¹ The first dictionary entry in French for humanitaire is in Littré, 1863, where it is denoted as a neologism, and its coining erroneously attributed to Alfred de Musset. Artful database accessed 15 June 2017. The term appeared in English earlier, referencing a “person believing that Christ's nature was human only and not divine.” The second definition, “A person who professes a humanistic religion, esp. an adherent of the socialist religious ideas of Pierre Leroux,” dates to 1831. The third comes closest to current usage: “A person concerned with human welfare as a primary or pre-eminent good” (OED).

² Historians have taken a variety of approaches to historicizing humanitarian sentiment, broadly questioning its origins, intent, and practice. Historians of antislavery have been pivotal in this regard, especially the pathbreaking essays by Haskell, Thomas, “Capitalism and the Origins of the Humanitarian Sensibility, Part 1,” American Historical Review 90/2 (1985), 339–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haskell, “Capitalism and the Origins of the Humanitarian Sensibility, Part 2,” American Historical Review 90/3 (1985), 547–66; Brown, Christopher Lehman, Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism (Chapel Hill, 2006)Google Scholar; Grant, Kevin, A Civilised Savagery (New York and London, 2005)Google Scholar; Halttunen, Karen, “Humanitarianism and the Pornography of Pain in Anglo-American Culture,” American Historical Review 100/2 (1995), 303–34CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. For some chroniclers of humanitarianism, the moral and ethical scruples of historical actors are beyond reproach, while others have drawn broad connections between the paternalism of humanitarians and the European civilizing mission. For an example of the former approach see Adam Hochschild's widely read popular histories, Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire's Slaves (New York, 2006) and King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa (New York, 1999); for a more critical perspective that makes linkages to modern imperialism but remains overall laudatory see Barnett, Michael, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, 2011)Google Scholar. See below for more specific discussion of this literature.

³ Festa, Lynn, Sentimental Figures of Empire (Baltimore, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁴ British antislavery activists can be seen in some ways as a limited exception to this generalization, given the widespread consequences of slavery abolition to the economic health of the British empire. On this question see Drescher, Seymour, Econocide: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition, 2nd edn (Chapel Hill, 2010)Google Scholar; and Brown, Moral Capital.

⁵ Historians of antislavery have documented the paternalism and racism of the movement, with their obvious linkages to the imperial politics of the age, though their promotion of colonial settlement is less direct than what is discussed here.

⁶ E.g. Barnett, Empire of Humanity; Hunt, Lynn, The Invention of Human Rights (New York, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁷ For example, Berenson, Edward, Populist Religion and Left-Wing Politics in France, 1830–1852 (Princeton, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beecher, Jonathan, Charles Fourier: The Visionary and his World (Berkeley, 1986)Google Scholar; Beecher, , Victor Considerant and the Rise and Fall of French Romantic Socialism (Berkeley, 2000)Google Scholar; Johnson, Christopher, Utopian Communism in France: Cabet and the Icarians, 1839–1851 (Ithaca, 1974)Google Scholar; Taylor, Barbara, Eve and the New Jerusalem (Cambridge, MA, 1983)Google Scholar; Guarneri, Carl, The Utopian Alternative: Fourierism in Nineteenth-Century America (Ithaca, 1991)Google Scholar; Bras-Chopard, Armelle Le, De l’égalité dans la différence: Le socialisme de Pierre Leroux (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁸ Most of this work has concerned the Saint Simonians. An early exception is the work of Emerit, Marcel, Les saint-simoniens en Algérie (Alger, 1941)Google Scholar. See Abi-Mershed, Osama, Apostles of Modernity: Saint-Simonians and the Civilizing Mission in Algeria (Stanford, 2010)Google Scholar; Pilbeam, Pamela, Saint Simonians in Nineteenth-Century France (London, 2014)Google Scholar; Régnier, Philippe, “Le discours colonial des saint-simoniens: Une utopie postrévolutionnaire française appliquée en terr d'islam (Égypte et Algérie)” in Luizard, Pierre-Jean, ed., Le choc colonial et l'islam: Les politiques religieuses des puissances colonials en terres d'islam (Paris, 2016), 57–70Google Scholar; Andrews, Naomi J., “Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation,” Journal of Modern History 85/3 (2013), 489–527CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Andrews, , “‘The Universal Alliance of all Peoples’: Romantic Socialists, the Human Family, and the Defense of Empire during the July Monarchy, 1830–1848,” French Historical Studies 34/3 (2011), 473–502CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Seeber, Edward D., “Humanisme, Humanitisme, and Humanitarisme,” Modern Language Notes 49/8, 12 (1934), 521–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tournier, Maurice, “Humanitaire: Est-il apolitique de naissance?” Mots, March 2001, 65, 136–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ See Barnett, Empire of Humanity, 49–56, in which social and political developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain are presented as the “Humanitarian Big Bang.”

¹¹ On French antislavery see Jennings, Lawrence C., French Antislavery: The Movement for the Abolition of Slavery in France, 1802–1848 (Cambridge and New York, 2000)Google Scholar; Schmidt, Nelly, Abolitionnistes de l'esclavage et réformateurs des colonies, 1820–1851: Analyse et documents (Paris, 2001)Google Scholar; Dorigny, Marcel, ed., Les abolitions de l'esclavage: De L. F. Sonthonax à V. Schœlcher, 1793, 1794, 1848 (Saint-Denis, 1995)Google Scholar; Kwon, Yun Kyoung, “When Parisian Liberals Spoke for Haiti: French Anti-slavery Discourses on Haiti under the Restoration, 1814–30,” Atlantic Studies 8/3 (2011), 317–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the broader dynamic in France see Davis, Adam J. and Taithe, Bertrand, “From the Purse and the Heart: Exploring Charity, Humanitarianism, and Human Rights in France,” French Historical Studies 34/3 (2011), 414–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Historians have become attentive to the ways that modern ideas about humankind have been essentialized and dehistoricized, led by Moyn, Samuel, The Last Utopia (Princeton, 2010)Google Scholar. See also Stuurman, Siep, The Invention of Humanity: Equality and Cultural Difference in World History (Cambridge, MA, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Samuels, Maurice, The Right to Difference: French Universalism and the Jews (Chicago, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Green, Abigail, “Humanitarianism in Nineteenth-Century Context: Religious, Gendered, National,” Historical Journal 57/4 (2014), 1157–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, make similar arguments.

¹³ E.g., Hunt, The Invention of Human Rights, 176–214.

¹⁴ Among many examples see Taithe, Bertrand, “Reinventing (French) Universalism: Religion, Humanitarianism and the ‘French Doctors’,” Modern and Contemporary France 12/2 (2004), 147–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Daughton, J. P., “Behind the Imperial Curtain: International Humanitarian Efforts and the Critique of French Colonialism in the Interwar Years,” in Toward a French History of Universal Values: Charity, Human Rights, and Humanitarianism, special issue of French Historical Studies 34/3 (2011)Google Scholar, 503–28; and Eleanor Davey, “Famine, Aid, and Ideology: The Political Activism of Médecins sans Frontières in the 1980s,” in ibid., 529–58.

¹⁵ Socialisme was popularized by Pierre Leroux in 1834 in “De l'individualisme et du socialisme,” Revue encyclopédique 60 (Oct. 1833), 94–117.

¹⁶ Seeber credits Michel Raymond, aka Raymond Brucker, with coining the term in “Humanisme, Humanitisme, and Humanitarisme.”

¹⁷ de Chateaubriand, Francois-René, Mémoires d'outre-tombe, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1849), 24Google Scholar.

¹⁸ de Musset, Alfred, The Complete Writings of Alfred de Musset, ed. Charles Conner, Marie Agathe Clarke, and George Santayana (New York, 1905), 227Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Bénichou, Paul, Le temps des prophètes (Paris, 1977), 385Google Scholar.

²⁰ Tournier, “Humanitaire.”

²¹ Entries before 1831 are misreads of Latin words.

²² Les français peints par eux-mêmes: Encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvième siècle (Paris, 1840–42), a multivolume catalog of social types of the day.

²³ L'humanitaire 1 (July 1841), 1.

²⁴ Ibid., 2, emphasis in original.

²⁵ Sessions, Jennifer E., By Sword and Plow: France and the Conquest of Algeria (Ithaca, 2011), 177–201CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Feminist scholars, particularly Joan Scott, introduced this discussion in examining the nature of French republican citizenship, demonstrating how its foundation in an abstract notion of the individual was embedded in assumptions about reason and self-possession that rested on gendered categories. Scott, Joan Wallach, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, MA, 1996)Google Scholar. Uday Mehta's work has been pivotal in deconstructing the terms of liberal autonomy and individualism. See Mehta, Uday, “Liberal Strategies of Exclusion,” in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Stanford, 1997)Google Scholar, 59–86. Historians of the French empire have used similar analytical strategies in their work on the mission civilisatrice after 1870. Conklin, Alice, A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895–1930 (Stanford, 1997)Google Scholar, was an early and important intervention.

²⁷ Bell, David A., The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1800 (Cambridge, MA, 2001), 95Google Scholar; Schor, Naomi, “The Crisis of French Universalism,” Yale French Studies 100 (2001), 43–64, at 44Google Scholar.

²⁸ Muthu, Sankar, Enlightenment against Empire (Princeton, 2003), 77Google Scholar, 79.

²⁹ Stuurman, The Invention of Humanity, 288, 295, dates this scheme to the philosophical history of the Enlightenment. See also Curran, Andrew, The Anatomy of Blackness: Science and Slavery in an Age of Enlightenment (Baltimore, 2011)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Pitts, Jennifer, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton, 2009), 165Google Scholar.

³¹ Geenens, Raf and Rosenblatt, Helena, “French Liberalism, an Overlooked Tradition?”, in Geenens, and Rosenblatt, , eds., French Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day (Cambridge, 2012,) 1–14, at 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² Stuurman, The Invention of Humanity, 258–345.

³³ J.-J. Rousseau, “Discourse on the Origin of Inequality among Men,” Part I, 1754.

³⁴ See https://quod.lib.umich.edu/d/did/did2222.0000.172/-humanity?rgn=main;view=fulltext;q1=humanity.

³⁵ Duprat, Catherine, Le temps des philanthropes, vol. 1 (Paris, 1993)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Behrent, Michael, “The Mystical Body of Society: Religion and Association in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 69/6 (2008), 219–43, at 224CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

³⁷ Leroux, Pierre, De l'humanité (Paris, 1985; first published 1840)Google Scholar.

³⁸ Ibid., 100. The “liberalism” posited by French socialists better fit British liberalism than French, according to Geenens and Rosenblatt, “French Liberalism,” 2.

³⁹ Leroux, De l'humanité, 191.

⁴⁰ Pecqueur, Constantin, Theorie nouvelle d'economie sociale (New York, 1971), 200Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Drolet, Michael, “Carrying the Banner of the Bourgeoisie: Democracy, Self and the Philosophical Foundations to François Guizot's Historical and Political Thought,” History of Political Thought 32/4 (2011), 645–90Google Scholar.

⁴² Behrent, “The Mystical Body of Society,” 220.

⁴³ Recent scholarship has demonstrated the durability of a Christian worldview in post-revolutionary France. Behrent, “The Mystical Body of Society”; Peterson, Joseph W., “‘Admiration . . . for All That Is Sincerely Religious’: Louis Veuillot and Catholic Representations of Islam and Empire in July Monarchy France,” French Historical Studies 40/3 (2017), 475–507, at 477CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Milbach, Sylvain, “Alphonse Esquiros, l'inquiétude religieuse d'un démocrate à l’âge romantique,” Romantisme 1 (2015), 88–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Milbach, , “Lamennais: Une vie qui sera donc à refaire plus d'une fois encore. Parcours posthumes,” Le Mouvement social 246 (2014), 75–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Harrison, Carol E., Romantic Catholics: France's Postrevolutionary Generation in Search of Modern Faith (Ithaca, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kselman, Thomas, Conscience and Conversion: Religious Liberty in Post-revolutionary France (New Haven, 2018)Google Scholar; Strube, Julian, “Socialist Religion and the Emergence of Occultism: A Genealogical Approach to Socialism and Secularization in Nineteenth-Century France,” Religion 46/3 (2016), 1–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁵ Peterson, “Admiration,” 477.

⁴⁶ Ibid.

⁴⁷ Harrison, Romantic Catholics, 7.

⁴⁸ Quoted in Kselman, Conscience and Conversion, 182.

⁴⁹ Andrews, “Breaking the Ties,” 507–9.

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⁵⁸ The intertwined discourses of human rights and humanitarianism rest on different foundations, the former on juridical premises and the latter on moral ones; for a discussion of these different approaches see Scarry, Elaine, “The Difficulty of Imagining Other Persons,” in Weiner, Eugene, ed., The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence (New York, 1998), 40–62Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Sessions, By Sword and Plow, 177–207.

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⁶² “Impressions de lecture et souvenirs littéraires d'un inconnu,” Démocratie Pacifique, 30 Nov. 1845, 4.

⁶³ Raymond Brucker, “L’humanitaire,” in Les français peints par eux-mêmes: Encyclopédie morale du dix-neuvième siècle, vol. 2 (Paris, 1841), 17–24, at 24, 18.

⁶⁴ Musset, The Complete Writings, 228–9.

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⁶⁶ Brucker, “L'humanitaire,” 18. On Brucker see Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste, Les débuts du Catholicisme social en France jusqu'en 1870 (Paris, 1951), 249Google Scholar; Michelle Cordillot and Jean-Claude Dubos, “Brucker, Raymond,” at www.charlesfourier.fr/spip.php?article493, consulted 12 Oct. 2015. Brucker wrote as Michel Raymond, in collaboration with Michel Masson. Larchey, Lorédan, Dictionnaire historique d'argot (Paris, 1878)Google Scholar, credits Raymond with coining the term. On Simon Ganneau, “Le Mapah,” see Yriarte, Charles, Paris grotesque: Les célebrités de la rue, Paris 1815–1863 (Paris, 1863), 85–124Google Scholar.

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⁶⁸ On the diversity of early socialism see Beecher, Victor Considerant, 145–67.

⁶⁹ Brucker, “L'humanitaire,” 20–21.

⁷⁰ Ibid., 23. Sharp, Lynn L., Secular Spirituality: Reincarnation and Spiritism in Nineteenth-Century France (Lanham, 2006)Google Scholar.

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⁷² Brucker, “L'humanitaire,” 23, 24.

⁷³ Musset, The Complete Writings, 229.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 228.

⁷⁵ Ibid., 243.

⁷⁶ Ibid., 242.

⁷⁷ Reybaud, Études sur les réformateurs, 297.

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⁸⁰ Alfred de Musset, Lettres de Dupuis et Contonet, Revue des deux-mondes 3 (1836), 595–610, at 599.

⁸¹ Reybaud, Études sur les réformateurs, 276–7.

⁸² Ibid., 289.

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⁸⁴ Ibid., 219.

⁸⁵ “Des sociétes de patronage en faveur des classes ouvrières,” La Phalange, 14 Jan. 1842, 90–91, at 90.

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⁸⁷ Saint Simonians and Fourierists had significant investments in Algeria; see Abi-Mershed, Apostles of Modernity; Enfantin, Prosper, Colonisation de l'Algérie (Paris, 1843)Google Scholar; Desmars, Bernard, “L'union agricole d'Afrique: Projet phalanstérien, oeuvre philanthropique ou entreprise capitaliste?”, Cahiers Charles Fourier 16 (2005), 39–50Google Scholar; Michèle Madonna-Desbazeille,“L'Union agricole d'Afrique: Une communauté fouriériste à Saint-Denis du Sig, Algérie,” ibid., 51–63.

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⁹⁴ Lechevalier, Jules, Études sur la science sociale (Paris, 1834), 64Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ J. A. Durand, “Application de l'armée aux travaux publics,” La phalange, 23 March 1842, 571–5, at 573.

⁹⁹ Ibid., emphasis in original. On association see Sewell, William H. Jr, Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Tournier, Maurice, “Quand un mot en cache d'autres: le vocabulaire de ‘L'Association’ en 1848,” Cahiers pour l'analyse concrète 39–40 (1998), 59–76Google Scholar; Pilbeam, Pamela, French Socialists before Marx (Montreal, 2000), 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ “Impressions de lecture et souvenirs littéraires d'un inconnu,” 4.

¹⁰¹ Ibid.

¹⁰² Beecher, “Fourierism and Christianity,” 400, notes that after 1848, when the Fourierist movement “lost its intellectual [and] organizational coherence,” Hippolyte de la Morvonnais and Louis Rousseau withdrew “to their country estates to practice . . . ‘small deeds’ humanitarianism.”

¹⁰³ Le docteur Gasc-Hadancourt, Association humanitaire fondée par le docteur Gasc-Hadancourt (Toulouse, 1848), 71.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., 10.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

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¹⁰⁷ Coulon, J.-I.-B., Plan social et humanitaire (Paris, 1848)Google Scholar, title page. Coulon drafted this essay for a contest in 1847 and published it after the February revolution.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 7, 8.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., 10.

¹¹⁰ Coulon used a common language here; see Girardin, Saint-Marc, “Les Barbares,” in Girardin, Souvenirs et réflexions politiques d'un journaliste (Paris, 1859), 142–64, at 145Google Scholar; Michel, Pierre, Un mythe romantique: Les barbares, 1789–1848 (Lyon, 1981)Google Scholar; Spencer, Philip, “‘Barbarian Assault’: The Fortunes of a Phrase,” Journal of the History of Ideas 16/2 (1955), 232–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹⁴ On the white savior and the hazards of international aid see Agustín, Laura, “The Soft Side of Imperialism,” Counterpunch, 25 Jan. 2012Google Scholar, at www.counterpunch.org/2012/01/25/the-soft-side-of-imperialism; Mathers, Kathryn, “Mr. Kristof, I Presume? Saving Africa in the Footsteps of Nicholas Kristof,” Transitions 107/1 (2012)Google Scholar, 14–31; Flaherty, Jordan, No More Heroes: Grassroots Challenges to the Savior Mentality (Chico, CA, 2016), 85–98Google Scholar; Michael Hobbes, “Stop Trying to Save the World: Big ideas are destroying international development,” New Republic, 17 Nov. 2014, at newrepublic.com/article/120178/problem-international-development-and-plan-fix-it.

¹¹⁵ Lughod, Lila Abu, “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others,” American Anthropologist 104/3 (2002), 783–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hesford, Wendy S. and Kozol, Wendy, eds., Just Advocacy? Women's Human Rights, Transnational Feminism, and the Politics of Representation (Camden, 2005)Google Scholar; Khoja-Moolji, Shenila S., “The Making of Humans and Their Others in and through Transnational Human Rights Advocacy: Exploring the Cases of Mukhtar Mai and Malala Yousafzai,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 42/2 (2017), 377–402CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹⁷ Barnett, Empire of Humanity, 12.

¹¹⁸ In their most recent book, A Path Appears: Transforming Lives, Creating Opportunity (New York, 2015), Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn frame their discussion about charity in the US in terms of the benefits to the giver, describing it as “a source of fulfillment” that contributes to physical and mental health (ibid., 17). For a critical review of the book that echoes my analysis see www.jacobinmag.com/2015/03/nicholas-kristof-a-path-appears-review, accessed 16 Nov. 2018.

¹¹⁹ In the international aid arena, anthropologists Didier Fassin and Peter Redfield have investigated the impossibility of political neutrality in humanitarian crisis zones. See Fassin, Didier, “Noli Me Tangere: The Moral Untouchability of Humanitarianism,” in Bornstein, Erica and Redfield, Peter, eds., Forces of Compassion (Santa Fe, NM, 2011), 35–52Google Scholar; and Peter Redfield, “The Impossible Problem of Neutrality,” in ibid., 53–70. Recent debates about the Responsibility to Protect initiative have likewise engaged with this question; for an overview of these debates see Weiss, Thomas G., Humanitarian Intervention, 2nd edn (Malden, MA, 2012)Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Ticktin, Miriam, “The Gendered Human of Humanitarianism: Medicalising and Politicising Sexual Violence,” Gender & History 23/2 (2011), 250–65, at 251CrossRefGoogle Scholar.