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Pole's Piety? The Devotional Reading of Reginald Pole and his Friends

  • M. ANNE OVERELL (a1)
Abstract

In this examination of the piety and devotional books of Reginald Pole and his friends, three booklists are compared: Pole's own, and those of Marcantonio Flaminio and Michael Throckmorton. The article also probes their comments and choices about reading and prayer, sacrament and preaching, as well as the observations of contemporaries. Piety in Pole's household was nourished principally by the Bible, the Fathers and the Imitation of Christ, but scriptural commentaries by suspect reformers also became part of their devotional reading, moulding religious identities which were unusual and became dangerous.

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1 Count Feria to Fr Ribadeneyra, 22 Mar. 1558, in Calendar of letters, despatches and state papers relating to the negotiations between England and Spain, ed. G. A. Bergenroth and others, London 1862–1954, 1554–58, no. 415 at p. 370; Giovanni Michieli, ‘Report of England’, 13 May 1557, in Calendar of state papers and manuscripts … in the archives and collections of Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, London 1864–1947, 1556–57, no. 884 at p. 1070; Reginaldi Poli cardinalis Britanni, ad Henricum Octavum Britanniae Regem: pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione, libri quatuor, Rome [1536]; Richard Morison to Reginald Pole, [n.d. 1536], CRP, no. 116; on hatred and danger for Brigden Pole see Susan, ‘“The shadow that you know”: Thomas Wyatt and Francis Bryan at court and in embassy’, HJ xxxix (1996), 131 at pp. 9, 23–4, and Peter Marshall, ‘Catholic exiles’, in his Religious identities in Henry VIII's England, Aldershot 2005, 225–61 at pp. 250–5.

2 ‘in opinione a Roma di lutherano et in Alemagna di papista’: PC ii/2, 492.

3 John Foxe, The ecclesiastical history … containing the acts and monuments, London 1570 (RSTC 11223), bk xii, p. 2158.

4 PC i. 390. On Carnesecchi's opinion of Pole see Fenlon Dermot, ‘Pietro Carnesecchi and Cardinal Pole: new perspectives’, this Journal lvi (2005), 529–33 at p. 531.

5 Devotional books will be defined as ‘any text that could be viewed as a means of stirring religious fervour or of shaping the faith of its readers’: Carlos Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety in translation’, in Peter Burke and R. Po-Chia Hsia (eds), Cultural translation in early modern Europe, Cambridge 2007, 83–100 at p. 85.

6 The booklists of Pole and Flaminio are printed in Pastore Alessandro, ‘Due biblioteche umanistiche del Cinquecento: libri del Cardinal Pole e di Marcantonio Flaminio’, Rinascimento 2nd ser. xix (1979), 269–90’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, forthcoming. On Throckmorton see Overell M. Anne, ‘Cardinal Pole's special agent: Michael Throckmorton, c. 1503–1558’, History xciv (2009), 265–78.

7 For instance, Flaminio's own office book and the ‘unio Hermani Bodii Marci Antonii Flamini’: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 96v.

8 Massimo Firpo, Tra alumbrados e spirituali: studi su Juan de Valdés e il Valdesianesimo nella crisi religiosa del'500, Florence 1990, 127–38; Massimo Firpo (trans. Tedeschi) John, ‘The Italian Reformation and Juan de Valdés’, Sixteenth Century Journal xxvii (1996), 353–64.

9 Pole to Cardinal Contarini, 9 Dec. 1541, CRP, no. 341; Thomas F. Mayer, Reginald Pole, prince and prophet, Cambridge 2000, 105, 115–17. Flaminio left Viterbo for Trent on 26 October 1542.

10 ‘Vita del Cardinale Reginaldo Polo’, in Lodovico Morandi, Monumenti di varia letteratura tratti dai manoscritti di mons. Ludovico Beccadelli, Bologna 1797–1804, i/2, 277–353 at p. 326; Filippo Gheri to Ludovico Beccadelli, 29 Apr. 1553, ibid. 350.

11 Marcantonio Flaminio, Carmina, ed. Massimo Scorsone, Turin 1993; ‘Messer Michaele’ [Throckmorton] seems to have stayed at Viterbo even when Pole was absent: Vittoria Colonna to Pole, 19 Aug. 1543, in Nuovi documenti su Vittoria Colonna e Reginald Pole, ed. Sergio Pagano and Concetta Ranieri, Vatican City 1989, 96–7; Monumenti Beccadelli, i/2, 290; Overell, ‘Cardinal Pole's special agent’, 272–4.

12 On the original author see Barry Collett, Italian Benedictine scholars and the Reformation: the Congregation of Santa Giustina of Padua, Oxford 1985, 157–63.

13 Trattato utilissimo del Beneficio di Cristo, Venice 1543. This and other sixteenth-century publications of the Beneficio in several European languages are printed in Benedetto da Mantova, Il Beneficio di Cristo, con le versioni del secolo XVI: documenti e testimonianze, ed. Salvatore Caponetto, Florence 1972. On Flaminio's ‘polishing’ of the text see PC ii/1, 170–1; Mayer, Pole, 119–23 at p. 120; and Paolo Simoncelli, Il caso Reginald Pole: eresia e santità nelle polemiche religiose del Cinquecento, Rome 1997, 29. By 1544 Flaminio thought it impossible to publish his ‘Apologia’ for the ‘Beneficio’: Apologia del ‘Beneficio di Cristo’ e altri scritti inediti, ed. D. Marcatto, Florence 1996, 27; CRP, no. 358.

14 Alessandro Pastore, Marcantonio Flaminio, Milan 1981, 167.

15 Idem, ‘Due biblioteche umanistiche del cinquecento: libri del Cardinal Pole e di Marcantonio Flaminio’, Rinascimento 2nd ser. xix (1979), 269–90. Five of Flaminio's books were loaned to Sebastiano Regoli, who lectured at Bologna, and other texts that he owned are extant in the Biblioteca Nazionale and the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence (ibid. 273, 276). Books that Pole bequeathed to New College, Oxford, at his death in 1558 came from the collection that he inherited from Longolius: CRP, no. 14; A. B. Emden, ‘Longolius’ collection of books', in Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Rotterdami, ed. P. S. Allen, Oxford 1947, ix. 380–3.

16 Pastore ‘Due biblioteche’, 270, 275–6; PC ii/1, 92, 171; Pastore, Flaminio, 276.

17 On censorship see Paul F. Grendler, The Roman inquisition and the Venetian press, Princeton 1977; Gigliola Fragnito (ed.), Church, censorship and culture in early modern Italy, trans. Adrian Belton, Cambridge 2001; and Ambrogio Catarino Politii, Compendio d'errori et inganni luterani contenuti in un libro senza nome di autore, intitolato ‘Trattato utilissimo del Beneficio di Christo crucifisso’, Rome 1544.

18 Michael Throckmorton's inventory, ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fos 94v–97v.

19 For instance, the anonymous ‘Summarium scripture volgare’ and ‘un buono tratato de dieci Comandamenti’: ibid. fo. 97r; ‘unio Hermani bodii’: fo. 96v. An entry referring to an item by ‘Rodolpho’ (fo. 96v) may suggest Throckmorton's ownership of some of Rudolf Gwalther's work on the New Testament, but this is unlikely.

20 Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety’, 87; Jonathan Woolfson, Padua and the Tudors: English students in Italy, 1485–1603, Cambridge 1998, 109; Overell M. A., ‘An English friendship and Italian reform: Richard Morison and Michael Throckmorton, 1532–1538’, this Journal lvii (2006), 478–93 at p. 480.

21 Dermot Fenlon, Heresy and obedience in Tridentine Italy, Cambridge 1972, 30–1; Pole to the countess of Salisbury, ‘Venge’ [?Venice] 1536, CRP, no. 103.

22 ‘et ci concluse infine S. Sria che chi non facea cusi dei libri sacri non poteva ricever molto frutto da essi ne sentir la dolceza che è in quelli nascoste’: Alvise Priuli to Beccadelli, 10 Aug. 1537, Bodleian Library, Oxford, ms Ital. c. 25, fo. 24v, quoted by Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 43.

23 Flaminio, Apologia, 122–3. See the development of this phrase in the letter dedicating his ‘Meditationi e orationi formate sopra l'epistola di San Paolo a Romani’ [1542]: Marcantonio Flaminio to Giulia Gonzaga, ibid. 69–70.

24 Firpo, Tra alumbrados e spirituali, 45.

25 Pagnini (1470–1535), Hebraist and exegete, taught oriental languages in Rome until 1521, when he moved to Avignon and then Lyons. He took part in controversy against Valdesians and Lutherans. His principal work was Veteris et Novi Testamenti nova translatio (1527).

26 Pastore, ‘Due biblioteche’, 280.

27 Desiderius Erasmus, Enchiridion militis christiani, Louvain: T. Martin, 1515, published in many editions; Parker Douglas H., ‘The English Enchiridion militis christiani and reformation politics’, Erasmus in English v (1972), 1621.

28 The clamp-down on bible reading gathered pace later: Gigliola Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo: la censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti della scrittura (1471–1605), Bologna 1997.

29 ‘summarium scripture volgare’: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, 1558, fo. 97r. The Sommario was a translation from the Dutch text, Summa der Godliker Scrifturen or, in the Latin version, Oeconomica Christiana. On the scandals surrounding the Italian translation of this work see Susanna Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all'Italia: il Sommario della sacra scrittura; un libro proibito nella società italiana del Cinquecento, Florence 1997. For bibliographical details and importance see Ugo Rozzo and Silvana Seidel Menchi, ‘The book and the Reformation in Italy’, in J.-F. Gilmont (ed.), The Reformation and the book (ed. and trans. Karin Maag), Aldershot 1998, 319–67 at pp. 347–8, 354. Il Sommario was condemned by the controversialist Ambrogio Catarino Politi as ‘schismatic, heretical and pestilent’ and containing ‘Lutheran conclusions’: Resolutione sommaria contra le conclusioni Luterane, estratte d'un Libretto senza nome del' autore, intitolato il Sommario dela sacra scrittura: libretto scismatico, heretico et pestilente, Rome 1544 (published with his work against the Beneficio: see n. 17 above.)

30 He had begun work in 1533, then resumed at Pole's urging, and in 1538 published his paraphrase of thirty-two Psalms, Paraphrasis in duo et triginta psalmos, Venice 1538. This was followed by M. Antonii Flaminii In librum psalmorum breuis explanatio, Venice 1545, and Paraphrasis in triginta psalmos versibus scripta, Venice 1546. These were published bound together in Paris in 1546, and M. Antonii Flaminii In librum psalmorum breuis explanatio, atque in eorum aliquot, paraphrases luculentissimae: his adiecimus alias eiusdem in psalmos triginta, paraphrases, carmine conscriptas in Venice in 1564. See Madison, Flaminio, 94–5; Pastore, Flaminio, 143–8; and Ian D. McFarlane, Buchanan, London 1981, 248–50.

31 Pastore, ‘Due biblioteche’, 200. Euthymius Zigabenus (Zigadenus, Zygadenus) died after 1118, near Constantinople.

32 ‘M. Antonii Flaminii paraphresis in 30 psalmos’, ‘l'espositione del Savonarola in salmi’, ‘Campensis supra salmos’: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fos 97r, 96v.

33 ‘Io restai contra il mio consueto in Verona per trovarmi alle lettioni del Campense’: Flaminio to Contarini, 16 Jan. 1536, in Marcantonio Flaminio, Lettere, ed. Alessandro Pastore, Rome 1978, ii. 24. Van Kampen's works appeared in Cardinal Gonzaga's library too: Paul V. Murphy, Ruling peacefully: Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga and patrician reform in sixteenth century Italy, Washington, DC 2007, 22.

34 Whereas the liturgical and devotional importance of studies of the Psalms in Protestant countries is often highlighted, it is less noticed in Italy, but equally significant: Pastore, Flaminio, 85.

35 ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 96v.

36 Flaminio was with Giberti from 1524. In 1531–2 he tried to join the rigorous Theatines but was refused by Caraffa on the grounds that he appeared unwilling to keep the whole rule: ‘Marcantonio Flaminio’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani.

37 ‘So bene che il Flaminio haveva seco una parte delli scritti di Valdes et credo che fussero il libro delle Considerationi, et il commento sopra li Psalmi’: PC ii/3, 1031.

38 Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety’, 89 [my italics].

39 ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fos 96v, 97r.

40 Two copies of Basil [the Great], Hexameron Magni Basilii per Ioannem Argyropolum e greco in latinum conuersum, Rome 1515, were in the collection that Christophe de Longueil (Longolius) bequeathed to Pole: Emden, ‘Longolius’ collection’, 382. Basil's Hexaemeron also appears among Pole's own books: Pastore, ‘Due biblioteche’, 278.

41 Caponetto, Beneficio, 36, 79. Patristic ideas of ‘reserve’ and conciliation through liturgy influenced Pole greatly, both in Italy and in Marian England: Dermot Fenlon, ‘Pole, Carranza and the pulpit’, in John Edwards and Ronald Truman (eds), Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor, Aldershot 2005, 81–97 at pp. 91–5, and review of CRP i–iii, in Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa xlii (2006), 345–56; Gheri to Beccadelli, Rome, 29 Apr. 1553, Monumenti Beccadelli, i/2, 350.

42 Pole to Priuli, 12 Apr. 1536, Venice, CRP, no. 94.

43 ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 96v.

44 Flaminio to Ulisse Bassano, 27 June 1549, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 63, p. 182.

45 Pole to Contarini, 1 May 1542, CRP, no. 358; ‘Il loco di S. Bernardo del quale S.S.R.ma [Contarini] ha advertito Monsignore è grandemente piacuto a Messere M. Antonio fra gli altri, tal che ha pensato d'inserirlo nel suo libretto’: Priuli to Beccadelli, Viterbo, 1 May 1542, Bodl. Lib., ms Ital. c. 25, fo. 197v, quoted in Pastore, Flaminio, 128. For quotations from St Bernard in the Beneficio see Caponetto, Beneficio, 37, 80–1, 85.

46 Flaminio to Contarini, 25 Sept. 1540, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 32, p. 98; Pastore, Flaminio, 106–7.

47 Gregorio Cortese to Contarini, 22 June 1536, cited in Pastore, Flaminio, 94. For Flaminio's part in the contemporary predestination controversy see pp. 96–7.

48 ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 96v; Robert Peters, ‘Who compiled the sixteenth-century patristic handbook Unio dissidentium?’, in G. J. Cuming (ed.), Studies in Church History ii (1965), 237–50. The first part of the Unio dissidentium was published in Antwerp in 1527. Publication in Venice as Unio Hermani Bodii in unum corpus redacta et diligenter recognita doctorum (1532), led to protest from the nuncio Girolamo Aleandro: Grendler, Roman inquisition, 75. For the text's appearance in Venetian inquisition cases see Rozzo and Seidel Menchi, ‘The book and the Reformation in Italy’, 340. On the probable use of Unio dissidentium in the preparation of the Beneficio see M. Anne Overell, Italian reform and English reformations, Aldershot 2008, 74–5.

49 ‘di cose piane, devote et di edificatione sperituale, et piu atte a mover l'affetto che illustrare l'intelletto’: 25 Sept. 1540, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 32, p. 98. On tensions between emotion and intellect in Italian reform circles see D'Elia Una Roman, ‘Drawing Christ's blood: Michael Angelo, Vittoria Colonna and the aesthetics of Reform’, Renaissance Quarterly lix (2006), 90129 at pp. 100–3.

50 There were many versions, so it is impossible to know which was on Throckmorton's shelves, but see for instance, Tractatus breuis ac valde vtilis de arte et scientia bene moriendi, Monteregale 1510, and Schutte Anne, ‘Printing, piety and the people’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte lxxi (1980), 519 at p. 11 n. 27 and p. 19.

51 The Biblia pauperum was usually printed as by St Bonaventura (d. 1274), but the author was Nicolaus de Hanapis (c. 1225–91): Victor Scholderer, Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1936), 61–2.

52 Pietro Bernardini da Lucca, Arte nova del ben pensare e contemplare la passione del nostro signore jesu Christo benedetto, Venice 1525.

53 Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety’, 86.

54 The works of Heinrich Herp (d.1477) were translated into several European vernaculars. An early Italian edition was Incomentia lo specchio della perfettione del … patre fratre Henrico Herp de lordine di frati minori, Venice 1522. See Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety’, 87.

55 Ludolf of Saxony (c. 1300–c. 1378) was a mystic, theologian and Dominican (later Carthusian). His Meditationes uita Christi, first printed in Latin (Strasbourg–Cologne 1474) was one of the books that Ignatius Loyola had in his sick room: Eire, ‘Early modern Catholic piety’, 83, 87.

56 Thomas à Kempis (1380–1471). Six editions of the Imitation appear in Anne Schutte, Printed Italian vernacular religious books, 1465–1550, Geneva 1983. For this text's influence in Italy see Picasso Giorgio, ‘L'Imitazione di Cristo nell'epoca della “devotio moderna” e nella spiritualità monastica del sec. xv in Italia’, Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa iv (1968), 1132, and Maximilian von Habsburg, Catholic and Protestant translations of the Imitatio Christi, 1425–1650, Farnham 2011.

57 These passages occur especially at the end of ch. iv, at the beginning of ch. v, and also in ch. vi: Caponetto, Beneficio, 48–9, 53–5, 78. See ‘The Beneficio di Cristo’, ed. Ruth Prelowski, in John Tedeschi (ed.), Italian reformation studies in honour of Laelius Socinus, Florence 1965, 21–102 at pp. 52, 71–2, 74–7; Pastore, Flaminio, 122; and Collett, Italian Benedictine scholars, 178.

58 Priuli to Beccadelli, 10 Aug. 1537, in Carlo Dionisotti, ‘Monumenti Beccadelli’, in A. Casamassa (ed.). Miscellanea Pio Paschini: studi di storia ecclesiastica, Rome 1948–9, ii. 251–68 at p. 265; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 43–4.

59 ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 97r–v. Three of the entries referring to the Imitation are marked ‘Gerson’ or ‘qui dicitur Gerson’.

60 Collett, Italian Benedictine scholars, 184.

61 Ibid. 77–8, 184; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 30–4, 92. Flaminio was a protegé of Gregorio Cortese osb, from 1532 abbot of San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice.

62 Giovanna Cantoni Alzati, La biblioteca di S Giustina di Padova: libri e cultura presso i benedettini padovani in età umanistica, Padua 1982. For the mistake about authorship see R. Pitigliani, Il venerabile Ludovico Barbo e la diffusione dell'Imitazione di Cristo per opera della Congregazione di Santa Giustina, Padua 1943.

63 Collett, Italian Benedictine scholars, 39; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 31–5.

64 Lovatt Roger, ‘The “Imitation of Christ” in late medieval England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th ser. xviii (1968), 97121 at p. 114.

65 Jean Gerson (1363–1429); More, Confutation of Tyndale's Answer, in Thomas More, Works (1557), 356–7, quoted in Lovatt, ‘“Imitation of Christ”’, 97.

66 The folowinge of Chryste, London [1556] (RSTC 23966); I am much indebted to James P. Carley for sending his unpublished paper ‘William Peto O.F.M. Obs. and the 1556 edition of “The folowinge of Christ”’.

67 Flaminio to Carlo Gualteruzzi, Naples, 28 Feb. 1542, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 42, p. 121. For imitationist reflections see Flaminio to his cousin, Cesare Flaminio, 15 Feb. 1544, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 49, p. 145.

68 Flaminio to Galeazzo Caracciolo, Viterbo, 14 Feb. 1543, ibid. no. 48, pp. 139–43.

69 Flaminio, Apologia, 128; Flaminio to Priuli, 1540–1, in ‘Modo che si dee tenere il principio della religione christiana’, printed in Flaminio, Apologia, 166. Precisely the same words occur in the Beneficio: Caponetto, Beneficio, 78.

70 Pseudo-Bonaventura, Incomincia le devote meditationi sopra la passione del nostro signor Jesu Christo cavate originalmente da Sancta Bonaventura cardinale del ordine minore & da Nicolao da Lira, Bologna 1520. This text comes third in Schutte's list of Italian religious best-sellers between 1465 and 1494 in ‘Printing, piety and the people’, appendix, 18–19. Throckmorton also had a copy of the pseudo-Bonaventuran Dieta salutis: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 96v. For an example see Gulielmus de Lanicea, Sancti Bonauenture doctoris eximij De dieta salutis nouem tractatus. In prima dieta tractat de peccato in communi … In nona dieta tractat de generali iudicio … Tractatus de penis inferni, Venice 1502.

71 See, however, Roman D'Elia, ‘Drawing Christ's blood’, 100–3.

72 ‘Meditatione fatta da un divotissimo huomo nel Venerdi santo sopra la passione di Christo', in Pianto della Marchesa di Pescara sopra la passione di Christo: oratione della medesima sopra l'Ave Maria, Bologna 1557, 17–36, cited by Abigail Brundin, Vittoria Colonna and the spiritual poetics of the Italian Reformation, Aldershot 2008, 56–7, 138. For a summary of this Good Friday meditation see pp. 56–63. The full text of the meditation is printed in Paolo Simoncelli, Evangelismo italiano del Cinquecento: questione religiosa e nicodemismo politico, Rome 1979, appendix 3 at pp. 433–44.

73 Bodl. Lib., ms Ital. c. 25, fo. 191v, undated. For dates see Simoncelli, Evangelismo italiano, 219 n. 46. Flaminio was speaking on at least three books of the Bible at Viterbo: John, Matthew and Romans. Carnesecchi told the inquisitors that the ‘Meditationi et Orationi’ on Romans was by Flaminio, transcribed by one of Carnesecchi's secretaries, but that the original was loaned to him by M. Honorato Toffetti: Flaminio, Apologia, 50–2.

74 ‘Si che ne ho audite, ma poche et quelle in Viterbo in casa del cardinale Polo, dove egli legava san Mattheo in presentia del cardinale Polo’, 16 May 1560, PC i. 63–4; Flaminio, Apologia, 50–2.

75 Pole to Ignatius Loyola, 22 Dec. 1541, CRP, no. 344; Pole to Contarini, 23 Dec. 1541, CRP, no. 345. For Flaminio's prominence at Viterbo see Pastore, Flaminio, 133.

76 ‘La chiesa di Dio è simile alla corte d'un gran signore, nella quale sono istituiti diversi officii per la bene comune’: Flaminio ad una donna, 31 Dec. 1547, Flaminio, Lettere, no. 55 at p. 162; Pastore, Flaminio, 162.

77 Pastore, Flaminio, 119.

78 Colonna to Pole, 21 June 1541, 25 Dec. 1545, CRP, no. 325, 460.

79 Pole to Contarini, 4 Feb.1541, CRP, no. 314.

80 Beccadelli to Carlo Gualteruzzi, 31 May 1542, and Francesco Martelli to Beccadelli, 9 May 1545, quoted by Fragnito Giuliola, ‘Gli spirituali e la fuga di Bernardino Ochino’, Rivista storica italiana lxxxiv (1972), 777811 at p. 787 n. 35.

81 Pole to Contarini, 29 Jan. 1542, CRP, no. 350.

82 PC ii/1 at pp. xlviii, 224.

83 Pastore, Flaminio, 125–6.

84 For instance, Don Joannes Evangelista Bononia, a Cassinese Benedictine abbot, in the undated ‘Trattato di quello che concorre alla giustificatione’, BAV. Ottob. Lat. 896, fos 1r–39r (fo. 11v), quoted and translated by Camilla Russell, Giulia Gonzaga and the religious controversies of the sixteenth century, Turnhout 2006, 111. For a summary of this tract see Collett, Italian Benedictine scholars, 188–91.

85 Caponetto, Beneficio, 66–9; Peters, ‘Who compiled … the Unio dissidentium?’, 249.

86 Flaminio to Bassiano, n.p. n.d., and Flaminio to Teodorina Sauli, Naples, 12 Feb. 1542, Flaminio, Lettere, nos 68, 41, pp. 191–3, 117–19. For Pole's probable alarm at Flaminio's views on the sacrament of penance see Fenlon Heresy and obedience, 89.

87 Flaminio to Pietro Carnesecchi, Trent, 1 Jan. 1543 (probably misdated [1545]), Flaminio, Lettere, no. 47, pp. 133–8. There had been much enthusiasm for the Concilio in Bishop Giberti's circle: Adriano Prosperi, Tra evanvelismo e controriforma: G. M. Giberti (1495–1543), Rome 1969, 254–5. Throckmorton owned a copy: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, 96v.

88 Monumenti Beccadelli, i/2, 295, 332; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience. Frequent communion is advocated in the Imitation of Christ (bk 4, ch. v). Eamon Duffy emphasises Pole's sacramentalism in Marian England: Fires of faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor, New Haven 2009, 131–3, 193. These beliefs had roots among sacramental spirituali: Fenlon, ‘Pole, Carranza and the pulpit’, 91–3, and review of CRP i–iii, pp. 345–56.

89 PC i. 199, 240, 390.

90 Anne Schutte's comment is relevant: ‘these writers were Italian male professed religious and the great majority of them were dead’: ‘Printing, piety and the people’, 10.

91 On the importance of the Imitation for Jesuit spirituality see John O'Malley, The first Jesuits, Cambridge, Ma 1993, 43, 83, 264–6, and p. 358 for other favourite Jesuit texts. For instance, Queen Catherine Parr's Prayers and meditations (1545) (RSTC 4818.5) was based on the Imitation, bk iii, in the English translation attributed to Richard Whitford [1531] (RSTC 23961, 23964): James McConica, English humanists and Reformation politics, Oxford 1965, 228.

92 ‘summa. doctrine de predistinatione Reuerendi p. d. Ambrosii Chatarini episc’: ASM, Registrazioni notarili, fo. 97r. This was presumably Lancellotto Politi [Ambrogio Catarino Politi], Summa doctrinæ de prædestinatione reuerendi p.d. Ambrosii Catharini, Rome 1550; Ignatius Loyola, Exercitia spiritualia, Rome 1548.

93 ‘cioe che non appruovo la via del timore della quale egli [l'autore] spesso si serve; ma basta esserne avvertito’: Flaminio to Carlo Gualteruzzi, Naples, 28 Feb. 1542, Flaminio Lettere, no. 42, p. 121.

94 The theme of consolation pervades contemporary Jesuit writing: O'Malley, First Jesuits, 19–20, 41–3, 82–4.

95 All apparent borrowings from the writings of other reformers are recorded in Caponetto, Beneficio, 13–85, and Prelowski, ‘The Beneficio di Cristo’, 21–102.

96 ‘Et la prima volta ch'io cominciassi a legerli fu nell'anno [1541] a Viterbo in casa del Cardinal Polo et fu il commento di Bucchiero spora l'epistola ai Romani ch'era del Flaminio’: PC ii/1, 170–1.

97 PC ii/2, 92, 150; ii/3, 1031.

98 For instance Caponetto, Beneficio, 61, 64, 66–9, 82, and Il processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone, ed. Massimo Firpo and Dario Marcatto, Rome, 1981–6, i. 222.

99 Nelson H. Minnich, ‘“Wie in dem Basilischen Concilio den Behemen Gescheen”: status of Protestants at the Council of Trent’, in his Councils of the Catholic Reformation: Pisa I (1409) to Trent (1545–63), Aldershot 2008, vi, 201–19 at p. 211 n. 30; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 134; Thomas F. Mayer, ‘“Heretics be not in all things heretics”: Cardinal Pole, his circle and the potential for toleration’, in J. C. Laursen and C. J. Nederman (eds), Beyond the persecuting society: religious toleration before the Enlightenment, Philadelphia 1998, 107–24. Eamon Duffy argues for Pole's ‘commitment to silencing heresy at all costs’ in Marian England: Fires of faith, 154. This was not in evidence in the Viterbo years.

100 Pastore, ‘Due biblioteche’, 276.

101 ‘massime havendo il cardinale più volte ammonito la detta signora che non dovesse essere troppo curiosa’, 20 Feb. 1567: PC ii/3, 1041.

102 Murphy, Ruling peacefully, 22–9.

103 CRP, nos 341, 325.

104 Pastore, Flaminio, 168–71; Fenlon, Heresy and obedience, 124–36, 209–13; Mayer, Pole, 151–4; Giorgio Caravale, Forbidden prayer: church censorship and devotional literature in Renaissance Italy, Farnham 2012.

I wish to thank Susan Brigden, James Carley, Dermot Fenlon, Gerald Hargreaves, Thomas Mayer and James Willoughby for their generosity in reading and commenting on drafts of this paper. I also acknowledge gratefully the Visiting Research Fellowship awarded by the Open University.

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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History
  • ISSN: 0022-0469
  • EISSN: 1469-7637
  • URL: /core/journals/journal-of-ecclesiastical-history
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