Nevada Terr., to Thomas Dunny, Sleaty, Co. Carlow, 13 June 1862 (Schrier Collection, N.L.I.).

69 Zimmerman, , Irish political street ballads, and O’Lochlainn, Irish street ballads, 2nd ed. (Dublin, 1963), argue this transmission thesis in their introductions, passimGoogle Scholar; for emigrant balladry provenance, see Wright, , Irish emigrant ballads, pp 107114 Google Scholar,205206, 331–338, 429–433, 485–490 and 697–712; a less scholarly collection is James N. Healy, Old Irish street ballads, 4: No place like home (Cork, 1969).

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75 Mary Brown, New York City, to Mary?, Gentstown, Tomhaggard, Co. Wexford, 11 March 1858 (also 20 Jan. 1859)(U.C.D. Ms. 1408, Dept. of Irish Folklore Archives); Connell, K.H., Irish peasant society, pp 113161 Google Scholar; but contrast McKenna, Edward E., ‘Age, region and marriage in post-Famine Ireland’, in Economic History Review, 31 (1978), pp 238256 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O’Brien (ed.), The vanishing Irish, passim., a polemic being substantiated and modified by sources cited n. 33 and 39, but see particularly Lynn Lees and Modell, John, ‘The Irishman urbanised’ in Journal for Urban History, 3 (1977), pp 391408 Google Scholar for comparative evidence of higher marriage rates in Philadelphia and London than Ireland.

76 Memoirs of Daniel Cashman (copy in Dr. Miller’s possession; another in N.L.I.); J. F Costello, White River Valley, Washington Terr., 11 Jan. 1883, to his parents, Croagh, Co. Limerick (N.L.I., Schrier Collection); Buckley, , Diary of a tour, pp 170 241.Google Scholar

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80 (trans.) ‘It is on you we cry, poor exiled descendants of Eve and when our banishment in this life is finished, show to us the blessed fruit of thy womb, Jesus.’ MacCionaith, Tomás S., coll., An Paidirín Páirteach agus Urnaighte eile ingCanamhain Bhreifne (Cavan, 1921), p. 8 Google Scholar; Burton, David H., ‘The friendship of Justice Holmes and Canon Sheehan’, in Harvard Library Bulletin, 25 (1977), pp 155169 Google Scholar: Winks, Robin, ‘The American as exile’, in Doyle, and Edwards, , America and Ireland, 1776–1976, pp 4356 Google Scholar; Sheehan, P.A., ‘The effect of emigration on the Irish churches’, in Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 3rd ser., 3 (1882), pp 604–05, 613–14Google Scholar; through judicious and selective industrialisation, ‘Keep the fountain running and you may scatter its waters where you please secure for us the simple certainty that the population of Ireland will not fall below its just and normal standard, and we engage to make saints and scholars for the Universe again’, a position quite misconstrued as anti-emigration and non-modern in O’Farrell, Patrick, ‘Emigrant attitudes as a source for Irish history’ in Historical Studies (Ireland), 10 (1976), pp 123–4Google Scholar, an otherwise pioneer attempt at a cultural analysis of Irish emigration, based on a small Antipodean sample.

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