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The Dating of Fifth-century Attic Inscriptions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Russell Meiggs
Affiliation:
Balliol College, Oxford

Extract

The study of Athenian history in the fifth century, and particularly in the period between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, derives much of its flesh and blood from inscriptions, but most inscriptions lose their full value if they cannot be dated. From the Peace of Nicias in 421 onwards it was customary to include the name of the archon in the prescript of decrees, but before the Peloponnesian War the practice was rare and random. The alliances with Egesta, Leontini and Rhegium (IG i2 19, 51, 52) were dated in this way, but not the treaty with Hermione (SEG × 15). The settlement imposed on Chalcis by Athens after the crushing of her revolt is not dated (IG i2 39), whereas earlier regulations for Miletus (IG i2 22) include the name of the archon of the year. Sometimes a single archon's name will date a whole series of records: the first tribute list, for example, is explicitly dated by archon, but the name is lost and the lists that follow are numbered only in relation to the first; the archon, however, is recorded in the thirty-fourth list, and the name is preserved, Aristion archon for 421/0, and from this we can safely infer that the first list records the payments of 454/3. Similarly the early accounts of the Parthenon, while recording the first secretary of the Boule, do not mention the archon and merely add the number in the series; but from 437/6 at least the archon's name was added, and the survival of the name of Crates, archon for 434/3, at the head of the thirteenth list enables us to date the remaining records in the series.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1966

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References

1 J. S. and A. E. Gordon, Contribution to the Palaeography of Latin Inscriptions.

2 Hist. x (1961) 148 ff.

3 JHS lxxxi (1961) 124 ff.; see below, p. 96.

4 Ibid. 132.

5 Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1897, 179; IG i2 24.

6 Meritt, and Hill, , Hesp. xiii (1944) 1 ff.Google Scholar

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12 Phot. Kirchner, , Imagines, 17, 19.Google Scholar

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15 Meiggs, , Harvard Stud. Class. Phil. lxvii (1963) 17.Google Scholar

16 Hesp. v (1936) 355.

17 Hesp. v (1936) 358.

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19 Oliver, J. H., Hesp. ii (1933) 480 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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24 Raubitschek, and Stevens, , Hesp. xv (1946) 107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; DAA 172.

25 Raubitschek suggests that the statue was begun shortly after the victory of the Eurymedon and completed in the middle of the fifties. It would be difficult to date the accounts of the Promachos. inscribed when the work was completed, earlier than 455 (SEG x 243). If these two blocks come from the pedestal they would presumably not be put in place until near the end of the work. A date in the fifties is too late for the cart-wheel theta and for the epsilon with’ very short horizontals. The rough-picked surface seems also to have gone out of fashion before 460.

26 Cavaignac, E., Études sur l'histoire financière d'Athènes au Ve siècle (1908).Google Scholar

27 Meritt, B. D., Athenian Financial Documents of the Fifth Century (1932).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 Dinsmoor, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1937, 507.Google Scholar

29 The mistaking in IG i2 10 of kappa for rho suggests that the angular rho with tail (form 1 above) was used; in the two surviving fragments the form is consistent, angular without tail (form 2 above). See also Meritt, , Hesp. xv (1946) 248.Google Scholar

30 Hauvctte, , Hérodote, 47 ff.Google Scholar; more fully, Raubitschek, , DAA 173.Google Scholar

31 Raubitschek, (TAPA lxxv (1944) 10 ff.)Google Scholar, recalling Köhler's tentative report of a curving stroke before omicron and noting on his squeeze a vertical stroke in the preceding space proposed Pritchett, (AJA lix (1955) 58 Google Scholar) found no trace of a curving stroke and thought that the vertical stroke was not part of a letter. Meritt, supported Raubitschek's interpretation of the vertical (BCH lxxxviii (1964) 413).CrossRefGoogle Scholar I am doubtful about the vertical, but, of the three years, 458/7, when Habron was archon, offers the most likely context, when Athens was eliminating Aegina and the news from Egypt was still good.

32 Thuc. vi 6.2.

33 Meiggs, , HSCP lxvii (1963) 6.Google Scholar

34 Diod. xii 3.1, 58.1.

35 Barron, J. P., JHS lxxxii (1962) 1 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meritt, and Wade-Gery, , JHS lxxxiii (1963) 100 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meiggs, op. cit. 24 f.

36 Oliver, , Hesp. ii (1933) 494.Google Scholar

37 For the latter explanation, Meritt, and Wade-Gery, , JHS lxxxiii (1963) 109.Google Scholar

38 Meritt and Wade-Gery, op. cit. 111 ff.

39 Vallois, R., REA xxxv (1933) 195 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meiggs, op. cit. 26.

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41 Hesp. xiii (1944) 228 ff.; Meritt, and Wade-Gery, , JHS lxxxiii (1963) 115 ff.Google Scholar

42 Hesp. xxxiii (1964) 21, no. 5.

43 Upsilon with curving strokes continues through the thirties but is extremely rare after 430. The only examples I have found are in Parthenon inventories of 414/3 and 411/0 (IG i2 272 and 253).

44 Three relevant articles have come to my notice since my text was sent to the printer. Brief comments must suffice. The most important of the three is a review of the Cos fragment of the Coinage Decree (Table 2.25) by Georgiades, and Pritchett, (BCH lxxxix (1965) 400–40).Google Scholar Professor Georgiades, a distinguished mineralogist, after rigorous examination of the Cos stone and samples from various different quarries, concludes that the marble was not Pentelic, but ‘almost certainly Parian’. Professor Pritchett argues that it is very unlikely that an Athenian mason working in Athens would use marble from Paros rather than the local Pentelic for an inscription, and that the Cos fragment should not therefore be dated by reference to inscriptions cut in Athens. This new evidence may shake the confidence of those who relied solely on the three-barred sigma of the Cos fragment for an early date, but before this argument is rejected further enquiry is needed. Is it otherwise known whether Cos imported Parian marble either before or during the fifth century? Is it likely that if the Coans were paying for the stone they would have used Parian marble rather than local limestone? Is it not possible that a mason working in a sculptor's workshop at Athens should use a spare block of Parian not needed for sculpture? More important, the inscription in Attic letters is in the Attic tradition. Why should an Athenian in Cos in the twenties (the later date for the Coinage Decree) use a form of sigma that had been obsolete in Athens for twenty years, while no other letter in his text suggests that he was old-fashioned?

Mattingly, 's re-dating of the financial decrees of Callias to 422/1 (Proceedings African Class. Ass. iii (1964) 3555)Google Scholar affects my main argument considerably less. I would still maintain my view (p. 86) that 434/3 is a firm date for these decrees but I would naturally wish to meet Mattingly's detailed objections. However, since I have not included these decrees in the table of securely dated inscriptions, the argument from letter-forms is not affected. A word should, however, be said about his late dating of the Praxiergidae Decree (Table 2.11). This is a notoriously puzzling script, but I agree with the mid-century dating advocated by Wilhelm and Lewis. Raubitschek is surely right in assigning DAA 299 to the same hand. The style of the fragment of relief on this dedication is a compelling argument against a date significantly later than 450.

The third article raises a more fundamental issue. In the course of a stimulating review of the state of Ancient History studies in this country, M. I. Finley has pronounced judgement (Times Lit. Suppl., 7.iv.66, p. 289). “Instead (of exploring seriously worth-while problems) at the moment there is an astonishingly bitter controversy in the scholarly journals in which, to put it a bit unkindly, the problems and issues of the (Athenian) empire have been reduced to a question of the date when the Athenian stone-cutters began to carve the letter sigma with four bars instead of three.” No one would like to be convinced that two long summers' detailed work, for which nature did not design him, has been wasted on what a sociologist might legitimately call trivialities. A brief statement is needed, though some justification has been given elsewhere for this study of letter-forms (HSCP lxvii (1963) 29 f.). The main evidence for the history of the Athenian Empire (as distinct from an analysis of its character in the period covered by Thucydides and Aristophanes) comes from a long series of inscriptions, the most important of which are not explicitly dated. From the literary evidence (if Plutarch is dismissed as unreliable) two views of the development of the empire, each coherent, are tenable: (1) that strong imperialism developed only after the death of Pericles and is to be primarily associated with the rise of Cleon and his successors; (2) that the vital steps from Alliance to Empire were taken in the early forties. It is no exaggeration to say that the answer to these questions depends primarily on whether criteria based on letter-forms (especially but not solely sigma), first formulated in the late nineteenth century, are still valid. A History of the Athenian Empire which ignored this question should have no authority. Finley has made a molehill out of a mountain.