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Morale and the Postwar Politics of Consensus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 July 2013


The aftermath of the Second World War saw massive efforts to promote morale management across British industry. While these new discourses and industrial practices have often been explained in terms of the development of expert knowledge, this article places them at the center of the politics of social reconstruction. While the proper management of morale was linked to greater productivity, this article argues that it was often their assumed benefits regarding social cohesion and harmony that mattered most. It shows the ways in which government officials, management experts, and social scientists mobilized the perceived links that the war had forged among morale, collective sacrifice, and democratic citizenship and thus turned the workplace into a privileged site for the manufacture of consensus.

Copyright © The North American Conference on British Studies 2013 

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4 Ibid., 26.

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12 Moreover, in the new technocratic idiom that crystalized in postwar Britain, it now seemed possible that such concerns could be addressed in a scientific manner. This ethos is analyzed in Savage, Mike, Identities and Social Change in Britain Since 1940: The Politics of Method (Oxford, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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39 The historicity of the concept is important. I am interested in how contemporaries thought about the term rather than in our own understanding of it.

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47 “The soldier feels himself a member of his section, his platoon, his company, his battalion, his division and even the army as a whole. In fact, he goes further and feels himself a member of the nation in whose army he fights.” Taylor, Gordon Rattray, Are Workers Human? (London, 1950), 8587Google Scholar.

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56 This is discussed in Croft, Coercion or Persuasion, 42.

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59 A survey undertaken by the Industrial Welfare Society in 1955 showed that of the fifty-seven magazines whose editors responded to the survey, fifteen magazines had been established before the war, two during the war, and the overwhelming majority, thirty-seven, in its aftermath. Industrial Welfare Society Survey N. 32, Employee Magazines (1955), 7, MSS 303.IS/1, Modern Records Center (MRC).

60 Williams, W. E., “Civilian ‘ABCA,’” Industrial Welfare and Personnel Management 28, no. 304 (1946)Google Scholar; “Bureau of Current Affairs,” Nature, 6 April 1946.

61 Titmuss, Richard Morris, Problems of Social Policy (London, 1950), 346–47Google Scholar. On contemporary discourses of national unity and social cohesion, see Morgan, People's Peace, 3–28; Black, Lawrence et al. , Consensus or Coercion? The State, the People, and Social Cohesion in Post-War Britain (Cheltenham, 2001)Google ScholarPubMed.

62 Titmuss was a central figure, but of course not the only one, in this endeavor.

63 A good summary of this debate, by a recent contributor to it, is found in Mackay, Robert, Half the Battle: Civilian Morale in Britain during the Second World War (Manchester, 2002), 19Google Scholar.

64 The literature on the cultural and political legacy of the war is vast. One example is Smith, Malcolm, Britain and 1940: History, Myth, and Popular Memory (London and New York, 2000)Google Scholar.

65 For Labour's commitment to human relations as a central feature of policy (rather than merely lip service), see Tomlinson, Jim, Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945–1951 (Cambridge, 1997)Google Scholar, especially chaps. 4–5.

66 On democratic planning and tripartitism, as was manifested by the creation of the Development Councils, see Tomlinson, Democratic Socialism, 85–90.

67 Toye, The Labour Party, 123.

68 “The morale of our industry is not what it has been in some great moments of our past history. We still talk and think of the Dunkirk Spirit. Our people lack neither the courage nor the capacity, but we do seem at the moment to lack a purpose.” Cripps, Stafford, God in Our Work: Religious Addresses (London, 1949), 11Google Scholar.

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70 On Schuster's “moderating effect” in relation to a different occasion, see Tiratsoo and Tomlinson, Industrial Efficiency, 69.

71 Schuster, Private Work, 136; See also his Christianity and Human Relations (London, 1951)Google Scholar. On the important place of religious discourse during this period, see Brown, Callum G., The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularisation, 1800–2000, 2nd ed. (London and New York, 2009), 170–75Google Scholar.

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73 Memorandum on the meeting between representatives of the DSIR and the MRC, May 23, 1950, TNA, DSIR 17/423. The gendered language of managerial literature (“man-management” is the best example here) should be contrasted with the realities of a mixed workforce.

74 The dissolution of the Tizard Committee is explored in Tiratsoo and Tomlinson, Industrial Efficiency, 93.

75 By 1960 half of the academic psychologists working in Britain were students of Bartlett. Hearnshaw, L. S., A Short History of British Psychology, 1840–1940 (New York, 1964), 219Google Scholar.

76 Compare, for instance, Bartlett's criticism of Maurice Halbwach's work on collective memory in Bartlett, Frederic Charles, Remembering: A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology (Cambridge, 1932), 294300Google Scholar.

77 Memorandum of the meeting between representatives of the DSIR and the MRC, May 23, 1950, TNA DSIR 17/423.

78 Their surveys related to research on the “human factor” as a whole, but it is only human relations that concerns us here.

79 TNA, DSIR 17/423.

80 “Survey of Research and Its Applications on the Human Factor in Industry,” DSIR section, January 1950, TNA, FD 1/306.

81 Survey of Research and Its Application on the Human Factor in Industry: Supplementary survey of research being carried out by certain research stations and research associations, 6 November 1950, TNA, FD 1/303.

82 Final report by the MRC, 23 November 1950, TNA, DSIR 17/427.

83 Ministry of Labour and National Service, Report of the Human Relations in Industry Conference, Held at the Institution for Civil Engineers, March 18–20, 1952 (London, 1952), 17.

84 Bartlett to Himsworth, 10 April 1951, TNA, FD 1/304.

85 Himsworth to Ben Lockspeiser, 16 April 1951, TNA, FD 1/304.

86 Memorandum on the meeting between the secretaries of the DSIR and the MRC, 31 October 1951, TNA, DSIR 17/427.

87 For this reason, “practical” research projects received priority. Department of Scientific and Industrial Research and Medical Research Council, Final Report of the Joint Committee on Human Relations in Industry, 1954–1957, and Report of the Joint Committee on Individual Efficiency in Industry, 1953–1957 (London, 1958), 36Google Scholar.

88 Sidney Gray, from the institute, recalled that during the institutes initial years, the staff undertook more than seventy research projects but that more than half their time was devoted to two projects alone (Jaques's work at the Glacier Metal Factory and A. T. M. Wilson's work on communication). Gray, Sidney, “The Tavistock Institute of Human Relations,” in Fifty Years of the Tavistock Clinic, ed. Dicks, H. V. (London, 1970), 210Google Scholar.

89 See, for instance, Miller, Peter and Rose, Nikolas, “The Tavistock Programme: The Government of Subjectivity and Social Life,” Sociology 22, no. 2 (May 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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91 As Bion had put it in his discussion of the leaderless group test, “The establishment of morale is of course hardly a pre-requisite of treatment; it is treatment, or part of it.” Bion, W. R., “The Leaderless Group Project,” Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 10 (May 1946): 79Google ScholarPubMed. For further relevant discussions of Bion, see Ahrenfeldt, Robert. H., Psychiatry in the British Army in the Second World War (London, 1958)Google Scholar; Rose, Nikolas S., Governing the Soul: The Shaping of the Private Self (London and New York), 4750Google Scholar.

92 Extracts from a statement prepared at the request of the Working Party on Research and Productivity of the Scientific Advisory Council: possible contributions of applied social science to increased industrial productivity, TNA, FD 1/308.

93 Rose, Governing the Soul, 89.

94 Jaques, Elliot, The Changing Culture of a Factory (London, 1951), 86Google Scholar.

95 Ibid., 318.

96 Extracts from a statement prepared at the request of the Working Party on Research and Productivity, TNA, FD 1/308.

97 Paterson, T. T., Morale in War and Work: An Experiment in the Management of Men (London, 1955)Google Scholar.

98 He heard utterances such as “the mess is getting new chairs,” never “we are getting new chairs.” Ibid., 85; emphasis added.

99 Ibid., 115; emphasis in the original.

100 Ibid., 225.

101 The committee also noted that Paterson's work did not involve psychology and therefore had nothing to do with the MRC. The only study that received funding was for work undertaken at the University of Cambridge on individual factors at work: “readily intelligible to any scientific reader.” Notes on research sponsored by the Human Factors Panel of the Committee on Industrial Productivity and administered by the Medical Research Council and the Recommendations of the Psychology Committee, MRC, 13 February 1951, TNA, FD 1/304.

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103 On tripartite “corporatism,” see Middlemas, Keith, Politics in Industrial Society: The Experience of the British System Since 1911 (London, 1979)Google Scholar.

104 Ministry of Labour and National Service, Industrial Relations Department, proposal to set up subcommittee of National Joint Advisory Council to consider action to promote still higher standards of human relations, 1953, TNA, LAB 10/1215.

105 Brief to the minister on the meeting of the NJAC, 22 October 1952, TNA, LAB 10/1151; Godfrey Ince to Thomas Hutton, August 3, 1954, TNA, LAB 10/1215. For a discussion of the ministry's general efforts in this direction, see Tiratsoo and Tomlinson, Industrial Efficiency, 97–99.

106 See, for example, James Stitt, Joint Industrial Councils in British History: Inception, Adoption, and Utilization, 1917–1939 (Westport, CT, 2006).

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108 TNA, BT 171/210.

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110 Birmingham Mail, 27 September 1944.

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115 Tiratsoo and Tomlinson, Industrial Efficiency, 99–101; Tiratsoo, Nick and Tomlinson, Jim, The Conservatives and Industrial Efficiency, 1951–1964 (London and New York, 1998), 17Google Scholar. Brech, too, thought that joint consultation would benefit morale only if employees were invited to truly “share in its [i.e., the factory's] governance.” Brech, “Management Lessons,” 49.

116 Ministry of Labour and National Service, Industrial Relations Handbook, Supplement No. 3, 3; emphasis added. Saunders, Factory Organization, 108.

117 Brech, “Management Lessons,” 38.

118 Institute of Personnel Management, Joint Consultation, 6.

119 Marshall, T. H., Citizenship and Social Class (London, 1992), 6Google Scholar. Marshall has remained the ground zero for “citizenship studies” in postwar Britain. Of the many publications on Marshall and his relevance, see, for example, Turner, Bryan S., ed., Citizenship and Social Theory (London, 1993)Google Scholar; Bulmer, Martin and Rees, Anthony M., eds., Citizenship Today: The Contemporary Relevance of T. H. Marshall (London, 1996)Google Scholar.

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121 This was, in effect, Child's critique of this endeavor. A detailed discussion is offered in Child, British Management Thought, 151–214.

122 “Probably management's greater error was to see itself as the wielder of disinterested power.” Appleby, R., “Management and Work,” British Management Review 10, no. 4 (1952): 17Google Scholar.

123 Brown, Social Psychology of Industry, 101; Scott, W. H., Industrial Leadership and Joint Control: A Study of Human Relations in Three Merseyside Firms (Liverpool, 1952)Google Scholar, v.

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125 See, for instance, the Report of the Shipbuilding Committee, 1965, TNA, LAB 10/2362.

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127 For a thorough analysis of nationalization and human relations, with particular reference to joint consultation, see Tomlinson, Democratic Socialism, 94–123.

128 The individuating language on work and its management is discussed in Rose, Governing the Soul, 103–22.

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