¹ Benson, Robert L., ‘Political Renovatio: Two Models from Roman Antiquity’, in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, eds. Benson, R. L. and Constable, G. (Cambridge, Mass. 1982), p. 339Google Scholar; Wieruszowski, Helene, ‘Roger II of Sicily, “Rex-Tyrannus”, in Twelfth-Century Political Thought’, Speculum, XXXVIII (1963), pp. 47–8Google Scholar; Brackman, Albert, ‘The Beginnings of the National State in Medieval Germany and the Norman Monarchies’, in Barraclough, Geoffrey, trans., Medieval Germany 911–1250, 2 vols. (Oxford 1938), II, pp. 288–92Google Scholar, 296–8, It is well recognised that the political philosophy of John of Salisbury was much influenced by the contemporary political condition of the two Norman kingdoms in England and Sicily.

² Southern, R. W., Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford 1970), p. 140Google Scholar. On the commercial activity of Sicily, see Abulafia, David, The Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and a series of his articles which have been reprinted in Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean, 1100–1400 (London 1987)Google Scholar; Goitein, S. D., A Mediterranean Society. Vol. 1, Economic Foundations (Berkeley 1967)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Sicily and Southern Italy in the Cairo Geniza Documents’, Archivio storico per la Sicilia orientate, LXVII (1971).

³ Haskins, Charles H., The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass. 1927), pp. 283–4, 291–302Google Scholar.

⁴ Douglas, David C., The Norman Fate 1100–1154 (Berkeley 1976), pp. 5, 216–17Google Scholar.

⁵ Douglas, , The Norman Fate, pp. 2–3, 120, 217Google Scholar; Brackman, , ‘The Beginings of the National State’, II, p. 289Google Scholar. In his book, Douglas assessed ‘the contribution made by the Normans to the political growth of Europe between 1100 and 1154’, and underlined the effects of the Norman administration on the later development of secular government in Western Europe: ‘The Norman rulers everywhere, and particularly in the South, had initiated in Europe a new development in secular government’ (Douglas, , The Norman Fate, p. 120Google Scholar). Besides Douglas, not a few scholars have considered comparing the administrative system of Norman Sicily with that in England, which is also regarded as the most advanced in Western Europe, in order to find the common Norman influence or to look for other important factors causing them. For example, Haskins, Charles H., ‘England and Sicily in the Twelfth Century’, English Historical Review, XXVI (1911), pp. 432–47, 641–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, The Normans in European History (Boston 1915), idem, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass. 1925), pp. 23–4, 61, 111–12, 232–4; Ceci, Carmela, ‘Normanni d'Inghilterra e Normanni d'ltalia’, Archivio scientifico del R. Istituto superiore di scienze economiche e commerciali di Bari, VII (1932–1933)Google Scholar; Clementi, D., ‘Notes on Norman Sicilian Surveys’, in Galbraith, V. H., The Making of Domesday Book (1961), pp. 55–8Google Scholar; Marongiu, Antonio, ‘I due regni normanni d'Inghilterra e d'ltalia’, in I normanni e la loro espansione in Europa nell'alto Medio Evo (Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo XVI, Spoleto 1969), pp. 497–557Google Scholar; Harvey, Sally, ‘Domesday Book and its Predecessors’, English Historical Review, LXXXVI (1971), p. 765CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Mitteis, Heinrich, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, ein Studienbuch, revised by Lieberich, Heinz, 15th rev. edn (Munich 1978), p. 186Google Scholar. See also Brackman, , ‘The Beginnings of the National State’, II, pp. 290–2Google Scholar.

⁷ Garufi, Carlo Alberto, ‘Sull'ordinamento amministrativo normanno in Sicilia, Exhiquier o diwan? Studi storico diplomatici’, Archivio storico italiano, series V, XXVII (1901), pp. 234–50, 259Google Scholar. Duana, also written as dohana or doana, is a transliteration of Arabic dīwān into Latin letters, literally meaning an office. I use duana, not dohana or doana, in this study simply because duana seems to me more often used in Latin sources and may be more pertinent from a phonetic point of view. Some authorities such as Chalandon and Caravale use dohana, and I followed their usage in my former studies. Whichever usage scholars follow, there is no difference between duana, dohana and doana.

⁸ Works which have accepted this theory include Caspar, Erich, Roger II. und die Gründung der normannisch-sicilischen Monarchie (Innsbruck 1904), pp. 315–18Google Scholar; Chalandon, Fredinand, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. (Paris 1907), II, pp. 648–53Google Scholar; Mayer, Ernst, Italienische Verfassungsgeschichte von der Gothenzeit bis sur Zunftherrschaft, 2 vols. (Leipzig 1909), II, pp. 384–404Google Scholar; Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 653Google Scholar; Ceci, , ‘Normanni d'Inghilterra’, pp. 330–1Google Scholar; Leight, P. S., ‘Lo stato normanno’, in Il regno normanno (Messina 1932), p. 49Google Scholar; idem, Soria del diritto italiano; Il diritto pubblico (Milan 1944), p. 293; Galasso, Francesco, Gli ordinamenti giuridici del Rinascimento medievale (Milan 1949), p. 166Google Scholar; Jamison, Evelyn, Admiral Eugenius of Sicily; His Life and Work (London 1957), pp. 50–3Google Scholar; Albanese, Adelaide Baviera, ‘L'istituzione dell'ufficio di Conservatore del Real Patrimonio e gli organi finanziari del Regno di Sicilia nel sec. XV’, in Il circolo giuridico (Palermo 1958), pp. 269–71Google Scholar; Van Cleve, Thomas Curtis, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (Oxford 1972), pp. 264–5Google Scholar; Giunta, Francesco, Bizantini e bizantinismo nella Sicilia normanna, 2nd edn (Palermo 1974), pp. 65–9Google Scholar; Ahmad, Aziz, A History of Islamic Sicily (Islamic Surveys 10, Edinburgh 1975), pp. 65–6Google Scholar. This theory is easily accessible in English: see Tierney, Brian and Painter, Sidney, Western Europe in the Middle Ages 300–1475, 4th edn (New York 1983), p. 249Google Scholar.

Contrary to the classic statement of Garufi, Mario Caravale asserted that the functions of the duana de secretis and the duana baronum were distinct in their administrative districts, though he basically accepted Garufi's structural analysis of the duana. He explained that the former had competence over Sicily and Calabria and the latter over the peninsula except Calabria. See Caravale, Mario, ‘Gli uffici finanziari nel Regno di Sicilia durante il periodo normanno’, Annali di storia del diritto, VIII (1964), pp. 178–85Google Scholar, repr. in his Il regno normanno di Sicilia (Milan 1966)Google Scholar. His theory has been accepted by Kamp, Norbert, ‘Vom Kämmerer zum Sekreten: Wirtschaftsreformen und Finanzverwaltung im staufischen Königreich Sizilien’, in Fleckenstein, Josef ed., Problem um Friedrich II. (Sigmaringen 1974), p. 52Google Scholar. Concerning the meanings and Arabic usages of dīwān (duana), ad-dīwān al-ma'mūr and dīwān attaḥqīq al-ma‘mūr, see Noth, Albrecht, ‘Die arabischen Dokumente König Roger II. von Sizilien’, in Brühl, Carlrichard, Urkunden and Kanzlei König Roger II. von Sizilien (Cologne 1978), pp. 254–7Google Scholar.

⁹ Garufi, ‘Sull'ordinamento’, pp. 256–7; Caspar, , Roger II. and die Gründung, p. 316Google Scholar; Caravale, ‘Gli uffici finanziari’. pp. 203, 218–19; Chalandon, , Histoire de la domination, II, p. 651Google Scholar; idem, ‘Norman Kingdom of Sicily’, in The Cambridge Mediaeval History V: Contest of Empire and Papacy (Cambridge 1926), p. 205. I have proposed a different view on the ἄρχοντες τῆς κραταίας κόρτης; Takayama, Horoshi, ‘Familiares Regis and the Royal Inner Council in Twelfth-Century Sicily’, English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 370–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 653Google Scholar; Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 51Google Scholar; Ceci, , ‘Normanni d'Inghilterra’, pp. 331–2Google Scholar. Jamison explains that ‘the duana were directed by the board of senior officials, perhaps some ten in number; among them were always the three chamberlains’, and says that ‘the general designation of the board was ἄρχοντες τοῦ σεκρέτου, magistri duana, and sayh (sheik) of the dīwān at-taḥqīq al-ma‘mūr according to the language used’.

¹¹ Kamp, , ‘Vom Kämmerer’, p. 52Google Scholar.

¹² Albanese, , ‘L'istituzione’, p. 271Google Scholar.

¹³ Garufi, , ‘Sull'ordinamento’, p. 252Google Scholar; Chalandon, , Histoire de la domination, II, pp. 651–2Google Scholar; Caspar, , Roger II. und die Gründung, p. 316Google Scholar; Mayer, , Italienische Verfassungsgeschichte, II, p. 386Google Scholar, notes 36–7; Caravale, , ‘Gli uffici finanziari’, pp. 204, 209Google Scholar. Only Jamison disagrees with this triple-layered structure, and insists that σεκρετικός had been identical with master of the duana (Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, pp. 51–2Google Scholar).

¹⁴ Garufi, , ‘Sull'ordinamento’, pp. 251, 261Google Scholar; Chalandon, , Histoire de la domination, II, p. 654Google Scholar; Caravale, , ‘Gli uffici finanziari’, pp. 204, 209Google Scholar. Garufi listed kātib and gaiti as officials of the treasury office. Only Caspar holds that the financial administration at this office was controlled by the Kaids and Hakim who had been judicial officials of the Arabs in the former ages (Caspar, , Roger II. und die Gründung, pp. 316–17Google Scholar).

¹⁵ Takayama, Hiroshi, ‘The Financial and Administrative Organization of the Normans in Twelfth-Century Sicily’, Shigaku-Zasshi, XCII (1983), no. 7, pp. 1–46Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Financial and Administrative Organization of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily’, Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 129–57. I should like to express my special gratitude to Ms Mary A. Rouse, Managing Editor of Viator, who gave me indispensable advice on the texts in English in the process of publication.

¹⁶ Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 145Google Scholar note 59, 149.

¹⁷ Garufi confirms the existence of the treasurer (thesoriere), the head of the treasury office, in the source of 1168 which we know through Pirro's translation. He thinks that this office was not a specialised one but was held by the master chamberlain of the royal palace (magister camerarius regii palatii), and reasons as follows: Qā'id Richard, the treasurer, was also a master chamberlain of the royal palace; Qā'id Materacius, the master chamberlain of the royal palace, carried out tasks of completely financial nature such as payment of 8,000 tari for the duana baronum in 1176. He thinks kātib and gaiti belonged to this office (Garufi, , ‘Sull'ordinamento’, pp. 251, 261Google Scholar). Chalandon accepts this opinion (Histoire de la domination, II, p. 654Google Scholar), and Caravale, based on Garufi's argument, developed this idea further, stating that the first appearance of this treasurer in 1169 (1168?) means the beginning of the process for forming and completing the treasury office (‘Gli uffici finanziari’, pp. 204, 209). However, their supporting source of 1168 is not reliable: ‘et paterno nostro amore more solito usi cessimus tuae petitioni et praecipimus Thesaurario et familiari nostro qui est super omnes secretos Caiti [sic] Riccardo renovare praedictum sigillum’ (Pirro, Rocco, Sicilia sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata [Palermo 1733], II, p. 1017Google Scholar). This source is a translation from Greek by Pirro. The original phrase of the ‘thesaurario et familiari nostro … Caito Riccardo’ is supposed to be ‘τῶ πρωτοκαμπέρι καὶ ϕαμιλιαρίω ἡμῶν … καίτη ῥικάρδη’ found in another source (Kehr, Karl A., Die Urkunden der normannisch-sizilischen Könige [Innsbruck 1902], p. 438Google Scholar), which in turn corresponds to ‘gaytus Riccardus domini regis magister camerarius et familiaris’ (Falcandus, Ugo, La historia o liber de regno Siciliae,ed. by Siragusa, G. B. [Rome 1897], p. 128Google Scholar note 2). In sum, the word ‘thesaurarius’ in the source of 1168 seems to be a translation of magister camerarius (πρωτοκαμπήρ). Therefore we should not assume that the thesaurarius was the head of the ad-dīwān al-ma‘mūr nor should we think, as Caravale does, that the function of the ad-dīwān al-ma‘mūr began to be defined at this time. We have not yet succeeded in identifying the head of the ad-dīwān al-ma‘mūr from the sources.

¹⁸ Before the death of Maio of Bari, the condition of the curia regis and the administrative officials had been completely different. One cannot talk about the royal administration without mentioning an admiral (amīr, ammiratus, ἀμηρᾶς). See Chalandon, , Histoire de la domination, II, pp. 634–8Google Scholar; Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, pp. 35–44Google Scholar; Ménager, Léon-Robert, Amiratus'- Αμηρᾶς). L'emirat et les origines de l'amirauté(XIe–XIIe siècle) (Paris 1960), pp. 26–56Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Garufi, Carlo Alberto, ‘Censimento et catasto della popolazione servile. Nuovi studi e ricerche sull'ordinamento amministrativo dei Normanni in Sicilia nei secoli XI e XII’, in Archivio storico siciliano, XLIX (1928), p. 32Google Scholar note 1. For example, Νικολάον πρωτονοταρίου καὶ καπριλλίγγουα καὶ πρωτοσπαπθαρίου in June 1090 (Cusa, Salvatore, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia pubblicati nel testo original, vol. I [Palermo 1868–1882], p. 384Google Scholar; Spata, Guiseppe, Le pergamene greche esistenti nel grande archivio di Palermo [Palermo 1862], p. 245)Google Scholar; Nicola camberlario on June 16 in 1101 (Trinchera, Francesco, Syllabus graecarum membranarum [Naples 1865], p. 87)Google Scholar; ὁ πιστότατος Νικολάος καπριλίγγας in June 1104 (Minieri-Riccio, Camillo, Saggio di codice diplomatico formato sulle antiche scritture dell'Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Suplemento, parte prim a [Naples 1882], p. 6)Google Scholar; Νικολάον τοῦ ἐνδοξοτάτου καπριλίγγα in March 1105 (Cusa, p. 399); Nicola kaprilinga in 1105 (Pirro, p. 1042; Caspar, Roger II. und die Gründung, reg. no. 5). Jamison states that Nicholas held this office from 1086 to 1105 (Admiral Eugenius, p. 34).

²⁰ Ménager, L. R., “Notes et documents sur quelques monastères de Calabre à l'époque normande,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, L (1957), p. 336Google Scholar.

²¹ Caspar, Roger II. und die Gründung, reg. no. 48; Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 34Google Scholar. Jamison identifies this Basileios with Admiral Basil. Paenos was among the witnesses of a charter in 1125: Παένος καμβριλλίγγασ μάρτυρ ὑπέγραψα (Cusa, p. 556).

²² Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon sive Annales, ed. Garufi, C. A. (Città di Castello 1909–1935), pp. 234–6Google Scholar. See also ibid, p. 341 and Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, pp. 41–2Google Scholar.

²³ John was among the witnesses of a charter in 1153: Ἰωάννης καπρελίγγας τοῦ μεγάλου ῥιγὸς μάρτνρ (Cusa, p. 33). Jamison identifies this John with the son of Graffeus, Admiral (Admiral Eugenius, p. 42)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 45Google Scholar: ‘in presentia domini Atenulfi supradicti domini nostri regis camerarii regalis palatii’. See also ibid., pp. 391–2, 394. However, Falcandus called him simply Adenulfus camerarius (Falcandus, , pp. 42, 48–50, 72)Google Scholar. Atenulf was killed in the spring of 1161.

²⁵ Familiaris regis was a well-defined title to indicate a member of the royal inner council during the reigns of William I (1154–66) and William II (1166–89). As the decision-makers on policy and other important matters, they were the most powerful people in the kingdom. See Takayama, Hiroshi, ‘The Grand Officials of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily’, Shigaku-Zasshi, XCIII (1984), no. 12, pp. 17–22Google Scholar; idem, ‘Familiares Regis and the Royal Inner Council in Twelfth-Century Sicily’, English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 357–72.

²⁶ Falcandus, p. 77: ‘eisdem diebus gaytus Iohar eunuchus, magister camerarius palatii, cum in exercitu multas a rege preter meritum, ut aiebat, iniurias pertulisset ac verbera, cum sigillis regiis ad comitem Lorotelli tranfugiens, in itinere captus est et ad regem perductus; quern rex impositum lintri, deduci iussit in pelagus ibique submergi’. Falcandus' narration implies that Qā'id Iohar was killed in about 1162, but Jamison identifies him with Theodor, the master chamberlain of the king, whose death in February 1163 was recorded: ‘A.D.I. .M.C.LXIII.indictionis.XII.dominus Theodorus domini regis magister camerarius ob.’ (Garufi, Carlo A., ed., Necrologia del “Libra Confratrum” di S. Matteo di Salerno [Fonti per la storia d'ltalia, LVI, Rome 1922], p. 20Google Scholar). See Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 44 and note 3Google Scholar.

²⁷ Falcandus, p. 83.

²⁸ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 360–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Although Falcandus does not call Qā'id Richard eunuch, the following description implies that he was also a eunuch: ‘Gaytus quoque Richardus illi cum ceteris eunuchis infestissimus erat, eo quod Robertum Calataboianensem contra voluntatem eius dampnaverat’ (Falcandus, p. 119).

³⁰ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 362–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Falcandus, p. 79 note 1; Garufi, Carlo Alberto, I documenti inediti del'epoca normanna in Sicilia (Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, serie 1, Diplomatica XIX, Palermo 1899), p. 111Google Scholar. Qā'id Martin's appointment as master chamberlain of the royal palace was probably temporary in the conflict of Qā'id Richard with the head minister Stephen.

³² Falcandus, p. 79: ‘Nam gaytus Martinus eunuchus, quern rex ad custodiam civitatis ac palacii Panormi reliquerat, cum in captione palacii fratrem suum a Christianis sciret occisum, nee eius facti certos repperisset auctores, in omnes Christianos atrociter occulteque deseviens, fratris mortem omnibus imputabat.’

³³ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), p. 363CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Falcandus, pp. 161–2.

³⁵ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 364CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Falcandus, pp. 108–9; Garufi, , Documenti, p. 111Google Scholar.

³⁶ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 364–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ This is confirmed in some sources: gaytus Ricardus domini regis magister camerarius et familiaris in 1167 (Falcandus, p. 128 note 2); τῶ πρωτοκαμπέρι καὶ ϕαμιλιαρίω ἡμῶν τῶ ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτον τῶν ἀποκοπῶν καὶτη ‘Ρικάρδη in March 1168 (Kehr, , Die Urkunden, p. 438Google Scholar); thesaurario et familiari nostro qui est super omnes secretos Caito Riccardo in 1168 (Pirro, II, 1017); τοῦ εὐδοξοτάτου καὶτου 'Ρικάρδου καὶ μεγάλου σεκρέτου in October 1170 (Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 650 note 160Google Scholar); magistro palatino camerario domino gayto Riccardo magistro regie duane de secretis in January 1183 (Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 654 note 191Google Scholar).

³⁸ Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 49Google Scholar. But I am suspicious of her reasoning from the following source: ‘Putifares omnes claves et scrinia portant; Adsignant quasquas fiscus habebat opes; Thesauros numerant, quos vermis araneus ille Auserat, et frustra retia nevit apris; Primus neutorum claves escriniat omnes, Alter aposixas explicat, alter opes; Hec quantum Calaber seu quantum debeat Afer, Apulus aut Siculus debeat orbis habet’ (de Ebulo, Petrus, Liber ad Honorem Augusti, ed. Siragusa, G. B. [Rome 1906], pp. 91–2Google Scholar). To be sure we see three putifares working like treasurers, but it is not certain that these ‘putifares’ were identical with ‘camerarii regii palatii’. As examined above, the camerarii regii palatii in this period were high administrative officials at the centre of the administration rather than just specialised financial officials. It is impossible, either, to identify eunuchs (neutori) with camerarii regii palatii, because there were many eunuchs in the royal palace besides the chamberlains.

³⁹ Falcandus, p. 79 note 1.

⁴⁰ Falcandus, pp. 108–9.

⁴¹ Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 653 note 186Google Scholar.

⁴² Garufi, Carlo A., Catalogo illustrato del Tabulario di S. Maria Nuova in Monreale (Palermo 1902), pp. 162–4Google Scholar: ‘Ego Guillelmus … declaro quod … uendidi duane baronum in manibus uidelicet Gayti Mataracij Regij sacri palatii camerarij et magistri eiusdem duane … omnes domos meas …’

⁴³ Cusa, pp. 489–90; Spata, pp. 447–9.

⁴⁴ Cusa, pp. 83–4.

⁴⁵ Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 133, 145Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Mayer, , Italienische Verfassungsgeschicte, II, p. 386Google Scholar; Caspar, , Roger II. und die Gründung, p. 316Google Scholar; Caravale, , ‘Gli uffici finanziari’, p. 217Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Cusa, pp. 622–4; Cusa, p. 321. On the Arabic and Greek corresponding terms, see Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 131–3Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Garufi, , Documenti, p. 152Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Cusa, pp. 489–90; Spata, pp. 447–8.

⁵⁰ Pirro, II, p. 1017; Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, pp. 650, 654Google Scholar; Cusa, p. 432; Spata, p. 293; Garufi, , Documenti, p. 214Google Scholar; Cusa, p. 83.

⁵¹ Cusa, pp. 622–4.

⁵² Bruel, Alexander, Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, V (Paris 1894), p. 600Google Scholar.

⁵³ Falcandus, p. 119: ‘nec minus Bulcassem inter Sarracenos Sicilie nobilissimus ac prepotens multam illi Sarracenorum conflarat invidiam, cum eum ab initio plurimum dilexissent.’

⁵⁴ Cusa, pp. 81–3. See Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), p. 137Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Spata, pp. 452, 454; Garufi, , Documenti, pp. 195–6Google Scholar; Garufi, , ‘Monete e conii nella storia del diritto siculo degli arabi ai Martini’, Archivio storico siciliano, n.s. XXIII (1898), p. 153Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Cusa, pp. 29, 35.

⁵⁷ Siragusa, G. B., Il Regno di Guglielmo I in Sicilia, 2nd edn (Palermo 1929), p. 438Google Scholar: Νικόλαος ὁ σεκρετικός.

⁵⁸ See note 78 below.

⁵⁹ See note 75 below.

⁶⁰ On the triple-layered structure of the supervising office, see p. 320 and note 13 above. Garufi's argument consists of two parts. First, he demonstrates the difference between the ranks of magister duane and σεκρετικός. According to Garufi, the σεκρετικός. received an order from the dignitaries (altissimi dignitari) of the royal palace and executed it. For example, Martin, one of the γερόντες τοῦ σεκρέτου which Garufi regards as identical with σεκρετικός. carried out an order from the king or chancellor in 1161. In 1172, likewise, Geoffrey of Modac, σεκρετικός. (ṣāḥib), received an order from the ἄρχοντες τῆς κραταίας κόρτης and carried it out. In contrast, the magistri duane, Garufi believes, concluded issues of an administrative nature by themselves. For example, Eugenius Cal, magister duane, dealt with one issue without any orders from the king or ἄρχοντες in 1174; Geoffrey of Modac, magister duane, ordered the local officials to grant lands to the bishop of Catania on his own authority in 1180. Thus Garufi insists that there were differences of rank between the σεκρετικός and the magister duane (Garufi, , ‘Sul'ordinamento’, pp. 253–4Google Scholar). However, this argument should not be accepted, because theἄρχοντες τῆς κραταίας κόρτης who gave orders to the σερετικός in 1172 were the three regis familiares at that time, and all officials including both σερετικός and magister duane should have been under their direction. One can easily find an example of a magister duane who received an order and carried it out: in 1178 Eugenius, magister regie duane baronum et de secretis, received an order from Walter of Modac, regii fortunati stolii ammiratus et magister regie duane baronum et de secretis, and held a curia (Garufi, , Documenti, p. 152Google Scholar). We should not accept Garufi‘s insistence on the difference of the ranks between the magister duane and the σερετικός.

The second part of Garufi's argument is the demonstration of the difference of ranks between σερετικός and kātib. He explains as follows: Geoffrey of Modac, who had been a master justiciar of Val di Note on 1 September 1172, became σερετικός in the same month. This suggests that the rank of the σερετικός. was higher than, or at least same as, that of the master justiciar of Val di Noto. The master justiciar of Val di Noto had a fairly high judicial power and was a far higher rank than a kātib. Therefore, Garufi insists, σερετικός was a higher rank than kātib On the other hand, Geoffrey of Modac had also been σερετικός in April before he became the master justiciar of Val di Noto. He had the authority over the stratigotus (σεκρετικός) of Syracuse in both cases. Therefore, Garufi believes, the master justiciar of Val di Noto and the σερετικός were of the same rank (Garufi, , ‘Sull'ordinamento’, pp. 248, 254Google Scholar).

The sources to which Garufi refers concerning Geoffrey of Modac are in fact as follows: in 1172 (Garufi notes as 1 September 1172), Gaufridus de Moach Iusticiarius (Garufi, , Documenti, p. 152Google Scholar); on 20 February 1172 (Garufi notes as April), dominus Gaufridus secretarius and τοῦ σεκρετικοῦ ἵὁσϕρέ (Cusa, pp. 487–8); in October 1172 (Garufi notes as September) ἰοσΦρὲς ὁ σεκρετικός and ash-shaikh Jāfrāy (Cusa, pp. 80–3). In sum, ‘de Moac’ is not written in the sources of 20 February 1172, and of October 1172. It is possible that the Geoffrey in these two sources was someone other than Geoffrey of Modac, because the expression ‘Gaufridus de Moac’ or ἰοσϕρὲς τῆς μοδάκ appears in the sources of 1180 again (Cusa, pp. 489–90; Spata, pp. 881–9). In fact, one can confirm another Geoffrey, Geoffrey of Centurbio magister dohane de secretis, in a source of 1173 (Bruel, , Recueil des chartes, V, p. 600Google Scholar). Even if Geoffrey and Geoffrey of Modac were the same person, it is reasonable to think that he served concurrently as σεκρετικός and master justiciar of Val di Noto, because it was customary for high officials to hold more than one office at the same time. In either case, one should not say that σεκρετικός and the local master justiciar were in the same rank of offices. The only difference of rank which we can confirm in the sources are between a simple kātib and magister duane, or σεκρετικός.

⁶¹ Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 131–3 and note 15Google Scholar.

⁶² Cusa, pp. 487–8: ‘unde ego gaufridus femeta tune temporis siracuse stratigotus regio precepto et dominorum curie et maxime domini gaufridi secretarii ad cuius baiuliam hoc potissimum pertinebat cui ego respondebam de baiulia mea, adsignavi predictam terram … ego ut predictum est regio precepto et dominorum curie quorum dispensationi hoc potissimum pertinebat prefatam terram tradidi canonicis chephaludi …’

⁶³ On the Gran Secrezia and the ἄρχοντες τοῦ σεκρέου, see pp. 2–4 and notes 9–10 above.

⁶⁴ Cusa, p. 484; Spata, pp. 437–438:

⁶⁵ Cusa, p. 432; Spata, pp. 293–4:

⁶⁶ Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 137–40Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Cusa, pp. 484–6; Spata, pp. 437–8: ἀρχόντων καὶ σεκρετικῶν τοῦ τε κυροῦ ἰωάννου καὶ κάἵτου βουλκάσιμ.

⁶⁸ Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), pp. 131–3Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Ibid., pp. 133, 142–5.

⁷⁰ Ibid., pp. 132–5, 152–3.

⁷¹ See note 46 above.

⁷² Kehr, , Die Urkunden, p. 438Google Scholar.

⁷³ Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 653 note 186Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Garufi, , Catalogo illustrato, pp. 163–4Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 445 (2)Google Scholar; Camera, Matteo, Memorie storico-diplomatiche dell'antica città e Ducato di Amalfi (Salerno 1876), I, pp. 364–6Google Scholar; Pometti, Francesco, ‘Carte delle Abbazie di S. Maria di Corazzo e di Giuliano di Rocca Fallucca in Calabria’, Studi e documenti di storia e diritto, XXII (1901), p. 276Google Scholar.

On Walter of Modac, see Ménager, , Amiratus, pp. 93–6Google Scholar. His name was mentioned at Gualterius Modicensis by Falcandus in his description of the disturbance of 1168 against Stephen du Perche (Falcandus, p. 142). In April 1171, he appeared among the witnesses of an act: ‘Ego Gualterius de Modac regie private masnede magister conestabularius, testis sum’ (de Rozière, Eugène, Cartulaire de l'église du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem [Paris 1849], doc. n. 165, p. 296Google Scholar). He had already been appointed regii fortunati stolii admiratus in 1177 (Ménager, , Amiratus, p. 94 and n. 4Google Scholar).

⁷⁶ See Takayama, , Viator, XVI (1985), p. 142Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ On 11 June 1179, Hugo of Belmesia, a royal chamberlain of Val di Crati, received an order from Walter of Modac, regius ammiratus et regiarum subaduatiarum magister, and assigned land in the region of Decollatura to the monastery S. Maria of Corazzo (Pometti, p. 278).

⁷⁸ Perla, R., ‘Una charta in dedicati dei tempi normanni’, Archivio storico per le provincie napoletane, IX (1884), p. 346Google Scholar; Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, p. 653Google Scholar; Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, pp. 317–18Google Scholar; Camera, , Memorie storico-diplomatiche, I, p. 364Google Scholar; Minieri-Riccio, , Saggio di codice diplomatico, p. 21Google Scholar; Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 342Google Scholar; ibid, pp. 320, 342–5.

⁷⁹ Jamison, , Admiral Eugenius, p. 344Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Cusa, pp. 489–90; Spata, pp. 447–9.

⁸¹ Takayama, , English Historical Review, CIV (1989), pp. 369–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² Jubair, Ibn, Riḥla, ed. by Wright, W, 2nd edn by De Goeje, (Leyden 1907), pp. 324–6Google Scholar.

⁸³ This close connection is, for example, reflected in foreign elements of the people who were working at the royal palace. Stephen du Perche, head minister, chancellor and archbishop of Palermo, came from France with many of his fellowmen. The familiares regis included an Englishman, Archbishop Richard Palmer, although Archbishop Walter and Bishop Bartholomew should not be regarded as Englishmen (Loewenthal, L. J. A., ‘For the biography of Walter Ophamil, archbishop of Palermo’, English Historical Review, LXXXVII (1972), pp. 75–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Thomas Brown, who held ‘an extraordinary position at the exchequer’ (Warren, Wilfred L., Heney II [Berkeley 1973], p. 313Google Scholar) and was ‘associated with them [i.e. barons] in all important business’ (Dialogus de Scaccario: De Necessariis Observantiis Scaccarii Dialogus, qui dicitur Dialogus de Scaccario, ed. Johnson, C. [London 1950], p. 35)Google Scholar, had been ‘a great man at the court of the great King of Sicily [i.e. Roger II], a prudent counsellor, and almost at the head of the King's confidential business’ ibid., p. 35). For more detail about Thomas Brown, see ibid., pp. 35–6; Warren, , Henry II, pp. 313–14Google Scholar; Poole, Reginald L., The Exchequer in the Twelfth Century (London 1912), pp. 67, 118–22Google Scholar. It should be noted that some historians have seen in Bishop Richard of Winchester and Thomas Brown ‘the forerunners of officials of the exchequer known at King's Remembrancer and Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer (Warren, , Henry II, p. 314Google Scholar; see also Poole, pp. 119–22). On other evidence of constant intercourse between England and Sicily, see Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, pp. 435–43Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ For example, Stubbs, W., The Constitutional History of England, 3 vols. (Oxford 1896–1897), II, p. 408Google Scholar; Amari, M., ‘Su la data degli sponsali di Arrigo VI con la Costanza erede del trono di Sicilia e su i divani dell' arienda normanns in Palermo. Lettere del dott. O. Hartwig e Memoria del Socio M. Amari’, Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, CCLXXV (1877–1878), serie 3, Memorie classe scienze morali 2, pp. 409–38Google Scholar; Haskins, , ‘England and Sicily’, pp. 651–5Google Scholar; Poole, , The Exchequer, pp. 66–9, 118–19Google Scholar. For more recent studies, see note 5 above.