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Lexical Phonology and the distribution of German [ ç ] and [ x ]*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 October 2008

Tracy Alan Hall
Tracy Alan Hall
Affiliation:
University of Washington
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Abstract

This paper examines the distribution of the palatal fricative [ç] and the velar fricative [x] in Modern Standard German. The data are significant with respect to the theory of Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky 1982, 1985; Halle & Mohanan 1985; Mohanan 1986) because the rule of Fricative Assimilation (FA) which spreads the feature of backness from a vowel onto an immediately following tautomorphemic [ —voice, + high] fricative is a counterexample to Kiparsky's (1985) Structure Preservation hypothesis, according to which non-distinctive features must be introduced postlexically. It is also noteworthy that the present analysis produces both [x] and [ç] from a [— voice, + high] fricative which is unspecified for backness, contrary to the general tendency among previous researchers who have taken either /ç/ or /x/ to be the basic segment.

Type
Articles
Information
Phonology , Volume 6 , Issue 1 , May 1989 , pp. 1 - 17
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1989

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