As the population of the world ages, the balance between generations is irrevocably changing. Proportionally larger numbers of the no-longer economically active elderly will need to be supported by a shrinking working-age population. Women have increasingly come to outnumber men at advanced ages, presenting elderly women (and their families) with a novel and challenging old-age experience. Indeed, gender is central to understanding the relationship between generations and the glaring imbalance in intergenerational support, material and immaterial.

Health care reforms have always been critical political arenas within which the parameters of citizens' access to health care services and thus the new terms of social bargain that backs social policies are negotiated. Despite the relative success of Turkey in establishing public health insurance schemes and developing a public capacity for health care service delivery since the late 1940s, Turkey's health care system has largely failed to institute equality of access to health care services. With the promise of abolishing the inequalities, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) launched Turkey's Health Transformation Program in 2003. Since then, Turkey's health care system has been undergoing a significant transformation. On the one hand, with the unification of all public health insurance schemes under a compulsory universal health insurance scheme and the equalization of benefit packages for all publicly insured, the program has succeeded in abolishing the occupational status-based inequalities in access to health care services. On the other, this article suggests that the program has changed the main origin of inequalities in service access from occupational status to income. As the country suffers from an uneven distribution of income, it is argued that these incomebased inequalities in access pose a significant threat to the realization of the social citizenship ideal in Turkey.

This paper focuses on the everyday life experiences of the post-1980 generation in Turkey–a generation stigmatized for being depoliticized and apathetic. Rather than accepting this stigmatizing view, however, this analysis aims to better understand young people's actual lived experiences. To do so, it adopts the concept of “necessary conformism” developed in previous empirical research. This concept offers an alternative analytical framework that transcends the engaged/disengaged or political/ unpolitical dichotomy in young people's social participation. Specifically, the application of this concept reveals that apathetic behavior may actually mask powerful discontent and suffering that can be expressed neither through conventional politics nor open resistance. The necessary conformism of young people, therefore, is not apathetic behavior, but the expression of an underlying discontent and often a hidden agony.

During the early years of the Turkish Republic, modern architecture became an active tool in the representation of the bourgeois ideal of domesticity. The most significant component of the new Turkish family was the image of the “republican woman” as a nationally-constructed icon. By comparatively examining Ernst Egli's İsmet Paşa Girls' Institute (1930) and Ankara Girls' High School (1936) with Margarete Schütte-Lihotzky's unbuilt annex project for the latter (1938) this paper argues that girls' technical schools and girls' high schools contributed to the making of this much idealized image in considerably different ways. Such diversity enabled the governing elite in Turkey to make a class-based and spatially constructed categorization of women as economic actors: enlightened housewives specialized in one of the so-called “female arts” and upper-class professional women who would participate in public life. It is further argued that this categorization allowed Schütte-Lihotzky, in her design for the unbuilt high school annex in Ankara, to rework the broader “redomestication” issue which marked her earlier career in Weimar Germany.