In this study I examine the presentation of Saladin and the Crusades within the genre of Persian universal histories produced from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. While a number of recent studies have begun to explore the place of the Crusades in the historical memory of the Islamic world, to date little attention has been given to the question of the manner in which the ensuing Mongol conquests affected subsequent Muslim memory of the Crusades. In this article I argue that historiographers of the Mongol and post-Mongol eras largely sought to legitimate the conquests through evocation of heresy and by celebrating the Mongols’ role in combating alleged heretical elements within Muslim society, most notably the Ismāʿīlīs. While Saladin is universally remembered today first and foremost for his re-conquest of Jerusalem from the Crusaders, within the context of the agenda of Persian historiography of the post-Mongol era the locus of his significance was shifted to his overthrow of the Ismāʿīlī Fatimid dynasty in Egypt, to the almost complete exclusion of his role in the Crusades. This article challenges long-standing assumptions that the figure of Saladin was largely forgotten within the Muslim world until the colonial era, and instead presents an alternative explanation for the supposed amnesia in the Muslim world regarding the Crusades in the pre-modern era.
1 Maalouf Amin, The Crusades through Arab Eyes, translated Jon Rothschild (London, 1984); Hillenbrand Carole, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (New York, 2000); Christie Niall, Muslims and Crusaders: Christianity's Wars in the Middle East, 1095-1382, from the Islamic Sources (New York, 2014); Cobb Paul M., The Race for Paradise: An Islamic History of the Crusades (Oxford, 2014); Mallett Alexander, Popular Muslim Reactions to the Franks in the Levant, 1097–1291 (Farnham, 2014). Idem., (ed.) Medieval Muslim Historians and the Franks in the Levant (Leiden, 2015).
2 Some of the most challenging revisionist work in this regard has been undertaken by Paul Chevedden; see his “The Islamic Interpretation of the Crusade: A New (Old) Paradigm for Understanding the Crusades” Der Islam 83 (2006), pp. 90–136; “The Islamic View and the Christian View of the Crusades: A New Synthesis,” History 93, no. 310 (2008), pp. 181–200.
3 For example, see Paul Nicholas and Yeager Suzanne M., (eds.), Remembering the Crusades: Myth, Image, and Identity (Baltimore, 2012); Bull Marcus Graham and Kempf D., (eds.), Writing the Early Crusades: Text, Transmission and Memory (Woodbridge, 2014).
4 Hammad Mona and Peters Edward, “Islam and the Crusades: A Nine Hundred-Year-Long Grievance?”, in Seven Myths of the Crusades, (ed.) Andrea Alfred J. and Holt Andrew (Indianapolis, 2015), pp. 127–149 .
5 For an analysis of these competing discourses see Bhatia Umej, Forgetting Osama bin Munqidh, Remembering Osama bin Laden: The Crusades in Modern Muslim Memory (Singapore, 2008). See also Riley-Smith Jonathan, “Islam and the Crusades in History and Imagination, 8 November 1898–11 September 2001,” Crusades 2 (2003), pp. 151–168 .
6 See Shagrir Iris and Amitai-Preiss Nitzan, “Michaud, Montrond, Mazloum and the First History of the Crusades in Arabic,” Al-Masāq 24, no. 3 (2012), pp. 309–312 ; Sivan Emmanuel, “Modern Arab Historiography of the Crusades”, in Interpretations of Islam: Past and Present, (ed.) Sivan Emmanuel (Princeton, 1985), pp. 3–43 .
7 Hillenbrand Carole, “The Evolution of the Saladin Legend in the West”, Mélanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph 58 (2005), p. 13 .
8 This same term has been calqued in modern Persian as Janghā-yi ṣalībī. For examples of modern Iranian scholarship on the Crusades see Sharafī Sharārah, Janghā-yi ṣalībī va ʿilal-i ān (Mashhad, 1378 A.Hsh./1999); ʿ Ṭāhirī Abdullāh Nāṣirī, ʿ Ilal va āthār-i janghā-yi ṣalībī (Tehran, 1373 A.Hsh./1994); Idem., Naqsh-i Ismāʿīlīyan dar janghā-yi ṣalībī (Tehran, 1387 A.Hsh./2008).
9 On the latter see Lewis Bernard, The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror (New York, 2003), pp. 47–52 .
10 See Mallett Alexander, “Islamic Historians of the Ayyūbid Era and Muslim Rulers from the Early Crusading Period: A Study in the Use of History,” Al-Masāq 24, no. 3 (2012), pp. 241–252 .
11 See Abouali Diana, “Saladin's Legacy in the Middle East before the Nineteenth Century,” Crusades 10 (2011), pp. 175–189 ; Heidemann Stefan, “Memory and Ideology: Images of Saladin in Syria and Iraq,” in Visual Culture in the Modern Middle East: Rhetoric of the Image, (ed.) Gruber Christiane J. and Haugbolle Sune (Bloomington, 2013), pp. 57–81 ; Phillips Jonathan, “Vor der Orientreise Wilhelms II: Die Erinnerung an Saladin und die Kreuzzüge im Nahen Osten vom 15. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert,” in Kreuzzüge des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit: Realhistorie - Geschichtskultur - Didaktik, (ed.) Hinz Felix (Hildesheim, 2015), pp. 67–86 . Among some earlier works on this subject are the studies on the Crusades in Arabic folklore by Lyons Malcolm C., “The Crusading Stratum in the Arabic Hero Cycle,” in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, (ed.) Shatzmiller Maya (Leiden, 1993), pp. 147–161 ; Idem., “The Land of War: Europe in the Arab Hero Cycles,” in The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World, (ed.) Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy P. Mottahedeh (Washington, D. C, 2001), pp. 41–51.
12 Hillenbrand, “The Evolution of the Saladin Legend in the West”, pp. 1–13.
13 Irwin Robert, “The Arabists and Crusader Studies in the Twentieth Century,” in Cultural Encounters during the Crusades, (ed.) Jensen Kurt Villads , et al. (Odense, 2013), pp. 283–298 .
14 Lane-Poole Stanley, Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1898).
15 Among Gibb's many studies on the subject see The Life of Saladin (Oxford, 1973). For a critical assessment of Gibb's scholarship see Holt P. M., “Saladin and His Admirers: A Biographical Reassessment”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 46, no. 2 (1983), pp. 235–239 .
16 Ehrenkreutz Andrew S., Saladin (Albany, 1972), p. 234 .
17 Idem., Saladin, p. 235.
18 Eddé Anne-Marie, Saladin, translated by Jane Marie Todd (Cambridge, 2011).
19 This survey will not encompass contemporary literature concerning the later Crusades from the thirteenth century onwards. For an overview of the role of Persia and the Mongols in the later Crusades see Cahen Claude, “The Mongols and the Near East,” in A History of the Crusades, vol. 2: The Later Crusades, 1189–1311, (ed.) Setton Kenneth M. , et al. (Madison, 1969), pp. 715–734 ; Jackson Peter, “Crusades, in relation to Persia,” Encyclopædia Iranica 6 (1993), pp. 433–434 .
20 Waldman Marilyn R., Toward a Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study in Perso-Islamicate Histoiography (Columbus, 1980), pp. 1–16 .
21 The most complete account of these events is Lev Yaacov, Saladin in Egypt (Leiden, 1999). See also Ehrenkreutz Andrew S., “Saladin's Coup d’État in Egypt,” in Medieval and Middle Eastern Studies in Honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya, (ed.) Hanna Sami A. (Leiden, 1972), pp. 144–157 .
22 For an overview of Persian historiography in the Mongol and post-Mongol eras see Melville Charles P., “Historiography iv: Mongol Period,” Encyclopædia Iranica 12 (2004), pp. 348–356 ; Idem., “The Mongol and Timurid Periods, 1250–1500,” in A History of Persian Literature, vol. 10: Persian Historiography, (ed.) C. P. Melville (London, 2012), pp. 155–208.
23 Morgan David O., “Persian as a Lingua Franca in the Mongol Empire,” in Literacy in the Persianate World: Writing and the Social Order, (ed.) Spooner Brian and Hanaway William L. (Philadelphia, 2012), pp. 160–170 .
24 On Persian historiography in the pre-Mongol era see Daniel Elton L., “Historiography iii: Early Islamic Period”, Encyclopædia Iranica 12 (2004), pp. 330–348 ; Meisami Julie Scott, Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century (Edinburgh, 1999).
25 Nīshāpūrī Ẓahīr al-Dīn, Saljūq-nāmah, (ed.) Morton Alexander H. (Cambridge, 2004).
26 al-Dīn Rashīd, Jāmiʿ al-tavārīkh: Tārīkh-i Āl-i Saljūq, (ed.) Rūshan Muḥammad (Tehran, 1386 A.Hsh./2007); Idem., The History of the Seljuq Turks from the Jāmiʿ al-Tavārīkh: An Ilkhanid Adaption of the Saljūq-Nāma of Ẓahīr al-Dīn Nīshāpūrī, (ed.) Clifford E. Bosworth, translated by Kenneth Allin Luther (Richmond, 2001). On the relationship between the work of Nīshāpūrī and Rashīd al-Dīn see Luther Kenneth Allin, “The Saljūqnāmah and the Jāmiʿ al-Tawārīkh,” in Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl Allāh, (ed.) Nasr Seyyed Hossein (Tehran, 1971), pp. 26–35 .
27 Kirmānī’s addition does makes one brief mention of Saladin, in reference to his role in helping to settle a rebellion in the city of Urmiya; see Rashīd al-Dīn, History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 153.
28 On the latter see Nīshāpūrī, Saljūq-nāmah, pp. 58–59; Rashīd al-Dīn, History of the Seljuq Turks, pp. 84–86. On the Qara-Khitay see Biran Michal, The Empire of the Kara-Khitai in Eurasian History: Between China and the Islamic World (Cambridge, 2005).
29 Alī Rāvandī Muḥammad b., Rāḥat al-ṣudūr va āyat al-surūr, (ed.) Iqbāl Muḥammad (Leiden, 1921). On this work see also Meisami, Persian Historiography, pp. 237–256.
30 On the “Mirror for Princes” genre see Lambton Ann K. S., “Islamic Mirrors for Princes,” Quaderno dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 160 (1971), pp. 419–442 . See especially pp. 426–428 on the Baḥr al-favāʾid.
31 Baḥr al-favāʾid, translated by Meisami Julie Scott as The Sea of Precious Virtues: A Medieval Islamic Mirror for Princes (Salt Lake City, 1991), pp. 13–35 .
32 Baḥr al-favāʾid, pp. 56–57 (italics in original). I have slightly modified Meisami's translation here.
33 A derogatory term for Zoroastrians, but also a more general term of abuse for non-Muslims.
34 Baḥr al-favāʾid, p. 251.
35 Suleiman Ali Mourad and James Lindsay E., The Intensification and Reorientation of Sunni Jihad Ideology in the Crusader Period: Ibn ʻAsākir of Damascus (1105-1176) and His Age, with an Edition and Translation of Ibn ʻAsākir's The Forty Hadiths for Inciting Jihad (Leiden, 2013).
36 On the text see Meisami, Persian Historiography, pp. 188–209.
37 Mujmal al-tavārīkh va al-qiṣaṣ, (ed.) Muḥammad Taqī Bahār (Tehran, 1318 A.Hsh./1939), pp. 484–487. Meisami suggests that the illustrations may have been a later addition to the manuscript.
38 Bakrān Muḥammad b. Najīb, Jahān-nāmah, (ed.) Riyāhī Muḥammad Amīn (Tehran, 1342 A.Hsh./1963), p. 67 .
39 On this genre see Afshār Iraj and Bosworth Clifford E., “ʿAjāʾeb al-Maklūqāt,” Encyclopædia Iranica 1 (1984), pp. 696–699 .
40 Hamadānī Muḥammad b. Maḥmūd, ʿ Ajāʾib-nāmah (ʿAjāʾib al-makhlūqāt va gharāyib al-mawjūdāt), (ed.) Ṣādiqī Jaʿfar Mudarris (Tehran, 1375 A.Hsh./1996), pp. 477–478.
41 Juvaynī ʿAtāʾ Malik, The History of the World Conqueror, translated by John A. Boyle (Manchester, 1958), pp. 16–17 . I have relied upon Boyle's translation here with some minor modifications.
42 Idem., History of the World Conqueror, p. 19.
43 Idem., History of the World Conqueror, p. 105.
44 For example, this response is in evidence in the writings of the Damascene jurist ʿAlī b. Ṭāhir al-Sulamī, on which see Christie Niall, “Motivating Listeners in the Kitab al-Jihad of ʿAli ibn Tahir al-Sulami (d. 1106),” Crusades 6 (2007), pp. 3–14 ; Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 71–73.
45 On this theme see Hamblin William, “To Wage Jihād or Not: Fatimid Egypt during the Early Crusades,” in The Jihād and its Times, (ed.) Dajani-Shakeel Hadia and Messier Ronald A. (Ann Arbor, 1991), pp. 31–40 ; Brett Michael, “The Fatimids and the Counter-Crusade, 1099–1171,” in Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, vol. 5, (ed.) Vermeulen Urbain and D'Hulster K. (Leuven, 2007), pp. 15–26 ; Abu-Munshar Maher Y., “Fāṭimids, Crusaders and the Fall of Islamic Jerusalem: Foes or Allies?”, Al-Masāq 22, no. 1 (2010), pp. 45–56 .
46 The text mistakenly reads here 566.
47 Juvaynī inexplicably misreports the name of the ruling ʿAbbāsid caliph of the time, who was not al-Nāṣir li-Din Allāh (r. 1180–1225) but rather his predecessor, al-Mustaḍī bi-Amr Allāh (r. 1170–80).
48 The tenth day of the month of Muḥarram.
49 Juvaynī, History of the World Conqueror, pp. 664–665.
50 al-Athīr ʿIzz al-Dīn Ibn, al-Kāmil fiʾl-tawārīkh, (ed.) Tornberg C. J., 12 vols. (Leiden, 1851-76), xi, pp. 241–244 ; Idem., The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from al-Kāmil fīʾl-taʾrīkh, vol. 2: The Years 541–589/1146–1193: The Age of Nur al-Din and Saladin, translated by Donald S. Richards (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 196–198.
51 Shaddād Bahāʾ al-Dīn Ibn, al-Nawādir al-Sulṭāniyya waʾl-Maḥāsin al-Yūsufiyya, translated by Richards Donald S. as The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin (Aldershot, 2001), p. 47 .
52 Idem., al-Nawādir al-Sulṭāniyya, pp. 77–78.
53 Juvaynī, History of the World Conqueror, pp. 724–725. Juvaynī’s claim that the execution of Khūrshāh marked the extinction of the Ismāʿīlīs is an exaggeration, as significant members of the community survived and remained active in subsequent decades; see Virani Shafique N., “The Eagle Returns: Evidence of Continued Ismāʿīlī Activity at Alamūt and in the South Caspian Region following the Mongol Conquests ” Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 2 (2003), pp. 351–370 . Juvaynī’s exaggeration of the extant of Hülegü’s achievements would seem to further testify to his authorial agenda: the vast harm caused by the Mongol conquests could not be compensated by a mere partial success against the forces of heresy, but only through the depiction of a complete and total victory.
54 Juvaynī, History of the World Conqueror, p. 638. The “conquest of Khaybar” refers to one of the pivotal military victories of the early Muslim community in the year 629.
55 Jūzjānī Minḥaj al-Dīn, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, (ed.) Ḥabībī ʿAbd al-Ḥayy, 2 vols. (Kabul, 1342 A.Hsh./1963), i, pp. 288–293 .
56 Both terms referring to the Ismāʿīlīs.
57 Jūzjānī, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, i, p. 290.
58 Idem., Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, i, p. 291.
59 Idem., Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, i, pp. 292–293.
60 On this process see Kumar Sunil, “The Ignored Elites: Turks, Mongols and a Persian Secretarial Class in the Early Delhi Sultanate,” Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2009), pp. 45–77 .
61 For a survey of some of these narratives see Eddé, Saladin, pp. 160–166.
62 For example, see Ibn Shaddād, al-Nawādir al-Sulṭāniyya, pp. 35–38.
63 On this text see Lewis Bernard, “The Use by Muslim Historians of Non-Muslim Sources”, in Historians of the Middle East, (ed.) Lewis Bernard and Holt P. M. (London, 1962), pp. 183–184 . The work has been published both in a text edition and a French translation; see al-Dīn Rashīd, Jāmiʿ al-tavārīkh: Tārīkh-i Afrānj, (ed.) Sīyāqī Muḥammad Dabīr (Tehran, 1339 A.Hsh./1960); Idem., Histoire universelle de Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl Allāh Abūʾl-Khair: Histoire des Francs, translated by Karl Jahn (Leiden, 1951).
64 Jahn Karl, “Rashīd al-Dīn's Knowledge of Europe”, in Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍl Allāh, (ed.) Nasr Seyyed Hossein (Tehran, 1971), pp. 9–25 . See also Boyle John A., “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Franks,” Central Asiatic Journal 14 (1970), pp. 62–67 .
65 Jahn, “Rashīd al-Dīn's Knowledge of Europe”, p. 22.
66 al-Dīn Rashīd, Compendium of Chronicles: A History of the Mongols, translated by Wheeler M. Thackston, 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1998), i, pp. 166–173 .
67 Idem., History of the Mongols, i, p. 173.
68 Daftary Farhad, “Persian Historiography of the Early Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs”, Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 30 (1992), pp. 91–97 .
69 Like Juvaynī, Rashīd al-Dīn misreports the name of the ruling ʿAbbāsid caliph of the time.
70 One of the main gates of medieval Baghdad.
71 al-Dīn Rashīd, Jāmiʿ al-tavārīkh: Qismat-i Ismāʿīlīyān va Fātimīyān va Nizārīyān va Dāʿīyān va Rafīqān, (ed.) Dānishpazhūh Muḥammad Taqī and Zanjānī Muḥammad Mudarrasī (Tehran, 1388 A.Hsh./2009), pp. 74–75 .
72 Kāshānī Abū al-Qāsim, Zubdat al-tavārīkh: Tārīkh-i Ismāʿīlīyah va Nizārīyah va Mulāḥidah, (ed.) Dānishpazhūh Muḥammad Taqī (Tabriz, 1343 A.Hsh./1964), pp. 115–119 .
73 Qazvīnī Ḥamdullāh Mustawfī, Tārīkh-i guzīdah, (ed.) Navāʾī ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn (Tehran, 1362 A.Hsh./1983), p. 516 . Qazvīnī also composed a geographical compendium titled Nuzhat al-qulūb, which in its description of Jerusalem does include a very brief mention of the city's capture by the Crusaders and of how Saladin “brought the land back into the path of Islam”; see Idem., The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat al-Qulūb, translated Guy Le Strange (London, 1919), p. 18.
74 Vaṣṣāf Shihāb al-Dīn ʿAbdullāh, Taḥrīr-i Tārīkh-i Vaṣṣāf, (ed.) Āyatī ʿAbd al-Muḥammad (Tehran, 1346 A.Hsh./1967), pp. 52–53 .
75 Abrū Ḥāfiẓ-i, Jughrāfiyā, (ed.) Sajjādī Ṣādiq, 3 vols. (Tehran, 1375 A.Hsh./1997), i, pp. 323–327.
76 Idem., Majmuʿ al-tavārīkh al-sulṭānīyah: qismat-i khulafā-yi ʿAlavīyah-i Maghrib va Miṣr va Nazāriyān va Rafīqiyān, (ed.) Muḥammad Mudarrasī Zanjānī (Tehran, 1364 A.Hsh./1985), pp. 184–187.
77 Mīrkhwānd Muḥammad b. Khwāndshāh, Rawḍat al-ṣafā fī sīrat al-awliyā va al-mulūk va al-khulafā, 7 vols. (Tehran, 1339 A.Hsh./1960), iv, pp. 196–198 .
78 Idem., Rawḍat al-ṣafā, iv, pp. 594–199.
79 Khwāndamīr Ghiyāth al-Dīn, Ḥabīb al-siyar fī akhbār afrād bashar, (ed.) Siyāqī Muḥammad Dabīr, 4 vols. (Tehran, 1333 A.Hsh./1955), ii, pp. 459–460 .
80 Quoted in Phillips, “Vor der Orientreise Wilhelms II,” p. 78.
81 Daftary Farhad, The Ismāʿīlīs: Their History and Doctrines, 2nd edition (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 241–243 .
82 For a critical survey of the development of the “Assassins legend” in European historiography see Idem., The Assassin Legends: Myths of the Ismāʿīlīs (London, 1994).
83 The most thorough study on this struggle to date remains Hodgson Marshall G. S., The Secret Order of Assassins: The Struggle of the Early Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs Against the Islamic World (Philadelphia, 1955). On relations between the Ismāʿīlīs and the Crusaders see Lewis Bernard, “The Ismāʿīlites and the Assassins”, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 1: The First Hundred Years, (ed.) Setton Kenneth M. and Baldwin Marshall W. (Madison, 1969), pp. 99–134 ; Daftary Farhad, “The Ismaʿilis and the Crusaders: History and Myth,” in The Crusades and the Military Orders: Expanding the Frontiers of Medieval Latin Christianity, (ed.) Hunyadi Zsolt and Laszlovszky József (Budapest, 2001), pp. 21–42 ; Smarandache Bogdan, “The Franks and the Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs in the Early Crusade Period,” Al-Masāq 24, no. 3 (2012), pp. 221–239 .
84 According to one recent estimate, at least 44 assassinations of high-profile figures were carried out by the Ismāʿīlīs during the peak of this campaign between 1092 and 1147; see Cook David, “Were the Ismāʿīlī Assassins the First Suicide Attackers? An Examination of Their Recorded Assassinations,” in The Lineaments of Islam: Studies in Honor of Fred McGraw Donner, (ed.) Cobb Paul M. (Leiden, 2012), pp. 97–120 .
85 On these conflicts see Lewis Bernard, “Saladin and the Assassins,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 15, no. 2 (1953), pp. 239–245 .
86 Idem., “Ismāʿīlī Notes,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 12, no. 3/4 (1948), p. 598. Lewis considers the text to be authentic. On the conflicts between the Ismāʿīlīs and the Mamlūks see also Melville Charles P., “‘Sometimes by the Sword, Sometimes by the Dagger’: The Role of the Ismaʿilis in Mamlūk-Mongol Relations in the 8th/14th Century,” in Mediaeval Ismaʿili History and Thought, (ed.) Daftary Farhad (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 247–264 . Recent decades have witnessed some startling shifts in the reception of Saladin within Ismāʿīlī historical memory as Syrian Ismāʿīlī historians, seeking to situate the history of the community within a Syrian nationalist narrative, have depicted the Nizārīs as allies of Saladin in his counter-crusade; see El-Moctar Mohamed, “Saladin in the Sunni and Shi'a Memories,” in Remembering the Crusades: Myth, Image, and Identity, (ed.) Paul Nicholas and Yeager Suzanne M. (Baltimore, 2012), p. 207 . Among the most striking examples of this shift is the support given by the current Nizārī Imām (Aga Khan IV) to the renovation of the Qalʿat Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, one of Saladin's most renowned fortifications in Syria. The literature introducing the project refers to Saladin as “the Hero of Islam,” who brought unity to the Muslim world and the liberation of Jerusalem, with no mention of his campaigns against the Ismāʿīlīs in Egypt and Syria; see Grandin Thierry, “Introduction to the Citadel of Salah al-Din,” in Syria: Medieval Citadels Between East and West, (ed.) Bianca Stefano (Geneva, 2007), p. 158 .
87 See Allsen Thomas T., Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge, 2001); Kotkin Stephen, “Mongol Commonwealth? Exchange and Governance across the Post-Mongol Space”, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 8, no. 3 (2007), pp. 487–531 .
88 On the Islamisation of the Mongols see DeWeese Devin, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition (University Park, 1994); Idem., “Islamization in the Mongol Empire,” in The Cambridge History of Inner Asia: The Chinggisid Age, (ed.) Nicola Di Cosmo, et al. (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 120–134.
89 On these narrative traditions see Biran Michal, Chinggis Khan (Oxford, 2007), pp. 108–121 ; DeWeese Devin, “‘Stuck in the Throat of Chingīz Khān’: Envisioning the Mongol Conquests in Some Sufi Accounts from the 14th to 17th Centuries,” in History and Historiography of post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honor of John E. Woods, (ed.) Pfeiffer Judith , et al. (Wiesbaden, 2006), pp. 23–60 .
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