Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 September 2015
This paper proposes the importance of television, the televisation of US and British race politics, and the framing of “Black Power” in this television coverage, for race politics in Britain in the late 1960s and early 1970s. British politics and culture was “re-racialized” in the postwar era, and television, for white and black Britons, became a site of racial knowledge, racial identification, and racial dislocation. The rise of television as a central medium of everyday life saw it emerge, too, as a central site for the imagination of community. As critics have long noted, the community imagined in British television programming of this era was overwhelmingly white, and black people were featured most often only as a marker of social difference or social “problems.” Many black Britons, excluded from the national “everyday” as it was constituted on television, and facing increasing institutional and interpersonal racism in daily life, found in coverage of the burgeoning black liberation movements of the United States a useable politics through which to articulate new sites of identification, community, and solidarity. For others, though, coverage of race politics in the United States could be a source of anxiety and alarm. The televisation of US race politics was central to the growth of cultures and politics of radical blackness in Britain, but it also reconstituted the politics of white racism, recasting blackness in Britain as a sign of violence and impending social disorder.
1 Bill Schwarz has proposed that among white populations in Britain at the end of empire “there emerged … a recharged, intensified self-consciousness of their existential presence as white.” See Schwarz, Bill, “‘The Only White Man in There’: The Re-Racialisation of England, 1956–1968,” Race & Class 38, no. 1 (July 1996): 65–78, at 65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the legacies of empire in British culture and politics, see idem, Memories of Empire, vol. 1: The White Man's World (Oxford, 2011); Wendy Webster, Imagining Home: Gender, ‘Race’ and National Identity, 1945–64 (London, 1998); eadem, Englishness and Empire, 1939–1965 (Oxford, 2005). See also Paul Gilroy, “There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack”: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation (London, 1987); Frank Mort, Capital Affairs: London and the Making of the Permissive Society (London, 2010); Waters, Chris, “‘Dark Strangers’ in Our Midst: Discourses of Race and Nation in Britain, 1947–1963,” Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1997): 207–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Perry, Kennetta Hammond, “‘Little Rock’ in Britain: Jim Crow's Transatlantic Topographies,” Journal of British Studies 51, no. 1 (January 2012): 155–177, at 158CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Indeed, as a country that outlawed chattel slavery in the metropole and in the colonies long before the United States, Britain long had the opportunity to cast itself as the racially liberal counterpart to America, a role furthered by hosting black critics of American racism from Frederick Douglass to Paul Robeson.
3 Camilla Schofield, Enoch Powell and the Making of Postcolonial Britain (Cambridge, 2013), 24. On popular and state racism in the postwar period up to 1968, see Edward Pilkington, Beyond the Mother Country: West Indians and the Notting Hill White Riots (London, 1988); Kathleen Paul, Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era (Ithaca, 1997).
4 On race and the extra-parliamentary left, see Jodi Burkett, Constructing Post-Imperial Britain: Britishness, “Race” and the Radical Left in the 1960s (Basingstoke, 2013). On black radicalism and Black Power in Britain, see A. Sivanandan, A Different Hunger? Writings on Black Resistance (London, 1982); Rosalind Wild, “‘Black Was the Colour of Our Fight’: Black Power in Britain, 1955–1976” (PhD diss., University of Sheffield, 2008); Angelo, Anne Marie, “The Black Panthers in London, 1967–1972: A Diasporic Struggle Navigates the Black Atlantic,” Radical History Review no. 103 (Winter 2009): 17–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bunce, R. E. R. and Field, Paul, “Obi B. Egbuna, C. L. R. James and the Birth of the Black Power Movement in Britain,” Twentieth Century British History 22 (September 2011): 391–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rob Waters, “Imagining Britain Through Radical Blackness: Race, America and the End of Empire” (PhD diss., Queen Mary University of London, 2014).
5 See Mike Sewell, “British Responses to Martin Luther King Jr and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954–68,” in The Making of Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights Movement, ed. Brian Ward and Tony Badger (Basingstoke, 1996), 194–212; Street, Joe, “Malcolm X, Smethwick and the Influence of the African American Freedom Struggle on British Race Relations in the 1960s,” Journal of Black Studies 38, no. 6 (July 2008): 932–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stephen Tuck, The Night Malcolm X Spoke at the Oxford Union: A Transatlantic Story of Antiracial Protest (Berkeley, 2014); Waters, Rob, “‘Britain is No Longer White’: James Baldwin As a Witness to Postcolonial Britain,” African American Review 46, no. 4 (Winter 2013): 715–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Stuart Hall, “Foreword,” in Sarita Malik, Representing Black Britain: a History of Black and Asian Images on British Television (London, 2002), vii–ix, at vii, viii.
7 On the historical turn in television studies, see Helen Wheatley, ed., Re-Viewing Television History: Critical Issues in Television Historiography (London, 2007). See also Janet Thumim, ed., Small Screens, Big Ideas: Television in the 1950s (London, 2002).
8 See Elizabeth Buettner, “‘Would You Let Your Daughter Marry a Negro?’: Race and Sex in 1950s Britain,” in Gender, Labour, War and Empire: Essays on Modern Britain, ed. Philippa Levine and Susan R. Grayzel (Basingstoke, 2009), 219–37; Malik, Representing Black Britain; Webster, Englishness and Empire.
9 Webster, Englishness and Empire.
10 Rhodesia and South Africa, however, were to remain important for race politics in Britain throughout this period, and increasingly so in the 1980s. See Alice Ritscherle, “Disturbing the People's Peace: Patriotism and ‘Respectable’ Racism in British Responses to Rhodesian Independence,” in Levine and Grayzel, eds., Gender, Labour, War and Empire, 197–218; Williams, Elizabeth, “Anti-Apartheid: the Black British Response,” South African Historical Journal 64, no. 3 (September 2012): 685–706CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 J. Enoch Powell, “Speech at Birmingham, 20 April 1968,” in Freedom and Reality, ed. John Wood (London, 1969), 213–19, at 219.
12 Mike Phillips, London Crossings: A Biography of Black Britain (London, 2001), 56.
14 Tim O'Sullivan, “Researching the Viewing Culture: Television and the Home, 1946–1960,” in Helen Wheatley, ed., Re-Viewing Television History, 159–69, at 161. See also idem, “Television Memories and Cultures of Viewing, 1950–65,” in Popular Television in Britain: Studies in Cultural History, ed. John Corner (London, 1991), 159–81; Henrik Örnebring, “Writing the History of Television Audiences: The Coronation in the Mass-Observation Archive,” in Wheatley, ed., Re-Viewing Television History, 170–83.
15 Richard Hoggart, The Uses of Literacy: Aspects of Working-Class Life (London, 1957). On Coronation Street, see Stephen Lacey, British Realist Theatre: The New Wave in its Contexts, 1956–1965 (London, 1995), 117–19; Stuart Laing, Representations of Working-Class Life, 1957–1964 (Basingstoke, 1986), 181–92. Coronation Street, as many critics have observed, was itself partly driven by an effort to recreate the community life depicted in Hoggart's recollections of prewar Leeds.
16 Or, in the case of Till Death Us Do Part, sons-in-law. Raymond Williams's regular columns in the Listener still provide some of the most insightful analyses of the television of this era, especially on how various languages of class were represented and resolved in these popular shows. See, “A Bit of a Laugh, a Bit of Glamour,” Listener, 25 December 1969, 903; “Raymond Williams thinks about Galton and Simpson's ‘Steptoe and Son,’” Listener, 17 December 1970, 854.
17 See Jim Pines, ed., Black and White in Colour: Black People in British Television Since 1936 (London, 1992); Malik, Representing Black Britain; Darrell M. Newton, Paving the Empire Road: BBC Television and Black Britons (Manchester, 2011). A celebrated exception is Philip Donnellan's The Colony (BBC, 1964), in which working-class West Indians in Birmingham provided a series of commentaries on life in Britain and the challenges that they faced.
18 Mrs. P. Crabbe, Welfare Secretary of the National Council for the Unmarried Mother and Her Child, speaking at a BBC consultation in 1965, quoted in Newton, Paving the Empire Road, 125.
19 Leicester Campaign for Racial Equality writing to the BBC in October 1965, quoted in ibid., 132.
20 Pines, “Introduction,” in Black and White in Colour, 9–16, at 13.
21 Horace Ové, interviewed by Jim Pines, in Black and White in Colour, 120–31, at 121.
22 Henry Louis Gates Jr., Colored People (Harmondsworth, 1994), 27.
23 Mike Phillips and Trevor Phillips, Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi-Racial Britain (London, 1998), 231–32.
24 Trevor Carter with Jean Coussins, Shattering Illusions: West Indians in British Politics (London, 1986), 81.
25 On Claudia Jones, see Marika Sherwood et al., Claudia Jones: A Life in Exile (London, 1999); Carole Boyce Davies, Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones (Durham, 2008); Schwarz, Bill, “Claudia Jones and the West Indian Gazette: Reflections on the Emergence of Post-Colonial Britain,” Twentieth Century British History 14, no. 3 (September 2003): 264–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 Carter, Shattering Illusions, 48.
27 Dilip Hiro, Black British, White British: A History of Race Relations in Britain (London, 1971), 107; Jamaican teenager quoted in Joan Anim-Addo, Longest Journey: A History of Black Lewisham (London, 1995), 108; Nassy-Brown, Jacqueline, “Black Liverpool, Black America, and the Gendering of Diasporic Space,” Cultural Anthropology 13, no. 3 (August 1998): 291–325, at 313CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hanif Kureishi, “London and Karachi,” in My Beautiful Laundrette, and the Rainbow Sign (Boston, 1986), 7–38, at 13.
28 For older accounts, see Kalbir Shukra, The Changing Patterns of Black Politics in Britain (London, 1998); Ron Ramdin, The Making of the Black Working Class in Britain (Aldershot, 1987). More recently, a similar focus dominates the emerging transnational turn in civil rights and Black Power studies. See Tuck, The Night Malcolm X Spoke; Street, “Malcolm X, Smethwick”; Clive Webb, “Britain, the American South, and the Wide Civil Rights Movement,” in The U.S. South and Europe: Transatlantic Relations in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Cornelis A. van Minnen and Manfred Berg (Lexington, 2013), 243–63.
29 A recent attempt to rethink postwar history through such approaches is Lawrence Black, Redefining British Politics: Culture, Consumerism and Participation 1954–70 (Basingstoke, 2010).
30 See, for example, Angela Y. Davis, “Afro Images: Politics, Fashion, and Nostalgia,” in Soul: Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure, ed. Monique Guillory and Richard C. Green (New York, 1998), 23–31; Charles E. Jones and Judson J. Jeffries, “Don't Believe the Hype: Debunking the Panther Mythology,” in The Black Panther Party (Reconsidered), ed. Charles E. Jones (Baltimore, 1998), 25–56.
31 Amy Abugo Ongiri, Spectacular Blackness: The Cultural Politics of the Black Power Movement and the Search for a Black Aesthetic (Charlottesville, 2010). See also William Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965–1975 (Chicago, 1992).
32 On the sonic cultures of Black Power, see Kevin Gaines, “Music is a World: Stevie Wonder and the Sound of Black Power,” in Black Power Beyond Borders: The Global Dimensions of the Black Power Movement, ed. Nico Slate (New York, 2012), 191–211; Gilroy, There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack, chap. 5.
33 Bobby Seale, quoted in Jane Rhodes, Framing the Black Panthers: The Spectacular Rise of a Black Power Icon (New York, 2007), 76.
34 Emory Douglas, quoted in ibid., 68.
35 Kureishi, “London and Karachi.” Kureishi's memoir also reminds us that the political and cultural expressions of blackness articulated through Black Power imaginaries in this era were by no means limited to those of African descent. For a further discussion, see Anandi Ramamurthy, Black Star: Britain's Asian Youth Movements (London, 2013).
36 Pauline Black, Black by Design: A 2-Tone Memoir (London, 2011), 59–87.
37 Phillips and Phillips, Windrush, 232.
38 Dialectics of Liberation: Public Meeting and Discussion (Liberation Records, 1968), LIBERATION DL 13, British Library.
39 For Raymond Williams, writing in 1973, “flow” was “the central television experience”:
In all communication systems before broadcasting the essential items were discrete. A book or pamphlet was taken and read as a specific item. … A play was performed in a particular theatre at a set hour. The difference in broadcasting is not only that these events, or events resembling them, are available inside the home, by the operation of a switch. It is that the real programme that is offered is a sequence or a set of alternative sequences of these and other similar events, which are then available in a single dimension and in a single operation. … Flow … is centrally important in our experience of television, since it shows, over a sufficient range, the process of relative unification, into a flow, of otherwise diverse or at best loosely related items.
Raymond Williams, Television: Technology and Cultural Form, ed. Ederyn Williams (London, 1990), 86, 95–96.
40 Mary Whitehouse (1910–2001) was a moral campaigner who led a sustained attack on the perceived “permissiveness” of television and radio from the 1960s to the 1980s. An activist with Moral Re-Armament in the 1930s, in 1964 she went on to found the Clean-Up TV pressure group, and in 1965, the National Viewers’ and Listeners’ Association. See Ben Thompson, ed., Ban This Filth! Letters from the Mary Whitehouse Archive (London, 2012).
41 Black, Redefining British Politics, 115.
42 Newton, Paving the Empire Road, 145.
43 Schofield, Enoch Powell, 12. On New Left postimperial internationalism, see Burkett, Constructing Post-Imperial Britishness. It is worth noting that Whitehouse was not against any form of transnational solidarity. Writing in the Daily Sketch in 1967 in one of her frequent attacks on Johnny Speight's Till Death Us Do Part, she complained about the show's “anti-Ian Smith” position. Such moments reveal something of Whitehouse's own race politics. See Schaffer, Gavin, “Till Death Us Do Part and the BBC: Racial Politics and the British Working Classes 1965–75,” Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 2 (April 2010): 454–77, at 460CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
44 Whitehouse in the Birmingham Post, 13 May 1968, quoted in Black, Redefining, 115.
45 Contributions at the 1965 National Viewers and Listeners’ Association, quoted in ibid., 108.
46 Janet Thumim, “Introduction: Small Screens, Big Ideas,” in Small Screens, Big Ideas, ed. Janet Thumim, 1–18, at 3.
47 O'Sullivan, “Television Memories,” 172.
48 Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, Racism and the Mass Media: A Study of the Role of the Mass Media in the Formation of White Beliefs and Attitudes in Britain (London, 1974), 135–46.
49 City of Terror (British Pathé newsreel, 19 August 1965), http://www.britishpathe.com/video/city-of-terror/; America—Newark Riots (British Pathé newsreel, 23 July 1967), http://www.britishpathe.com/video/america-newark-riots/; Riots In Detroit And Harlem (British Pathé newsreel, 30 July 1967), http://www.britishpathe.com/video/riots-in-detroit-and-harlem/.
50 “The Fire This Time,” This Week (ITV, 13 July 1967); “City at Gunpoint,” This Week (ITV, 6 June 1968).
51 On the relationship of current affairs programs to television news, see Patricia Holland, The Angry Buzz: This Week and Current Affairs Television (London, 2006); Peter Goddard, John Corner, and Kay Richardson, Public Issue Television: World in Action, 1963–98 (Manchester, 2007).
52 The list that follows covers only those programs I have been able to find some record of; there are doubtless many others: “Black Power,” The World Tomorrow (ITV, 20 September 1966); “The Third World,” World in Action (ITV, 31 July 1967); “Black Power in Britain,” Man Alive (BBC2, 27 February 1968); “The New British—Integration or Black Power?,” This Week (ITV, 25 January 1968); “Say it Loud! I'm Black and I'm Proud!,” This Week (ITV, 27 March 1969); “Equal Before the Law?,” This Week (ITV, 3 September 1970); “The Black American Dream,” Man Alive (BBC2, 2 June 1971).
53 Times News Team, The Black Man in Search of Power: A Survey of Black Revolution across the World (London, 1968). Dilip Hiro would write of this series that “[b]y writing a book on the black man which encompasses southern Africa, America and Britain, the News Team has lent its support, implicitly, to Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael's belief that ‘the black struggle is international,’ which was certainly not the team's intention, for despite its inborn British reticence the team has not been able to conceal its revulsion at the theory and practice of Black Power in the western world.” Dilip Hiro, “Black and White: A Review of the Times News Team's Black Man in Search of Power,” New Society, 27 June 1968, 955.
54 “Black Power,” Please, Sir! (ITV, 13 November 1971).
55 Kureishi, “London and Karachi.”
56 Proposing this change of title, Wheeler claimed that “events this summer have amply justified it.” David Wheeler to H. Doc. P. Tell, n.d. , file T56/83/1, BBC Written Archives Centre, Reading (hereafter WAC).
57 This technique of documentary filming, in which reporter and interviewer are absent from the shot—still novel in the 1960s—provided a greater sense of immediacy to documentary footage, providing “the impression that viewers were brought closer to the subject, rather than having their access to actuality mediated through the presence and personality of television professionals.” See Goddard, Corner, and Richardson, Public Issue Television, 23.
58 The Colour War, directed by David Wheeler (BBC1, 13 September 1967).
60 David Wheeler, “The Colour War,” Radio Times, 7 September 1967.
61 “The Pattern of Violence,” Times, 25 July 1967.
62 “Carmichael Report is Ordered,” Times, 25 July 1967.
63 The program was “The Third World.” See the description provided in “Stokely Carmichael's World in Action,” Daily Mirror, 31 July 1967. The program, newly relaunched only thirty days previously, was enjoying phenomenal success, and the 31 July edition was ranked fifth in the top twenty television programs in the week of its transmission. Goddard, Corner, and Richardson, Public Issue Television, 47.
64 “We Have Said All This Before,” Brixton Advertiser, 11 August 1967. See “The Threat of Black Power: ‘Duncan Sandys Is a Fool’ say Immigrants,” Brixton Advertiser, 4 August 1967; “Ban ‘Black Power’ Call,” Brixton Advertiser, 1 September 1967.
65 See Schwarz, Memories of Empire.
66 T. Feeny, letter to the editor, “Hate at Speaker's Corner,” Daily Telegraph, 20 July 1967; H. L. Hillman, letter to the editor, London Evening News, 19 July 1967. The Daily Mirror also noted that a number of protest letters about Carmichael's recent presence in Britain had been received by the national press. See “Stokely Carmichael's World in Action,” Daily Mirror, 31 July 1967.
67 “British Ban on Stokely Carmichael,” Times, 28 July 1967.
68 “Stokely Carmichael Recordings for Sale,” Times, 5 August 1967; “‘Black Power’ TV Protests,” Times, 3 August 1967.
69 See “BBC accused on ‘Black Power,’” Times, 16 December 1967; “BBC apology on ‘Black Power,’” Times, 23 December 1967. This was the same broadcast about which Whitehouse would also lodge complaints.
70 Obi Egbuna, along with two other members of the Universal Coloured People's Association, was arrested ten months later and charged with threatening to kill police officers in his speeches at Hyde Park. He later wrote of the experience, including his subsequent spell in Brixton prison in Destroy This Temple: The Voice of Black Power in Britain (London, 1971).
71 “‘Brutalised’ by the Police,” Times, 29 August 1967; “Michael X Case Next Tuesday,” Times, 12 October 1967; “Four Coloured Men on Race Charges,” Times, 20 October 1967.
72 Madge Dresser, “The Colour Bar in Bristol, 1963,” in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, vol. 1: History and Politics, ed. Raphael Samuel (London, 1989), 288–316.
73 Paul Stephenson quoted in Nuala Sanderson, “The Impact of the Struggle for Racial Equality in the United States on British Racialised Relations from 1958 to 1968” (PhD diss., University of Southampton, 1999), 119.
74 Desmond Wilcox, interviewed by Jim Pines, in Black and White in Colour, 139–141, at 139; Jack Bell, “Where There's a Wilcox, There's a Way … ,” Daily Mirror, 2 March 1968.
75 Nigeria was at this time in the midst of the brutal Biafran war, a conflict that received extensive media coverage.
76 “West Indian Teenagers,” transcript of interviews for Man Alive, file T14/2, 572/1, WAC.
77 “When Race Hatred Has Two Sides … ,” Daily Sketch, 28 February 1968.
78 British Broadcasting Corporation, “An Audience Research Report: 8. VR/68/132. Man Alive,” in Audience Research Reports, Television: General Chronological. January & February 1968, file R9/7/91, WAC.
79 Stanley Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and Rockers, 3rd ed. (London, 2002), 10. A similar argument, specifically about Black Power, is advanced in Kushnick, Louis, “Black Power and the Media,” Race Today 2, no. 12 (December 1970): 439–42Google Scholar.
80 Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration, Police/Immigrant Relations, vol. 3: Evidence, Documents and Index (London, 1972), 516.
81 On black style politics see Kobena Mercer, Welcome to the Jungle: New Positions in Black Cultural Studies (London, 1994). On postwar subcultures, Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London, 1979). The dress and style of the leading public figures of Black Power in Britain from the late 1960s, from Roy Sawh to Michael X and his right-hand man, Frankie Dymon, artfully blended the crushed velvet suits and polo-neck sweaters of the countercultural and beat culture scene with the dark glasses and berets of the American Panthers or the sharp suits of Malcolm X. See “Burn, Baby, Burn,” Illustrated London News, 18 May 1968; John Williams, Michael X: A Life in Black and White (London, 2008); Horace Ové's photography in the 2005 British Film Institute DVD collection Pressure / Baldwin's Nigger; and the descriptions of the young Black Power group the Fasimbas in Winston N. Trew, Black for a Cause, Not Just Because: The Case of the ‘Oval 4’ and the Story of Black Power in 1970s Britain (Derby, 2010). Trew's memoir also demonstrates the links that bound organized Black Power to wider black cultural spaces, from sound systems and blues parties to community centers. See also Dennis Morris, Growing Up Black (London, 2012). I borrow this definition of black visibility as a display on the integrity of the black self from Schwarz, Bill, “‘Our Unadmitted Sorrow’: The Rhetorics of Civil Rights Photography,” History Workshop Journal 72, no. 1 (October 2011): 139–55, at 142CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
82 Transcript of “Black Power in Britain,” Analysis (BBC Radio 4, 18 September 1970), file 221, BBC Radio 4 Analysis collection, Broadcasting History Collections, Bournemouth University (hereafter BHC).
83 Transcript of “Equal before the Law,” This Week (ITV, 3 September 1970), This Week collection, BHC.
85 Keith Waterhouse, “The Invisible People,” Daily Mirror, 18 February 1971.
86 Schofield, Enoch Powell; Douglas E. Schoen, Enoch Powell and the Powellites (London, 1977).
87 On the similarities between the race discourses of Powellism and Thatcherism, see Anne Marie Smith, New Right Discourse on Race and Sexuality: Britain, 1968–1990 (Cambridge, 1994).
88 Amy Whipple, “‘Ordinary People’: The Cultural Origins of Popular Thatcherism, 1964–1979” (PhD diss., Northwestern University, 2004); Ben Jackson and Robert Saunders, eds., Making Thatcher's Britain (Cambridge, 2012); Stuart Hall et al., Policing the Crisis: Mugging, The State, and Law and Order (London, 1978).
89 Sivanandan, A Different Hunger?; Vince Hines, How Black People Overcame Fifty Years of Repression in Britain, 1945–1995, vol. 1: 1945–1975 (London, 1998); Cecil Gutzmore, “Carnival, the State and the Black Masses in the United Kingdom,” in Inside Babylon: The Caribbean Diaspora in Britain, ed. Winston James and Clive Harris (London, 1993), 207–30; Cohen, Abner, “Drama and Politics in the Development of a London Carnival,” Man 15, no. 1 (March 1980): 65–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Michael Keith, Race, Riots and Policing: Lore and Disorder in a Multi-Racist Society (London, 1993); John La Rose, with Linton Kwesi Johnson and Gus John, The New Cross Massacre Story: Interviews with John La Rose (London, 2011).
90 See Kate Quinn, ed., Black Power in the Caribbean (Gainesville, 2014); Slate, Black Power beyond Borders; Austin, David, “All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean, and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada,” Journal of African American History 92, no. 4 (Autumn 2007): 516–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Waters, “Imagining Britain through Radical Blackness.”
91 Handsworth Songs, produced and directed by British Audio Film Collective, 1986.
92 On Malcolm X and Smethwick, see Street, “Malcolm X, Smethwick.”
93 See Alison Landsberg, Prosthetic Memory: The Transformation of American Remembrance in the Age of Mass Culture (New York, 2004).
94 Kobena Mercer, “Post-Colonial Trauerspiel,” in The Ghosts of Songs: The Film Art of the Black Audio Film Collective, 1982–1998, ed. Kodwo Eshun and Anjalika Sagar (Liverpool, 2007), 43–59, at 44.