Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2013
This essay argues that the strict branch of the temperance movement helped create and spread an idea of a sober consumer culture in early Victorian Britain. It specifically examines the material and gustatory, political, and religious culture of the mass temperance tea parties that emerged in the 1830s and the 1840s. Supported by middle- and working-class followers, evangelicals, and liberals, the strict branch of the temperance movement insisted that the consumption of tea, sugar, and wheat-based baked goods in a heterosocial setting would demonstrate the rewards of a religious and sober life. Mass tea parties disciplined consumers through satisfying the body and encouraging pleasurable cross-class and mixed-gender interactions. Temperance advocates hoped that the behaviors and values inculcated at the tea table would radiate to the home, the factory, and the marketplace. The temperance movement thus contributed to the notion that drinking tea produced well-behaved and energetic workers, as well as rational consumers.
1 Edward Brodribb, speech on taxation before the Financial Reform Association, Liverpool Times, 22 November 1849, also published in Hunt's Merchants Magazine (January–February 1850): 35, and in the postscript to Tea and the Tea Trade: Parts First and Second (New York, 1850)Google Scholar.
2 A Treatise on the Inherent Qualities of the Tea-Herb: Being an Account of the Natural Virtues of the Bohea, Green and Imperial Teas (London, 1750)Google Scholar, frontispiece.
4 See, for example, Hanway, Jonas, An Essay on Tea: Considered as Pernicious to Health; Obstructing Industry; and Impoverishing the Nation (London, 1756)Google Scholar. For a full analysis, see Mintz, Sidney W., Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants and Intoxicants (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Kowalski-Wallace, Elizabeth, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997)Google Scholar; Sussman, Charlotte, Consuming Anxieties: Consumer Protest, Gender, and British Slavery, 1713–1833 (Stanford, 2000), 34–48Google Scholar; Smith, Woodruff D., Consumption and Respectability, 1600–1800 (New York, 2002)Google Scholar; Breen, Timothy, The Marketplace of Revolution: How Consumer Politics Shaped American Independence (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar; Cowan, Brian, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffee House (New Haven, 2005)Google Scholar.
5 The most thorough study of the social and political history of temperance remains Harrison, Brian, Drink and the Victorians: The Temperance Question in England, 1815–1872, 2nd ed. (Staffordshire, 1994)Google Scholar. See also Shiman, Lilian Lewis, Crusade against Drink in Victorian England (Hampshire, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Greenaway, John, Drink and British Politics Since 1830: A Study in Policy-Making (Hampshire, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholls, James, The Politics of Alcohol: A History of the Drink Question in England (Manchester, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Malcolm, Elizabeth, “Ireland Sober, Ireland Free”: Drink and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Dublin, 1986)Google Scholar.
6 See Durbach, Waddington, and Miller in this issue.
7 On tea and temperance, see Harrison, Drink and the Victorians. See also Ukers, William H., All About Tea, vol. I and II (New York, 1935)Google Scholar; Griffiths, Sir Percival, The History of the Indian Tea Industry (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Forrest, Denys, Tea for the British: The Social and Economic History of a Famous Trade (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Burnett, John, A Social History of Drinks in Modern Britain (London, 1999), 63Google Scholar; Pettigrew, Jane, A Social History of Tea (London, 2001), 13–32, 78Google Scholar; MacFarlane, Alan and MacFarlane, Iris, Green Gold: The Empire of Tea: A Remarkable History of the Plant That Took Over the World (London, 2003), 88–89Google Scholar; Roy Moxham, Tea: Addiction, Exploitation, and Empire (New York, 2003), 191; Hohenegger, Beatrice, Liquid Jade: The Story of Tea from East to West (New York, 2006), 106–08Google Scholar; Griffiths, John, Tea: The Drink That Changed the World (London, 2007), 54–56Google Scholar. Coffee and tea consumption were roughly on par with one another in the first half of the nineteenth century, but coffee declined dramatically between the 1850s and 1880s. For a contemporary explanation, see “The Decline of Coffee,” The Temperance Caterer 10, no. 161 (7 January 1888): 10Google Scholar.
8 “Tea Parties,” Livesey's Moral Reformer 2 (13 January 1838): 10Google Scholar. Livesey does not tell us how these affairs were paid for, but it seems that most were funded by a combination of philanthropic contribution and low-cost tickets paid for by attendees. They often turned a profit and became a common source of fund-raising for temperance and other philanthropies well into the twentieth century.
9 Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, 171–87; Kowalski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, 19–36.
10 Here I am writing a prehistory to the conception of the consumer Frank Trentmann has documented in Free Trade Nation: Commerce, Consumption, and Civil Society in Modern Britain (Oxford, 2008)Google Scholar. See also Valverde, Mariana, Diseases of the Will: Alcohol and the Dilemmas of Freedom (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.
11 This is especially clear in a colonial setting. See Emmanuel Kwaku Akyeampong, Drink, Power, and Cultural Change: A Social History of Alcohol in Ghana, c. 1800 to Recent Times (Portsmouth, NH, 1996).
12 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 37.
13 Men and women operatives embraced temperance and new ideals of sexual morality and companionate marriage. Clark, Anna, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar.
14 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 119–20.
15 Bradley, Ian, The Call to Seriousness: The Evangelical Impact on the Victorians (London, 1976), 100–02Google Scholar. On material culture and evangelicalism, see Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar; Cohen, Deborah, Household Gods: The British and Their Possessions (New Haven, 2006)Google Scholar. For evangelical influence on business practices and economic thought, see Hilton, Boyd, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought, 1795–1865 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar.
16 Key works on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries include McKendrick, Neil, Brewer, John, and Plumb, J. H., The Birth of a Consumer Society in England (Bloomington 1982)Google Scholar; Shammas, Carole, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar; Brewer, John and Porter, Roy, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London and New York, 1994)Google Scholar; Weatherill, Lorna, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660–1760 (Routledge, 1996)Google Scholar; Peck, Linda Levy, Consuming Splendor: Society and Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; Berg, Maxine, Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2005)Google Scholar; Styles, John, The Dress of the People: Everyday Fashion in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven, 2007)Google Scholar; de Vries, Jan, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650 to the Present (Cambridge, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vickery, Amanda, Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England (New Haven, 2009)Google Scholar. For the late nineteenth century, see Richards, Thomas, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851–1914 (Stanford, 1990)Google Scholar; Breward, Christopher, The Hidden Consumer: Masculinities, Fashion and City Life, 1860–1914 (Manchester, 1999)Google Scholar; Rappaport, Erika, Shopping for Pleasure: Women and the Making of London's West End (Princeton, 2000)Google Scholar.
17 On the US context, see Lears, Jackson, Fables of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America (New York, 1994)Google Scholar.
18 Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee, especially chap. 2.
20 Rappaport, Erika, “Packaging China: Foreign Articles and Dangerous Tastes in the Mid-Victorian Tea Party,” in The Making of the Consumer: Knowledge, Power, and Identity in the Modern World, ed. Trentmann, Frank (Oxford, 2006), 125–46Google Scholar.
21 Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England, 78.
22 Weatherill, Consumer Behavior (London, 1988), 185.
23 Hoh-Cheung and Mui, Lorna H., “Smuggling and the British Tea Trade before 1784,” American Historical Review 74, no. 1 (October 1968): 44–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hoh-Cheung and Mui, Lorna H., The Management of Monopoly: A Study of the East India Company's Conduct of Its Tea Trade, 1784–1833 (Vancouver, 1984)Google Scholar.
24 Between 1801 and 1810, per capita consumption was at 1.41 pounds a year. It fell to 1.28 in the next decade and did not recover its earlier rates until the 1840s. Burnett, A Social History of Drink, 57; Burnett, John, “Report on the Tea Duties,” Westminster Review 22, no. 44 (April 1835): 374Google Scholar.
25 Gardella, Robert, Harvesting Mountains: Fujian and the China Tea Trade, 1757–1937 (Berkeley, 1994), 38Google Scholar.
26 Burnett, A Social History of Drink, 58.
28 Ian Levitt and Christopher Smout, The State of the Scottish Working-Class in 1843: A Statistical and Spatial Enquiry Based on the Data from the Poor Law Commission Report of 1844 (Edinburgh, 1979), 25–35.
29 Gray, Jane, “Gender and Plebian Culture in Ulster,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 2 (Autumn 1993): 251–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lysaght, Patricia, “‘When I Makes Tea, I Makes Tea…’: Innovation in Food—The Case of Tea in Ireland,” Ulster Folklife 33 (1987): 44–71Google Scholar. See also E. Margaret Crawford, Aspects of the Irish Diet (PhD thesis, London School of Economics, 1985), 146.
30 Rappaport, “Packaging China.”
34 Quoted in Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 62.
36 Wesley, John, A Letter to a Friend Concerning Tea, 2nd ed. (Bristol, 1749)Google Scholar; Forrest, Tea for the British, 56–57. For other examples of Methodism's early support of temperance, see Samuel Woolmer, “On the Tea Plant,” Methodist Magazine 23 (1811): 45–49; Samuel Woolmer, “On the Natural and Commercial History of Tea,” Methodist Magazine (Toronto) 10 (1827): 118.
40 For the broader history of taxation, see Daunton, Martin, Trusting Leviathan: The Politics of Taxation in Britain, 1799–1914 (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar.
41 Quoted in Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1966), 740Google Scholar.
42 Quoted in Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 160.
43 Quoted in Ukers, All about Tea, I:47.
44 Sussman, Consuming Anxieties; Midgley, Women Against Slavery, 35–40.
45 Greg, William Rathbone, An Enquiry into the State of the Manufacturing Population, and the Causes and Cures of the Evils Therein Existing (London, 1831), 10Google Scholar.
46 James Phillips Kay, MD, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufacture in Manchester (London, 1832)Google Scholar, 9; Gaskell, Peter, The Manufacturing Population of England: Its Moral, Social, and Physical Conditions and Changes which have Arisen from the Use of Steam Machinery (London, 1833), 107–10Google Scholar; Engels, Friedrich, The Condition of the Working Class in England (London, 1845), 106Google Scholar.
47 Alcott, William A., Tea and Coffee (Boston, 1839), 17–18Google Scholar; Charters, J. A., “Spirits in the North-East? Gin and Other Vices in the Long Eighteenth Century,” in Creating and Consuming Culture in North-East England, 1660–1830, ed. Berry, Helen and Gregory, Jeremy (Aldershot, 2004), 38, 51–52Google Scholar.
48 Bowes, John, Temperance as it is opposed to strong Drinks, Tobacco and Snuff, Tea and Coffee (Aberdeen, 1836), 12Google Scholar.
49 Thompson, Making of the English Working Class, 318. For an alternative view of the mid-Victorian working-class diet, see Clayton, Paul and Rowbotham, Judith, “An Unsuitable and Degraded Diet? Part Two: Realities of the Mid-Victorian Diet,” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 101 (2008): 350–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
50 Mintz, Sweetness and Power; Chatterjee, A Time for Tea; Ketabgian, Tamara, “‘Foreign Tastes and Manchester Tea-Parties:’ Eating and Drinking with the Victorian Lower Orders,” in Consuming Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century: Narratives of Consumption, 1700–1900, ed. Wagner, Tamara S. and Hassan, Narin (New York, 2007), 125–40Google Scholar; Fromer, A Necessary Luxury, 116–69. See also Rabinbach, Anson, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (Berkeley, 1990)Google Scholar.
51 For a similar point, see Gurney, Peter, Co-operative Culture and the Politics of Consumption in England, 1870–1930 (Manchester, 1996)Google Scholar.
52 Palmer, Arnold, Movable Feasts: A Reconnaissance of the Origins and Consequences of Fluctuations in Meal Times with special attention to the Introduction of Luncheon and Afternoon Tea (London, 1952), 59Google Scholar; Pettigrew, A Social History of Tea, 102. Mason, Laura, “Everything Stops for Tea,” in Eating with the Victorians, ed. Wilson, C. Anne (London, 1994), 68–85Google Scholar; Broomfield, Andrea, Food and Cooking in Victorian England: A History (London, 2007), 58–77Google Scholar.
53 On the multiple ways afternoon tea developed, see Day, Ivan, “Teatime,” in Eat, Drink and Be Merry: The British at Table, 1600–2000, ed. Day, Ivan (London, 2000), 107–30Google Scholar.
54 Dearden, Joseph, A Brief History of Ancient and Modern Tee-Totalism: With a short account of Drunkenness, and the various means used for its Suppression (Preston, 1840), 21Google Scholar.
55 “Temperance Cause in Preston,” Moral Reformer, and Protestor against Vices, Abuses, and Corruptions of the Age 2, no. 8 (1 August 1832): 246Google Scholar.
56 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 130.
57 Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol, 98; Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 103–06. Winskill, P. T., The Temperance Movement: A Record of Social, Moral, Religious and Political Progress, vol. 1 (London, 1891), 5Google Scholar.
58 Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol, 89.
59 Quoted in Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 82.
60 James Silk Buckingham, “Speech of Mr. Buckingham on the Extent, Causes, and Effects of Drunkenness,” delivered in the House of Commons on Tuesday, 3 June 1834, Parliamentary Review (7 June 1834): 742.
61 Vernon, James, Politics and the People: A Study of English Political Culture, c. 1815–1867 (Cambridge, 1993), 215Google Scholar; Nicolls, The Politics of Alcohol, 81.
62 Taylor, Barbara, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 222Google Scholar.
63 “Tea Parties,” Poor Man's Guardian (18 March 1831): 7. Also see (12 March 1831): 8 and (23 April 1831): 8. For the domestic and political significance of this temperate culture, see Clark, Struggle for the Breeches; Vernon, Politics and the People, 207–50; and Epstein, James, “Some Organizational and Cultural Aspects of the Chartist Movement in Nottingham,” in The Chartist Experience: Studies in Working Class Radicalism and Culture, 1830–1860, ed. Epstein, James and Thompson, Dorothy (London, 1982), 221–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
64 Poor Man's Guardian (18 March 1831): 7.
66 Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem, 222.
68 Weavers, spinners, shoemakers, mechanics, cabinetmakers, and shopkeepers were the first to sign the pledge. Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 107. Ellison, James, Dawn of Teetotalism: Being the Story of the Origin of the Total Abstinence Pledge signed by the “Seven Men of Preston,” and the Introduction of Teetotalism (Preston, 1932)Google Scholar; Levett, Ian, ed., Joseph Livesey of Preston: Business, Temperance and Moral Reform (Lancashire, 1996)Google Scholar; Urwin, E. C., A Weaver at the Loom of Time: A Sketch of the Life of Joseph Livesey the Early Temperance Reformer (London, 1923)Google Scholar; Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 117–18; Shiman, Crusade against Drink, 18.
69 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 95.
70 Howe, Anthony, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford, 1984), 273Google Scholar. Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England; Gunn, Simon, The Public Culture of the Victorian Middle Class: Ritual and Authority in the English Industrial City, 1840–1914 (Manchester, 2000)Google Scholar; Rich, Rachel, Bourgeois Consumption: Food, Space and Identity in London and Paris, 1850–1914 (Manchester, 2011)Google Scholar; Woodson-Boulton, Amy, Transformative Beauty: Art Museums in Industrial Britain (Stanford, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
71 “Female Abstinence Society,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser 1, no. 1 (15 December 1838), n.p.
73 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 117–18.
74 Antrobus, Derek, A Guiltless Feast: The Salford Bible Christian Church and the Rise of the Modern Vegetarian Movement (Salford, 1997), 59Google Scholar. On the particular denominations, see Billington, “Popular Religion and Social Reform.” On Christian food ideals, see Grumett, David and Muers, Rachel, Theology on the Menu: Asceticism, Meat, and the Christian Diet (London, 2010)Google Scholar.
75 Williams, Kenneth, The Story of Ty-phoo and the Birmingham Tea Industry (London 1990), 11–13Google Scholar; Shiman, Crusade against Drink, 64; Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 179–95.
76 Quoted in Bradley, A Call To Seriousness, 47.
77 “Bolton Tea Party,” Moral Reformer, and Protestor Against the Vices, Abuses, and Corruptions of the Age 3, no. 11 (November 1833): 353. There is a rich historiography on nonconformity and the middle classes in these cities. Gunn is helpful because he connects this literature to a broader study of urban culture. See especially chapter 5 of The Public Culture of the Victorian Middle Classes.
78 Augst, Thomas, “Temperance, Mass Culture and the Romance of Experience,” American Literary History 19, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 298CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For another important study of temperance and the formation of Canadian consumer culture, see Donica Belisle's forthoming study, Contesting Consumption: Women and the Rise of Canadian Consumer Modernity, chap. 2.
79 Tara Moore, “National Identity and Victorian Christmas Foods,” in Consuming Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century, 141–54.
80 “Splendid Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 1.
81 “Preston Temperance Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (February 1836): 12–13.
82 In the 1820s, Preston was a thriving cotton and market town. A Topographical, Statistical, and Historical Account of the Borough of Preston (Preston, 1821), 118Google Scholar. Ten years later, its weavers were utterly destitute. Poor Man's Guardian (4 February 1831), 1. Howe, The Cotton Masters, 164.
83 Preston Temperance Advocate (May 1836): 39.
85 Winskill, Temperance, 105.
86 “Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 7.
87 Letter to the editor, Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 11.
88 Richard Cobden subscribed to the British Association for the Promotion of Temperance when it formed in Manchester in 1835. Preston Temperance Advocate (November 1835): 94.
89 Preston Temperance Advocate (September 1836) quoted in Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 150.
90 Winskill chronicled dozens of parties in the 1830s. He noted, though that it is difficult to actually count them because many newspapers were in the hands of the drink trade and they thus avoided reporting the movement. The Temperance Movement, 2.
91 Couling, Samuel, A History of the Temperance Movement in Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1862), 65Google Scholar.
92 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 109.
93 “Tea Festival at Kendall,” Preston Temperance Advocate (February 1836): 12; “London Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (March 1836): 20.
94 Brooks, T., “Temperance in India,” Livesey's Moral Reformer, 22 (January 1839): 213Google Scholar.
95 “Temperance Society of Congress,” Spirit of the Age and Journal of Humanity 1, no. 42 (6 March 1834): 2; Trumpet and Universalist Magazine 6, no. 42 (8 March 1834): 147.
96 “Tea Parties,” Livesey's Moral Reformer (January 1838): 10.
97 Domestic Life; or, Hints for Daily Use (London, 1841).
98 Sometimes these were all-female events. “Female Abstinence Festival,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser (Liverpool) 1, no. 1 (15 December 1838)Google Scholar, n.p.
99 Kowalski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects.
100 Taylor, William Cooke, Factories and the Factory System: From Parliamentary Documents and Personal Examination (London, 1844), 53Google Scholar.
102 On this populist discourse, see Joyce, Patrick, Visions of the People: Industrial England and the Question of Class, 1848–1914 (Cambridge, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joyce, Patrick, Democratic Subjects: The Self and the Social in Nineteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
103 On the disciplinary function of mass spectacles such as the Great Exhibition, see Bennett, Tony, “The Exhibitionary Complex,” New Formations 4 (Spring 1988): 73–102Google Scholar. The most important book on leisure and social control remains Bailey, Peter, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830–1885 (London, 1978)Google Scholar. See also Cunningham, Hugh, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution, c. 1780–1880 (New York, 1980)Google Scholar; Donajgrodzki, A. P., ed., Social Control in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1977)Google Scholar. For the disciplinary functions of a public meal in the twentieth century, see Vernon, Hunger, chap. 6.
104 John Styles, The Dress of the People.
106 Rappaport, Shopping for Pleasure, 48–73. For other examples of this sort of anxiety, see Valverde, Mariana, “The Love of Finery: Fashion and the Fallen Woman in Nineteenth-Century Social Discourse,” Victorian Studies 32, no. 2 (Winter 1989): 169–88Google Scholar.
108 Dearden, A Brief History of Ancient and Modern Tee-Totalism, 21.
109 Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 117.
110 Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England, 48–49.
111 On Lipton's advertising techniques, see Erika Rappaport, An Acquired Taste: A Global History of Tea, Empire and Consumer Culture (forthcoming); Ramamurthy, Anandi, Imperial Persuaders: Images of Africa and Asia in British Advertising (Manchester, 2003), 106–16Google Scholar. There are many popular histories of Lipton, but the best study remains Mathias, Peter, Retailing Revolution: A History of Multiple Retailing in the Food Trades based upon the Allied Suppliers Group of Companies (London, 1967)Google Scholar.
112 Burnett, Plenty and Want, 48–73.
113 The Temperance Movement, pamphlet, c. 1845, 17.
114 Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 143.
115 “Coffee Shops in London,” Penny Magazine 9, no. 558 (12 December 1840): 488. Burnett, Plenty and Want, 83; Burnett, John, England Eats Out: A Social History of Eating Out in England from 1830 to the Present (Harlow, 2004), 46–50Google Scholar. Low duties on West Indian coffee and the expansion of cultivation in Ceylon led to falling prices and very rapidly expanding markets. Burnett, Plenty and Want, 80–84. The Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 14; Whittock, Nathaniel, The Complete Book of Trades; or, the Parents' Guide and Youths' Instructor: Forming a Popular Encyclopedia of Trades, Manufactures, and Commerce (London, 1842), 159Google Scholar.
116 Dearden, A Brief History of Ancient and Modern Tee-Totalism, 21.
117 “Annual Christmas Tea Party of the Preston Temperance Society,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser 1, no. 4 (5 January 1839): n.p.
118 Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 79–82.
119 “Wigan Temperance Tea Party,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser 1, no. 3 (29 December 1838): n.p.
120 Poovey, Mary, Making a Social Body: British Cultural Formation, 1830–1864 (Chicago, 1995)Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, The Birth of the Clinic (New York, 1973)Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, “Governmentality,” in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, ed. Burchell, Graham, Gordon, Colin, and Miller, Peter (Chicago, 1991)Google Scholar; Vernon, Hunger.
121 Rev. Birmingham, James, A Memoir of the Very Rev. Theobald Matthew (Dublin, 1840), 69Google Scholar.
122 Quoted in Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 97.
123 A good overview remains Greenberg, Michael, British Trade and the Opening of China, 1800–1842 (Cambridge, 1951), 175–95Google Scholar. First Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company (China Trade) (1830: Dublin, 1971)Google Scholar and Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords appointed to Enquire into the Present State of the Affairs of the East-India Company and into the Trade between Great Britain, the East-Indies and China (London, 1830). The cotton industry was particularly export oriented at this time. Farnie, D. A., The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (Oxford, 1979), 86Google Scholar.
124 Letters on the East India Monopoly originally published in the Glasgow Chronicle 1 (Glasgow 1812), 106.
125 McCulloch, John Ramsey, Observations on the Influence of the East India Company's Monopoly on the Price and Supply of Tea; and on the Commerce with India, China, etc. . . . (London, 1831): 5Google Scholar; Corrected Report of the Speeches of Sir George Staunton on the China Trade in the House of Commons, June 4 and June 14th 1833 (London, 1833)Google Scholar.
126 Hoh-Cheung and Lorna Mui, The Management of Monopoly.
127 Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, 175.
128 Gardella, Harvesting Mountains.
129 Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 11.
130 Phipps, John, A Practical Treatise on the China and Eastern Trade (Calcutta, 1835), 106–07Google Scholar.
131 Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1836): 7.
132 Stephen, Robert S., The Oxford of J. J. Faulkner, 1798–1857: Grocer, Chartist and Temperance Advocate (Oxford, 2001), 37Google Scholar.
133 Quoted in Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, 304. Also see Ramsey, John's McCulloch's position in “Commutation of Taxes,” Edinburgh Review (April 1833): 2Google Scholar.
134 Report on the Proceedings of the Public Meeting on the Tea Duties (Liverpool, 1846), v.
135 Proceedings of the Pubic Meeting on the Tea Duties, 3, 5.
136 Also see Knight, Charles, “Illustrations of Cheapness: Tea,” Household Words (8 June 1850): 256Google Scholar.
137 Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 101.
138 Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 5.
139 The essays in Bridge, Carl and Fedorowich, Kent, eds., The British World: Diaspora, Culture and Identity (London, 2003)Google Scholar primarily focus on the later nineteenth century, but James Belich has proposed a longer history. See Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Anglo-World, 1783–1939 (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar.
140 Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 58, 63, 75–76.
142 Report of the Executive Committee of the American Union, 1844 (New York, 1844), 14.
143 There is a growing body of literature on American consumer culture and the China trade. See Frank, Caroline, Objectifying China, Imagining America: Chinese Commodities in Early America (Chicago, 2011)Google Scholar; Dolin, Eric Jay, When America First Met China: An Exotic History of Tea, Drugs, and Money in the Age of Sail (New York, 2012)Google Scholar.
145 The American Missionary Register for the Year 1825 VI (December 1825): 375.
146 See, for example, a 2,000-person tea party described in Chronicle of the London Missionary Society XII, no. 137 (May 1903): 111.
147 Quoted in John, L. and Comaroff, Jean, Of Revelation and Revolution: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier, vol. 2 (Chicago, 1997), 236Google Scholar.
148 Rev. Campbell, John, Travels in South Africa, undertaken at the request of the London Missionary Society; being an account of a Second Journey in the Interior of the Cape, vol. 1 (London: Francis Westley, 1822), 164Google Scholar.
149 These accounts also imply that Africans were not yet connected to the world economy, and this has been disproved by a number of historians. On East Africa in this period, see Prestholdt, Jeremy, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley, 2008)Google Scholar.
150 Gurney, Co-Operative Culture.
151 League, 28 September 1844, quoted in Pickering, Paul A. and Tyrell, Alex, The People's Bread: A History of the Anti-Corn Law League (London: 2000), 134Google Scholar.
152 Report of the Conservative Tea Party (Birmingham, 1836), 49.
153 The Temperance Record, 25 January 1873, 47. By the 1880s, a specialized journal, the Temperance Caterer, served this socially minded catering trade.
154 For a further elaboration, see Erika Rappaport, Tea Revives the World: The British Empire and the Making of a Global Consumer Culture (forthcoming).