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The Cronica de Anglia in London, British Library, Cotton MS Vitellius C.VIII, fols. 6v–21v: Another Product of John of Worcester's History Workshop
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 June 2016
Abstract
This article comprises a study and edition of the Cronica de Anglia, a significant but neglected history of England from AD 162 to 1125 whose importance lies chiefly in its connections to other accounts of the period. Though it is uniquely preserved in a late twelfth-century manuscript from Rievaulx Abbey, close reading confirms that it was composed between 1125 and 1137, not in the north of England but in the West Midlands, almost certainly at Worcester Cathedral Priory. If it is not the work of the priory's foremost historian, John of Worcester (d. after 1143), then it was almost certainly produced under his direction. Not only are its contents closely related to his Chronica chronicarum and Chronicula, they also shed new light on John's interests and the ways in which he and his helpers compiled and edited their histories. Turning to another purpose materials used in John's other works, Cronica de Anglia arranges them in order to speak to questions about the relative antiquity and status of the kingdom's bishoprics, churches, and monasteries — a concern not otherwise prominent in this corpus. This chronicle also sheds precious light on the immediate reception of William of Malmesbury's histories of the English, especially the first edition of Gesta pontificum Anglorum. Carefully suppressing dangerous nuances in William's reportage, Cronica de Anglia betrays John's anxiety to avoid becoming entangled in Malmesbury's campaign against the king's chief minister, Bishop Roger of Salisbury (1102–39). The article concludes with the first complete edition of the text.
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References
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18 Annales Plymptonienses, s.a. 1137, ed. ANG (n. 1 above), 26–30, at 27.Google Scholar
19 JWCC, s.a. 1138 (3:240).Google Scholar
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22 Further evidence for the author's reliance on the first edition can be found in §§39 and 67.Google Scholar
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24 BL Cotton MS Claudius A.V and Harley MS 3641. The former has been dated to the mid-twelfth century, the latter to the end of the century: seeWMGP, 1:xiii–xiv.Google Scholar
25 Vita S. Oswaldi regis (BHL 6365), §1, ed. Arnold, Thomas, Symeonis monachi opera omnia, RS 75, 2 vols. (1882–85), 1:326–85, at 339. Cf. Richard of Hexham, De statu et episcopis Hagustaldensis ecclesiae, ed. and prologue byRaine, James, The Priory of Hexham: Its Chroniclers, Endowments and Annals, 2 vols., Surtees Society Publications 64 and 66 (London, 1864–65), 1:1–62, at 2, who places the boundary on the River Tees. None of the pre-Conquest sources now extant defines the boundary between the two kingdoms, but it may be inferred from the evidence provided byBede, , Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, 4.2, ed. Colgrave, Bertram and Mynors, R. A. B., OMT (1969), 332–34, cited hereafter as“Bede, , HE,” that Richard was right insofar as it probably lay on the River Tees: seeBlair, Peter Hunter, “The Boundary between Bernicia and Deira,” Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser., 27 (1949): 46–59, esp. 52–58; Charles-Edwards, Thomas M. O., Wales and the Britons, 350–1064 (Oxford, 2012), 383.Google Scholar
26 That it was compiled at Worcester in the middle of the twelfth century was previously suggested by McGurk in his edition of JWCC, 3:44n2, andHayward, Paul Antony, ed., The Winchcombe and Coventry Chronicles: Hitherto Unnoticed Witnesses to the Work of John of Worcester, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 373, 2 vols. (Tempe, AZ, 2010), 143, 246.Google Scholar
27 Epistola de archiepiscopis Eboraci, ed. Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 1:222–28. Since the list of archbishops of York in the main witness (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 139, fols. 48v–49v), ends with Thurstan (§4), it must date from after 1114. The letter is addressed to a dean of York named “Hugh,” implying composition before 1135 when he (or perhaps the second of two successive deans of that name) retired to Fountains Abbey: seeGreenway, Diana E. et al., eds., John Le Neve: Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066–1300 (London, 1968–), 6:7; Burton, Janet E., ed., English Episcopal Acta, vol. 5, York, 1070–1154 (London, 1988), 120; Sharpe, Richard, “Symeon as Pamphleteer,” in Symeon of Durham, Historian of Durham and the North, ed. Rollason, David W., Studies in North-Eastern History 1 (Stamford, UK, 1998), 214–29, at 218–19.Google Scholar
28 JWCC, s.a. 1117, following Eadmer of Canterbury, Historia novorum in Anglia, bk. 5, ed. Rule, Martin, RS 81 (1884), 237–38.Google Scholar
29 Symeon of Durham, Historia regum, s.a. 1116, ed. Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:3–283, at 249–50, citingBede, , HE, 332.Google Scholar
30 JWCC, s.a. 1119, followingEadmer, , Historia novorum, bk. 5, pp. 255–58.Google Scholar
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34 For this suggestion, seeGelling, Margaret, “The Place-Name Volumes for Worcestershire and Warwickshire: A New Look,” in Field and Forest: An Historical Geography of Warwickshire and Worcestershire, ed. Slater, T. R. and Jarvis, P. J. (Norwich, 1982), 59–78, at 69; Hooke, Della, The Anglo-Saxon Landscape: The Kingdom of Hwicce (Manchester, 1985), 10–11.Google Scholar
35 Though Wigornensis episcopus had become the usual formula by the end of the ninth century, the bishops were sometimes self-consciously styled as Hwicciorum episcopus in charters dating from the tenth century: e.g., S 1290, where Bishop Cenwald (929–57) appears as praesul Huicciorum, and S 1352, where Bishop Oswald (961–92) appears as Hwicciorum archiepiscopus. For printed texts, seeCodex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici, ed. Kemble, John M., 6 vols. (London, 1839–48), nos. 466 and 649. Cf.Bede, , HE, 5.23 (p. 558), where the diocese is defined as that of the prouincia Huicciorum.Google Scholar
36 The name might derive from that for a local river called Vigora, a Gallo-Celtic name that may have meant “winding river”:Mawer, Allen and Stenton, Frank M., The Place-Names of Worcestershire, English Place Name Society 4 (Cambridge, 1927), 19–20; Hooke, , Anglo-Saxon Landscape, 34.Google Scholar
37 The error originated in WMGP, 4.179.1, but the pattern of verbal parallels implies that both sections were more closely related to JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. In the margins of C, John's autograph manuscript, the relevant item presently reads Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is there written over an erasure. The copy made at Bury St. Edmunds, MS B, has Herfordensis.Google Scholar
38 Trumwine is identified as the first bishop of Candida Casa — a see located in the land of the Picts — in JW's table of northern bishops (C, p. 45).Bede, , HE, 4.12, 26 (pp. 370, 428), clearly implies that Trumwine's see was based at Abercorn, and close to the Firth of Forth, but in ibid., 3.4, he had also treated Ninian (whose see was located at Candida Casa) as a missionary active among the “southern Picts.”Google Scholar
39 Since it was available when the Cronica was produced, the version that matters most for present purposes is that found in (1) Liège, Bibliothèque de l'Université MS 369C, fols. 88r–94r (s.xii2/4, Durham?), and (2) BL Cotton MS Domitian A. VIII, fols. 2r–11r (s.xiii1, England). In these copies the original hands enumerate the bishops of Durham as far as Ranulf Flambard (1099–1128) and the archbishops of Canterbury as far William of Corbeil (1123–36). Their successors were consecrated in 1133 and 1139 (Greenway, Fasti [n. 27 above], 2:4, 30). The episcopal lists were extended a little further in the making of two slightly later copies: (3) Oxford, Magdalen College MS 53, pp. 145–68 (s. 1135×39, Tynemouth or St. Albans?); and (4) BL Cotton MS Caligula A. VIII, fols. 28r–36r (s.xii3/4, Durham). An expanded version, much indebted to the prelims to the Chronica chronicarum (and perhaps also to Cronica de Anglia) and dating from between 1164 and 1173, is preserved in (5) Durham, Cathedral Library MS B.II.35, fols. 131r–141v (s. 1164×73, Durham); and (6) Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 66, pp. 66–98 (s.xii4/4, Durham? / s.xiiex, Sawley). The version found in (1) is partially printed inArnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:365–84; that found in (4) inHinde, John Hodgson, Symeonis Dunelmensis opera et collectanea, Surtees Society Publications 51 (Durham, 1868), 202–15. The best account of the dating and provenance of these manuscripts remainsMeehan, Bernard, “A Reconsideration of the Historical Works Associated with Symeon of Durham: Manuscripts, Texts and Influences” (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 1979), 66–75, 125–66; idem, “Durham Twelfth-Century Manuscripts in Cistercian Houses,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. Rollason, David W., Harvey, Margaret, and Prestwich, Michael(Woodbridge, 1994), 439–49, esp. 446. But for the dating and construction of (1), seeEckhardt, Caroline D., “Geoffrey of Monmouth's Prophetia Merlini and the Construction of Liège University MS 369C,” Manuscripta 32 (1988): 176–84. On the later versions of De aduentu, see alsoNorton, Christopher, “History, Wisdom and Illumination,” in Symeon of Durham, ed. Rollason, (n. 27 above), 61–105, esp. 76–77, 82–86. On the influence of De primo Saxonum adventu, seeLawrence-Mathers, Anne, “William of Newburgh and the Northumbrian Construction of English History,” Journal of Medieval History 33 (2007): 339–57, esp. 347–50; Offler, H. S., Medieval Historians of Durham (Durham, 1958), esp. 11–12.Google Scholar
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43 Printed by Benjamin Thorpe from MSS C, B, L, and P inFlorentii Chronicon ex Chronicis, 1:258–76.Google Scholar
44 JWChronicula, fols. 64v–69v. It should be noted that this manuscript preserves two alternative sets of the summary histories. There is the partial set just mentioned, which occurs among the folios copied by John himself (fols. 37r–113v), and there is the complete set, which is found among those folios that were added to the book in the mid-twelfth century, after it had reached Gloucester (fols. 1v–36v and 113v–151v). The latter set is almost identical to that found in the autograph of JWCC (C, pp. 47–54).Google Scholar
45 JWChronicula, fols. 64v, 71v, and 76r: “… succincte perstringimus in hac chronicula nostra …”; “Horum omnium acta pessima, qui nosse uoluerit, seriatim pleniusque reperiet scripta in cronicarum chronica. Huic uero libello dumtaxat utiliora studuimus inserere”; “Hęc seriatim omnia scire uolentibus, patefaciet chronicarum chronica. Huic uero libello hec minime inseruimus breuitatis causa.” SeeHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 74.Google Scholar
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47 Cf.McGurk, Patrick, “The Metrical Calendar of Hampson: A New Edition,” Analecta Bollandiana 104 (1986): 79–125; Lapidge, Michael, “A Tenth-Century Metrical Calendar from Ramsey,” Revue Bénédictine 104 (1984): 326–69; repr. in idem, Anglo-Latin Literature, 900–1066 (London, 1993), 343–86; AndréWilmart, , “Un témoin anglo-saxon du calendrier métrique d'York,” Revue Bénédictine 46 (1934): 41–69.Google Scholar
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51 Cronica de Anglia, §§82–87.Google Scholar
52 Cronica de Anglia, §§7, 8, 9, 19, 28, 31, 36, 37, 39, 46, 47.Google Scholar
53 Cronica de Anglia, §§20, 36, 56, 57, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 83, 85, 86.Google Scholar
54 The rubric to this section implies that the author knew that the survey of Britain near the conclusion ofBede, , HE, 5.23, was its ultimate source, but the matching passage in JWCC, s.a. 731, nowhere makes that explicit. I say “seems to show” because although the rubrics were probably supplied by the author, there remains a possibility that they were provided by a scribe. But for another instance, consider Cronica de Anglia, §20.Google Scholar
55 For the other examples, see Cronica de Anglia, §§1, 2, 3, 7, 15, 25, 31, 32, 39, 46, 47, 83, 86.Google Scholar
56 JWKings (C, pp. 48, 49, and 51), printed inThorpe, Benjamin, Florentii Wigorniensis Monachi Chronicon ex Chronicis, English Historical Society Publications 13, 2 vols. (London, 1848–49), 1:260, 262, 270–71.Google Scholar
57 Winchcombe Chronicle, s.a. 823, 861, 870, ed. Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 2:355–543, at 472, 480.Google Scholar
58 E.g., Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:373: “Cnut regnauit fere xix. annis. Cui successit Haroldus, eius ex concubina filius, regnans v. annis. Post quem Hardecnud, filius Cnutonis et Emmæ, frater Eadwardi, qui regnauit ii. annis, xv. diebus minus.”Google Scholar
59 Bates, David, ed., Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I (1066–1087) (Oxford, 1998), no. 39, p. 206: “Abbas uero e contra quomodo Canutus rex a predicta ecclesia cum communi consilio archiepiscoporum, episcoporum et optimatum suorum presbiteros qui inibi inordinate uiuebant eiecerit et monachos posuerit. Quoadque postmodum ipsam ecclesiam Ægelnodus archiepiscopus Cantuariensis iussu prelibati regis dedicauerit atque primum abbatem loci illius episcopus Lundoniensis, secundum episcopus Uuintoniensis, ipsum etiam Balduuinum qui tertius est abbas, archiepiscopus Cantuuariensis sacrauerit, et quia per LIII annos sine alicuius iamdicti Arfasti antecessoris contradictione monachi predicti loci a quibus uoluerunt episcopis ordines susceperint ex ordine luculenter enarrauit.” On the authenticity and date of this diploma, see the discussion in ibid., 202–5; idem, “The Forged Charters of William the Conqueror and Bishop William of St Callais,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. Rollason, David W., Harvey, Margaret, and Prestwich, Michael(Woodbridge, 1994), 111–24.Google Scholar
60 This narrative would seem to have emerged after the Conquest, in the 1080s or 1090s. Certainly, an exemption from this aspect of diocesan authority is not specified in the bull Quamquam sedes, which Abbot Baldwin obtained from Alexander II in 1071 (JL 4692, ed. Hervey, Francis, The Pinchbeck Register, 2 vols. [Brighton, 1925], 1:2–4; JWCC, 2:647–48) or in the foundation charter attributed to Cnut (S 980, ed. Goodwin, C. W., “On Two Ancient Charters in the Possession of the Corporation of Kings Lynn,” Norfolk Archaeology 4 [1855]: 93–117, at 108–11), though the earliest version of this document probably dates from the same period (see Lowe, Kathryn A., “Bury St Edmunds and Its Liberty: A Charter-Text and Its Afterlife,” English Manuscript Studies 1100–1700 17 [2013]: 155–72, esp. 155–60). Cnut's charter frees the house “eternally from the dominion of every bishop of that shire”; Alexander's bull places the monastery under papal protection, prohibits its conversion into an episcopal see, and anathematizes anyone who would dare to disturb its monks and their possessions. The bull granted in 1123 by Pope Calixtus II is the earliest to specify that the monks were allowed to receive consecrations, ordinations, and other episcopalia from the bishop of their choice (JL 7074, ed. Holtzmann, Walther, Papsturkunden in England, 3 vols., Abh. Göttingen, neue Folge 25, dritte Folge 14–15 and 33 [Berlin, 1930–52], 3:131–33). Note also that the charter attributed to Harthacnut (S 995, ed. Goodwin, , “Two Ancient Charters,” 113–17) prohibits archbishops and bishops from celebrating masses, doing justice, or exercising any form of lordship over the monks, clerics, or laypeople of the abbey, but it is not explicit about the blessing of its abbots, and it was probably forged during the reign of Henry I. Cf. Gransden, Antonia, “Baldwin, Abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 1065–1097,” Anglo-Norman Studies 4 (1982): 65–76, at 70–72.Google Scholar
61 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 297. It should be noted that a copy of the 1081 charter also appears among the many interpolations that were inserted into Chronica chronicarum at Bury: see JWCC (B), 3:310–12 (s.a. 1081). A few echoes of Cronica de Anglia, §62, also occur in the accounts of the reform and dedication of the church at Bury that were interpolated under the years 1020 and 1032: ibid., 2:643.Google Scholar
62 SeeSharpe, Richard, “Reconstructing the Medieval Library of Bury St Edmunds Abbey: The Lost Catalogue of Henry Kirkstead,” in Bury St Edmunds: Medieval Art, Architecture, Archaeology and Economy, ed. Gransden, Antonia, British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 20 (Leeds, 1998), 204–18, esp. 211; Thomson, Rodney M., “The Library of Bury St Edmund's Abbey in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Speculum 47 (1972): 617–45, esp. 641–43.Google Scholar
63 Cf. Herman of Bury, Miracula S. Eadmundi (BHL 2395–96), §§25–29, ed. Arnold, Thomas, Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, RS 96, 3 vols. (1890–96), i, 26–92, at 60–67. Writing apparently after the death in 1097/98 of Abbot Baldwin, who is described in the prologue as being of felix memoria, Herman used the charter of William I for his account of the 1081 trial, but he selects somewhat different words and adds details such as the names of the first two abbots, Ufi and Leofstan — details that would probably have crept into §62 of Cronica de Anglia if its author had used it. Similar material, devoid however of telling verbal echoes, also appears in the margins of the Easter Tables of the Bury Psalter, alongside the years 1019 and 1032: Vatican City, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana MS Reg. lat. 12, fols. 16v and 17v (cf. Thompson, Edward Maunde, Herbert, John A., and Bell, Harold Idris, eds., The New Palaeographical Society Facsimiles of Ancient Manuscripts: Second Series, 2 vols. [London, 1913–30], pls. 166–68).Google Scholar
64 Cf. Charters of Sherborne, ed. Donovan, Mary A. Ó, Anglo-Saxon Charters 3 (Oxford, 1988), xviii–xix; Acta of William I (1066–1087), 205.Google Scholar
65 Book three was printed by Georg Waitz in MGH Scriptores, vol. 5 (1864), 481–562, but the conception and organization of the work is best grasped by consulting the surviving manuscripts: (1) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Pal. lat. 830; (2) BL Cotton MS Nero C.V, fols. 27r–159r. For an excellent overview of Marianus's project, seeVerbist, Peter, Duelling with the Past: Medieval Authors and the Problem of the Christian Era (c. 990–1135), Studies in the Early Middle Ages 21 (Turnhout, 2009), 85–143. See also idem, “Reconstructing the Past: The Chronicle of Marianus Scottus,” Peritia 16 (2002): 284–334; idem, “Abbo of Fleury and the Computational Accuracy of the Christian Era,” in Time and Eternity: The Medieval Discourse, ed. Jaritz, Gerhard and Moreno-Riano, Gerson(Turnhout, 2003), 63–80; von den Brincken, Anna Dorothee, “Marianus Scottus als Universalhistoriker iuxta veritatem Evangelii,” in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Löwe, Heinz, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1982), 2:970–1009.Google Scholar
66 E.g., Marianus places the election of Pope Gregory the Great in the 615th year of the uerior assertio (numbered in red ink); in the 11th year of Maurice, the 62nd emperor of the Romans; and the 593rd year of the Dionysian era, the final date having been assigned to the other side of the annal. This is the arrangement in the autograph, Pal. lat. 830, fol. 151v; in Nero C.V, fols. 142v–143r, the first two items are reversed.Google Scholar
67 E.g., Corpus 157, p. 255. Here the order of the numerals is the same as in Pal. lat. 830, but John has modified Marianus by assigning the election of Gregory I to the year 614/592.Google Scholar
68 Both chronicles are edited inHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 356–543and 546–701.Google Scholar
69 E.g., JWChronicula, G, fols. 48r–49v, where the papacy of Gregory I is covered within a long entry that begins “in the year of the Lord 604.” That year was the first of the Emperor Maurice's reign according to Marianus's revised chronology, and the entry covers the whole of his reign as emperor. According to the Dionysian system Maurice ruled from 582 to 602.Google Scholar
70 SeeHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 64–65, 76.Google Scholar
71 E.g., Cronica de Anglia, §72, on the foundation of Hyde Abbey. The source, which Liebermann missed, is JWCC, s.a. 1111. Cf. alsod'Arcier, , Histoire et géographie d'un mythe (n. 4 above), 53, who misleadingly describes Cronica de Anglia as a chronicle “close to that of William of Malmesbury.”Google Scholar
72 The direct source, for example, of Cronica de Anglia, §1, was not Bede, HE, 5.24 (p. 562), as Liebermann suggested in ANG, 16, but JWCC (C, p. 217), s.a. 162. The section on Aidan and Lindisfarne depends, likewise, not on Bede, HE, 3.3 (pp. 218–20), and WMGP, 3.126.1, as Liebermann suggested in ANG, 17, but on JWBishops (C, p. 45) and JWCC, s.a. 995.Google Scholar
73 I say “partial autograph” because C began life as a fair copy made about a half-to-two-thirds of the way into the process of compiling Chronica chronicarum. It conflates the initial stages of composition (between ca. 1095 to ca. 1131), while the modifications and additions, though numerous, bear witness only to the final stages of the process (between ca. 1131 and ca. 1143). For a fuller explanation, seeBrett, Martin, “John of Worcester and His Contemporaries,” in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern, ed. Davis, Ralph H. C. and Wallace Hadrill, John M. (Oxford, 1981), 101–26; Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 64–76; and McGurk's introductions to JWCC, 2:xvii–lxxxi, and 3:xv–1.Google Scholar
74 ANG, 16, citing passages that have now been printed in JWCC, s.a. 629, 633. Benjamin Thorpe suppressed the marginalia in his edition, Florentii Chronicon ex Chronicis. On the authorship of the Chronica chronicarum, and Florence's role in the project, seeMcGurk, in JWCC, 2:xvii–viii; Brett, , “John of Worcester,” 104, 111–12; and Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 64–65.Google Scholar
75 Cronica de Anglia, §§4, 17, 22, 25, 29, 32–35, 38–46, 49, 52, 55, 56, 58, 64, 66–67, 75–81.Google Scholar
76 E.g., (1) JWCC, s.a. 675, where material about Barking and Chertsey, derived in part from WMGP, 2.73.11–15 and added by C3 to the margin of C, has passed into all the other witnesses; (2) JWCC, s.a. 932, where material about St. Byrnstan, derived from WMGP, 2.75.24, and added by C3 to the margin of C, has passed into all the other witnesses.Google Scholar
77 Borrowings from WMGP that appear in all three manuscripts (CBP) figure in the most recent edition, JWCC, under the years 463, 481, 543, 629, 633, 644, 652, 653, 661, 666, 667, 678, 685, 688, 705, 734, 736, 744, 745, 748, 781, 789, 828, 836, 867, 880, 882, 885, 897, 909, 920, 932, 934, 937, 957, 959, 961, 972, 976, 990, 1013, 1038, 1043, 1052, 1061, 1070, 1094, 1123. Borrowings that appear only in C and B appear under 790, 862, 988, 1048, 1050, 1051, 1070, 1091, 1095, 1111. On this strand of material and its place in the manuscript tradition, see JWCC, 2:lii–liii, 2:lviii;Brett, , “John of Worcester,” 107–9, 122; Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 68–71.Google Scholar
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80 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 961.Google Scholar
81 E.g., Cronica de Anglia, §§6, 7, 17, 22, 25, 33, 34, 38, 41, 42, 44, 64, 76, 77, 80, 81.Google Scholar
82 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar
83 WMGP, 2.87: “The blessed Edith, daughter of King Edgar, ornaments the monastery at Wilton, the seat of her bones, with her sweet trappings — she caresses it with her love. Wilton is a not insignificant village, placed on the River Wylye, of such renown that the entire county is named after it.” Cf.Prudentius, , Peristephanon, 3.5, ed. Thompson, H. J., Poems, Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. (London, 1939–53), 2:98–345, at 142.Google Scholar
84 Cronica de Anglia, §§29, 32, 35, 39, 43, 45, 46, 52, 55, 56, 58, 75, 78, 79.Google Scholar
85 Cronica de Anglia, §39, is so much fuller in its use of Gesta pontificum that it lends itself to this hypothesis: the author could have collated WMGP, 2.94.1–7β with the items taken from JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 909, 972, and JWCC, s.a. 1031, 1046.Google Scholar
86 But the long entry about the primacy (§66) depends, not on WMGP, i.27, but on William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, 3.298.1–6, ed. and trans. Mynors, R. A. B., Thomson, Rodney M., and Winterbottom, Michael, 2 vols., OMT (1998–99), cited hereafter as WMGR, 1:530–32.Google Scholar
87 JWChronicula, fol. 52r–v.Google Scholar
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89 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679.Google Scholar
90 Cf. Cronica de Anglia, §§36, 56, 57, 63, 65, 69, 83, 84, 85, and the notes below.Google Scholar
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92 Cf.Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, esp. 78–79: “the systematic re-arrangement of borrowings whilst preserving much of their vocabulary is one of the defining traits of John's compositional method.” See also McGurk's comments in the introduction to JWCC, 2:lxxviii, about John's editing and reorganization of the annals in the margins of the Easter Tables that were part of Marianus Scotus's Chronica chronicarum.Google Scholar
93 See Goscelin of St. Bertin, Vita S. Kenelmi, regis et martyris (BHL 4641 n + p + r), §17, ed. Love, R. C., Three Eleventh-Century Anglo-Latin Saints’ Lives, OMT (1996), 50–88, at 72, where Winchcombe is described as the “monastery of the saint's father,” Cenwulf; and the foundation charters preserved in the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 811 and 818 (2:454–63 and 470–73). All of the latter documents were reworked or interpolated with extraneous material, but all seem to rest on authentic traditions of some kind: see the discussion in ibid., 1:251–64 and 270. It should also be noted that the item presently under discussion contaminated the abbey's traditions in the late twelfth or thirteenth century, when it was inserted into the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle, s.a. 787, §2 (2:450). Evidence for Cronica de Anglia's reception, this echo helps to show that it circulated in the diocese of Worcester: see also ibid., 1:246.Google Scholar
94 E.g., Blair, John, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford, 2005), 122, 288; Foot, Sarah, Veiled Women, Studies in Early Medieval Britain, 2 vols. (Aldershot, 2000), 2:239.Google Scholar
95 Levison, Wilhelm, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), 31, 257–59; Sims-Williams, Patrick, Religion and Literature in Western England, 600–800, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 3 (Cambridge, 1990), 165–66. For the church of St. Peter, see alsoBassett, Stephen R., “A Probable Mercian Royal Mausoleum at Winchcombe, Gloucestershire,” Antiquaries Journal 65 (1985): 82–100 (esp. fig. 1); for the Sacramentary, the circumstances of its production, and the prominence of St. Peter in its litany (his name is written in majuscules and a threefold invocation), see The Winchcombe Sacramentary (Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 127 [105]), ed. Davril, Anselme, HBS 109 (Woodbridge, 1995), 261; together withLapidge, Michael, “Abbot Germanus, Winchcombe, Ramsey and the Cambridge Psalter,” in Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture Presented to Helmut Gneuss on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Korhammer, Michael(Woodbridge, 1992), 99–129, esp. 103–6.Google Scholar
96 SeeGittos, Helen B., Liturgy, Architecture, and Sacred Places in Anglo-Saxon England, Medieval History and Archaeology (Oxford, 2013), 55–102. See alsoBlair, John, “Anglo-Saxon Minsters: A Topographical Review,” in Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. Blair, John and Sharpe, Richard(Leicester, 1991), 226–66, esp. 246–58; Blair, , Church in Anglo-Saxon Society, 196–204; Cramp, Rosemary, Wearmouth and Jarrow Monastic Sites, 2 vols. (Swindon, 2005), esp. 1:349–50, 354–56.Google Scholar
97 At Worcester, for example, the church of St. Mary built by Bishop Oswald gradually eclipsed the older cathedral church of St. Peter: seeBarrow, Julia S., “The Community at Worcester, 961–c.1100,” in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, ed. Brooks, Nicholas P. and Cubitt, Catherine, Studies in the Early History of Britain (London, 1996), 84–99, esp. 89–91; Baker, Nigel and Holt, Richard, Urban Growth and the Medieval Church: Gloucester and Worcester (Aldershot, 2004), 134–35. For the identification of St. Peter with the secular clergy, seeCubitt, Catherine, “Images of St Peter: The Clergy and the Religious Life in Anglo-Saxon England,” in The Christian Tradition in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Cavill, Paul, Christianity and Culture: Issues in Teaching and Research (Woodbridge, 2004), 41–54, esp. 45–50.Google Scholar
98 Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano MS Misc. Arm. XI.19, ed. Foerster, Hans, Liber diurnus Romanorum pontificum (Bern, 1958), no. 93.Google Scholar
99 Levison, , England and the Continent, 29–31; Sims-Williams, , Religion and Literature, 159–65; Stafford, Pauline, “Political Women in Mercia, Eighth to Early Tenth Centuries,” in Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe, ed. Brown, Michelle P. and Farr, Carol A.(London, 2001), 35–49, at 40.Google Scholar
100 WMGP, 4.156.1–2. The earliest of the surviving versions of the foundation charter is found in the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 811 (pp. 456–63). On the authenticity of the charter, see ibid., 258–64.Google Scholar
101 The largest community attested in the historical record comprises the ninety monachi who were martyred at Chertsey when “heathens” raided the monastery: “Secgan be þam Godes sanctum, þe on Engla lande ærost reston,” §49, ed. Liebermann, Felix, Die Heiligen Englands (Hanover, 1889), 9–20, at 19–20. On the earliest manuscript, BL Stowe 944, fols. 36v–39r, which was copied in 1031, seeKeynes, Simon D., The Liber Vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester (British Library Stowe 944), Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 37–38.Google Scholar
102 Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1, with JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, and Cronica de Anglia, §§32, 79.Google Scholar
103 WMGP, 2.94. 1–7β.Google Scholar
104 WMGP, 2.90.2. Cf. Cronica de Anglia, §38; JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1091.Google Scholar
105 WMGP, 4.156.1–2.Google Scholar
106 Compare WMGP, 4.162, where William says that Pershore was founded and built by another generous lord, Ealdorman Æthelweard Dorset, but “like the rest, it succumbed to so miserable a loss that it was diminished by more than half”; and ibid., 5.198.2, where William criticizes the English for their rapacious feasting — a vice that may have caused the extinction of Aldhelm's monasteries at Bradford and Frome; and so on. SeeHayward, Paul Antony, Power, Rhetoric and Historical Practice: From William of Malmesbury to Geoffrey of Monmouth (Oxford, forthcoming), chap. 6.Google Scholar
107 Cf. WMGP, 2.74.11; JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1038. The retention of this detail is further evidence that the monks of Worcester had adopted Bury's version of events.Google Scholar
108 The next two paragraphs summarize positions set out in greater detail inHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), esp. 64–73. Cf. Brett, , “John of Worcester” (n. 73 above), 101–26.Google Scholar
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110 JWCC, s.a. 1118 (3:142); for its use in JWChronicula, see n. 45 above.Google Scholar
111 Marianus calls it the “chronicle of chronicles” because its topic is the greatest of all topics, namely, the true date of the resurrection of the King of Kings as set out in the Gospels: see Nero C.V, fol. 2v.Google Scholar
112 Gervase of Canterbury, Chronica, ed. and prologue byStubbs, William, The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury, RS 73, 2 vols. (1879–80), 1:91–594, at 88–89. As I have explained elsewhere, Gervase seems to have been attempting to protect his work from conservative critics who were scandalized, not just by these chronological experiments, but by monks wasting time reading and writing history.Google Scholar
113 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Chibnall, Marjorie, OMT, 6 vols. (1968–80), 2:186–88: “… quem [Marianum] prosecutus Iohannes acta fere centum annorum contexuit, iussuque uenerabilis Wlfstani pontificis et monachi supradictis cronicis inseruit, in quibus multa de Romanis et Francis et Alemannis aliisque gentibus quæ agnouit utiliter et compendiose narratione digna reserauit.”Google Scholar
114 Cf. WMGR, 1.pref.1–4.Google Scholar
115 See n. 113 above.Google Scholar
116 JWChronicula, fol. 100v. Cf.Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 82–83.Google Scholar
117 E.g., JWCC, s.a. 1062, 1070, 1088, and esp. 1095.Google Scholar
118 Cf. JWChronicula, fols. 98v–100r; JWCC, s.a. 1088 (3:52–56).Google Scholar
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120 See the synopsis of the foundation charter in Two Cartularies of the Augustinian Priory of Bruton and the Cluniac Priory of Montacute in the County of Somerset, Somerset Record Society 8 (London, 1894), 119–20, along with David Knowles, Brooke, Christopher N. L., and London, Vera C. M., eds., The Heads of Religious Houses, England and Wales, vol. 1, 940–1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2001), 121n1. Montacute was, it should be noted, a largely French institution, whose monks and priors were initially drawn from France rather than the native population: Knowles, David, The Monastic Order in England, 940–1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1963), 153.Google Scholar
121 SeeFichtenau, Heinrich, Lebensordnungen des 10. Jahrunderts, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 30.1 (Stuttgart, 1984), 11–47; trans. Geary, Patrick J.as Living in the Tenth Century: Mentalites and Social Orders (Chicago, 1993), 3–29.Google Scholar
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125 Bell, , Libraries of the Cistercians (n. 15 above), no. Z19, §§83, 119b, 127b. For the Liber Catonis and its development in England, seeHunt, Tony, Teaching and Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England, 3 vols. (Woodbridge, 1991), 1:66–69, and the works cited there.Google Scholar
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131 Cronica de Anglia, §§29 and 77, where it is described as Maldulphi urbs, “Maíldub's town,” and as a cenobia monachorum. On the practice of naming minster-towns after their founders, a sign that Malmesbury was once an Irish monastic settlement, seeBlair, , Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (n. 94 above), 190 and 217n145; Sims-Williams, , Religion and Literature (n. 95 above), 106–8.Google Scholar
132 William alluded to the monastery's situation in WMGP, 2.79.3–6; cf. also WMGR, 2.108.2–3, 135.6. But oral reports of Roger's actions would also have reached Worcester.Google Scholar
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152 JWBishops (C, p. 41), rather than JWCC, s.a. 635, though in both Birinus converts King Cynegils, not Kenwalh.Google Scholar
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153 JWBishops (C, p. 45). Cf.Bede, , HE, 3.3 (pp. 218–20); JWCC, s.a. 635.Google Scholar
154 JWCC, s.a. 995.Google Scholar
155 Bede, , HE, 3.1 (p. 212).Google Scholar
156 See p. 166above.Google Scholar
157 JWCC, s.a. 636, except that JW has seventeen years instead of sixteen.Google Scholar
158 JWCC, s.a. 642, 646; but with some echoes of JWChronicula, fol. 50v. Cf. JWBishops (C, p. 41); JWKings (C, p. 53).Google Scholar
159 JWCC, s.a. 655.Google Scholar
160 JWCC, s.a. 660.Google Scholar
c cessati] sic VGoogle Scholar
161 JWCC, s.a. 664 and 667, but with much reorganization; cf. JWBishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar
162 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 1043. The Abingdon copy (L) has a similar interpolation, but one that attributes the foundation to King Cædwalla and appears under the year 688; cf. also WMGP, 2.88.1.Google Scholar
163 JWCC, s.a. 673.Google Scholar
164 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1111. Cf. WMGP, 4.183.1–5.Google Scholar
165 JWCC, s.a. 675. WMGP, 2.73.10–13, is almost identical owing to their shared dependence onBede, , HE, 4.6 (p. 354), but its words are slightly more remote and it could not have supplied the date.Google Scholar
d Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
166 JWCC, s.a. 677.Google Scholar
167 JWCC, s.a. 681. Trumwine is identified as the first bishop of Candida Casa — a see located in the land of the Picts — in JW's table of northern bishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar
168 JWCC, s.a. 677.Google Scholar
169 JWCC, s.a. 678.Google Scholar
170 JWBishops (C, p. 39), but the etymology of the name appears to derive directly fromBede, , HE, 4.13 (p. 374). Cf. WMGP, 2.96.1–4.Google Scholar
171 JWCC, s.a. 675, makes Sexwulf the constructor et abbas monasterii quod dicitur Burh in regione Giruiorum, but the compiler's use of the name Medeshamstede instead of Peterborough suggests knowledge of JW's source, Bede, , HE, 4.6 (p. 354).Google Scholar
e Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
f Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
g Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
172 This item preserves strong echoes of both JWChronicula, fol. 52r–v, and the summary history of Worcester cathedral and its endowment, which appears among the prelims to Chronica chronicarum in C, fol. 1r–p. 3, though both arrange the material in a different order. The parallels to JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679, are relatively remote. See p. 182 above.Google Scholar
173 This entry reads like a speculative attempt, based on the occurrence of Putta's name in the episcopal tables for both Rochester and Hereford (C, pp. 39 and 43), to connect the foundation of the latter see with Putta's flight to Mercia — an event reported inBede, , HE, 4.12 (p. 368), and elaborated in WMGP, 1.72.7–8. The verbal parallels point to dependence on the reworking of Bede's account in JWCC, s.a. 676. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 678, which abbreviates WMGP, 4.163.1.Google Scholar
174 This item seems to be unique to this source. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679.Google Scholar
175 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 666. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.1, 176, 177.1.Google Scholar
176 The origins of §§23–24 are relatively obscure, but they probably rest on a Gloucester source. The material about these abbeys in WMGP, 4.155 and 162, is quite different. Strong parallels occur, however, in the Gloucester foundation narrative, which is preserved chiefly in the cartulary-chronicles that were compiled for Walter Frocester, abbot of Gloucester (1382–1412). AsFinberg, H. P. R., The Early Charters of the West Midlands, Studies in Early English History 2, 2nd ed. (Leicester, 1972), 153–66, showed, this narrative incorporates the remains of an alleged charter of King Æthelred of Mercia (675–704) that recounts how he and his ministers Osric and Oswald founded two churches at Gloucester and Pershore, granting 300 “tributaries” to the former and 300 cassati to the latter. Printed texts appear in ibid., 158, and Historia et cartularium monasterii sancti Petri Gloucestriae, ed. Hart, William H., RS 33, 3 vols. (1884–93), 1:lxxi–lxxii. Fragments of this narrative appear in earlier documents: a late twelfth-century scribe inserted, for example, extracts from an earlier version into the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 680, §2 (2:436), where unfortunately they were much damaged in the Cottonian Fire; minor echoes also appear in the late fourteenth-century Pershore chronicle by Dominus Garterius, whose contents were partly recorded byLeland, John, De rebus britannicis collectanea, ed. Hearne, Thomas, 6 vols., 2nd ed. (London, 1770), 1:240. It seems likely that this narrative and the alleged charters that it contains existed by the early twelfth century — at the very latest. On the authenticity of the Æthelred charter, see alsoScharer, Anton, Die angelsächsische Königsurkunde im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 26 (Vienna, 1982), 146–48. None of the known witnesses preserves, however, any information about the identity of the saint to whom Pershore was dedicated. For this detail a parallel of sorts exists in the material about Gloucester and Pershore that John added to the margins of his autograph (JWCC [C3B], s.a. 1095 [3:78, 80]). These items say nothing about how much land was given to Gloucester and Pershore, but they identify the same persons as founders, and the item about Pershore includes a statement to the effect that Oswald built the church at Pershore in honore sancti Petri, but that it is now dedicated in nomine Dei genitricis Marie. One possibility is that the author was combining material from the charter of King Æthelred andGoogle Scholar
h episcopatum] -tum is written over an erasure VGoogle Scholar
i ambo rebus] ambobus VGoogle Scholar
Chronica chronicarum and that the information about the dedication of Pershore was corrupted — either by the author himself or at some stage in the transmission of Cronica de Anglia. Another and more likely possibility is that the author was relying on John's working notes and that they differed somewhat from the material now preserved in the margins of JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095 — that they contained, for example, more data about how much land was given to Pershore and Gloucester than John chose, in the end, to include in Chronica chronicarum.Google Scholar
177 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 685. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.4–5.Google Scholar
178 JWCC, s.a. 685, 686.Google Scholar
179 JWCC, s.a. 691.Google Scholar
180 JWCC, s.a. 692. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 53v; JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar
181 JWCC, s.a. 705. The duration of Aldhelm's abbacy could have been inferred from an annal in JWCC, s.a. 666, that records his ordination as abbot of Malmesbury.Google Scholar
182 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 705. Cf. WMGP, 3.110.2; 4.172.2.Google Scholar
183 WMGP, 3.109.6.Google Scholar
184 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 705. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.2.Google Scholar
185 The rubric shows that the compiler knew that the ultimate source of this item wasBede, , HE, 5.23 (pp. 558–60), but the textual affinities imply a closer relationship with JWCC, s.a. 731.Google Scholar
186 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 734. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.2.Google Scholar
187 JWCC, s.a. 1092, together with information about the history of the see from JWBishops (C, p. 43). This table has just one name under Dorchester (Aetla), and Remigius appears as the seventeenth bishop of Lindsey.Google Scholar
188 JWCC, s.a. 734, and JWBishops (C, p. 39).Google Scholar
189 JWBishops (C, p. 39).Google Scholar
190 The author's statements and words agree with the data found in JWBishops (C, p. 39), which makes Stigand the twentieth holder of the see of the South Saxons and the first to reside at Chichester. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 1070; WMGP, 2.96.4.Google Scholar
191 See pp. 183–85 and esp. n. 93 above.Google Scholar
192 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, which has Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is written over an erasure. Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1, who has in lumen, “to the light,” for in limine, “in limestone.”Google Scholar
193 WMGP, 3.156. This item also appears in the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 798 (2:452), where it was added s.xii/xiii. This parallel is best interpreted, therefore, as evidence for the reception of the Cronica de Anglia in the diocese of Worcester, where it seems to have originated: see also Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 1:246, 249.Google Scholar
194 JWBishops (C, p. 45), has seven bishops of Hexham after Acca. The reference to Bede echoes WMGP, 3.117.3, but WM has six bishops after Acca, omitting Alhmundus.Google Scholar
j ora] h has been erased before ora VGoogle Scholar
195 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 828. Cf. WMGP, 3.117.5.Google Scholar
196 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 828. JW was here working from WMGP, 3.118.1, 3, but he has added Eadredus (Heathored) to WM's list of bishops, in keeping with JWBishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar
197 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 880. Cf. WMGP, 2.86.1.Google Scholar
198 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1070. Cf. WMGP, 2.78.1.Google Scholar
199 JWCC, s.a. 887.Google Scholar
200 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1070 (italics). Cf. JWCC, s.a. 905, where the construction of the Nunnaminster is attributed, using very similar language, to Alfred's queen, Ealhswith.Google Scholar
201 WMGP, 2.92.1–2; JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 882.Google Scholar
202 Almost identical echoes occur in both JWChronicula, fol. 64r, and among the explanatory matter in JWBishops (C, p. 41), but the present text is slightly closer to the former version. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 909.Google Scholar
203 Verbal echoes clearly imply that this entry is related to John of Worcester's table of West-Saxon prelates, JWBishops (C, p. 41), but for the purpose of calculating the duration of the see, prior to its relocation at Old Sarum, the compiler assumes — rather oddly given the relative clarity of JW's table — that Æthelstan became bishop of Ramsbury at the same time as Aldhelm became bishop of Sherborne, while the former see was in fact founded in the reign of Edward the Elder (899–924). The correct span for the presence of an episcopal seat at Ramsbury would be around 167 years.Google Scholar
204 JWBishops (C, p. 41) makes Aldhelm the first bishop of Sherborne and lists twenty-four men as holders of that office; for the dates, cf. JWCC, s.a. 709 and (C3BP), s.a. 1070.Google Scholar
k xiiiius] A space or erasure of about four letters precedes this numeral V.Google Scholar
205 This chronological excursus could have been developed by using the date specified in §36 above and JW's table of West Saxon prelates (C, p. 41). The table lists fourteen bishops of Wells from Æthelhelm to [G]isa, before listing John and [G]odefridus as the fifteenth and sixteenth. Cf. WMGP, ii.90.1.Google Scholar
206 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1091, following WMGP, 2.90.2. In their existing form JW's table of West-Saxon bishops (C, p. 41) lists John as the fifteenth bishop of Wells, but the list shows signs of revision.Google Scholar
207 This etymology seems to have been inferred from the name itself — a form that the author may have discovered by reading the account of Edgar's coronation at Bath found under the year 973 in several versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, such as the C-Text (ed. O'Brien O'Keeffe, K., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 5, MS C [Cambridge, 1983], 82). Cf. Plummer, C. and Earle, J., eds., Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1892–99), 2:161.Google Scholar
208 WMGP, 2.94.1–7β; but there is much evidence that additional detail was drawn from the various parts of John's corpus. The dates toward the beginning of the chapter echo, slightly inaccurately, those in JWCC, s.a. 909 (C3BP), and 1031; the numbering echoes the data in JWBishops (C, p. 41); and the detail that Leofric was a Briton occurs in JWCC, s.a. 1046.Google Scholar
209 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 972, following WMGP, 2.94.1. JW rightly has .xii. milibus.Google Scholar
210 WMGP, 2.95.7.Google Scholar
211 WMGP, 4.155. Note how “in the time of King Alfred” becomes “as her father King Alfred had ordered her.” Cf. JWCC, s.a. 910; JWChronicula, fol. 63v; JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050.Google Scholar
212 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 920. Cf. WMGP, 1.14.Google Scholar
213 JWCC, s.a. 932. Cf. WMGP, 2.75.24. A near-contemporary hand enters a nota symbol in the margin beside this item, providing one of the few signs that the text was the subject of study.Google Scholar
214 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 934. Cf. WMGP, 1.14.4–15.1.Google Scholar
215 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 934. The compiler has rightly corrected JW's Wellensium, inserting Wiltuniensem in its place. Cf. WMGP, 2.83.1.Google Scholar
216 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 937. Cf. WMGP, 2.85, 93.Google Scholar
217 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 880. Cf. WMGP, 2.86.1.Google Scholar
218 Derived, it seems, from a combination of WMGP, 2.74.4–5 and JWBishops (C, p. 39): “xii. Athulfus. Hic regis Edwii tempore eastanglię presulatum solus rexit eodemque modo illius successores.” It is WMGP, 2.74.11, who dates the transfer of Elmham to Thetford to the sixth year of the reign of William I. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 685, who gives the king under whom Athulf took office as Eadwig.Google Scholar
219 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1038. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.11.Google Scholar
220 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1094. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.14–15.Google Scholar
221 JWCC, s.a. 959.Google Scholar
222 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 959. Cf. WMGP, 4.176; JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar
223 JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar
224 JWCC, s.a. 960.Google Scholar
225 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 961, following WMGP, 2.95.Google Scholar
226 JWCC, s.a. 963, 964.Google Scholar
227 JWCC, s.a. 967, 968.Google Scholar
228 JWCC, s.a. 969. Wulstano ought, of course, to read Oswaldo.Google Scholar
229 Everything here, including the idea that Oswald set about “correcting” the seculars without success, occurs at greater length in Eadmer of Canterbury, Vita S. Oswaldi archiepiscopi et confessoris (BHL 6375), §24, ed. and trans. Turner, Andrew J. and Muir, Bernard J., Lives and Miracles of Saints Oda, Dunstan and Oswald, OMT (2005), 216–89, at 256–60. Though the preface is hardly explicit, Eadmer appears to have written his Vita Oswaldi at the request of Worcester (ibid., cvi–cvii), and there is every reason to think that the monks will have had a copy in their library. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 969, 992; WMGP, 3.115.4–5.Google Scholar
230 JWCC, s.a. 969.Google Scholar
231 JWChronicula, fol. 76r; JWCC, s.a. 991. Cf. WMGP, 4.181.1.Google Scholar
232 The source is almost certainly Eadmer of Canterbury, Vita S. Oswaldi archiepiscopi et confessoris (BHL 6375), §§17–18, ed. Turner, and Muir, , Lives and Miracles of Saints Oda, Dunstan and Oswald, 216–89, at 250–53. Having discussed the foundation of Ramsey with particular reference to the support provided by Ealdorman Æthelwine of East Anglia, Eadmer goes on to describe with an ablative absolute howEadnoth, , uir prudens et religiosus, was placed over it (praepositus). Then, in §18, Eadmer adds a brief mention of a miracle involving “a certain Foldbriht [whom Oswald] placed in the abbacy of the church of Pershore, which was one of the seven abbeys” that Oswald established in his diocese after expelling the clerks and their women. Cf. also the source of the latter story: Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Vita et uirtute gloriosissimi archipresulis Oswaldi (BHL 6374), 4.8, ed. and trans. Lapidge, Michael, The Lives of St Oswald and St Ecgwine, OMT (2009), 2–203, at 112–17.Google Scholar
233 This sentence contains verbal echoes of WMGP, 4.156.3, but it seems likely that both the author and William were drawing on Eadmer's Vita S. Oswaldi, from which one can see how the author might have proceeded from Foldbriht to Germanus. In §18, the chapter in which he refers to Foldbriht, Eadmer mentions Oswald's ordination of Germanus as abbot of Winchcombe; in §10, he recounts how Oswald broughtGoogle Scholar
l .dcccc.lxxx.viii.] sic V (adduxerat) him to Fleury; and in §16, how he put him in charge of the monks at Westbury.Google Scholar
234 WMGP, 4.183.6–184.1, 185.1. Cf. JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1111.Google Scholar
235 JWCC, s.a. 972.Google Scholar
236 JWCC, s.a. 973. JWChronicula, fols. 74v–75r, has many verbal affinities, but is not as close as JWCC.Google Scholar
237 WMGP, 2.87. Cf. JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar
238 JWChronicula, fol. 75r. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 978, 979.Google Scholar
239 WMGP, 2.87.1. Cf. JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar
240 The date matches JWCC, s.a. 987, but the rest closely resembles JWChronicula, fol. 75v, the only place where JW connects this disaster with the murder of Edward the Martyr: “In cuius necis ultionem duę retro seculis Anglorum genti incognite pestes, scilicet … inedicibiliter deseuierunt.”Google Scholar
241 There is agreement here with the earlier versions of WMGP (i.e., the β-text), most notably in the form in which it occurs in BL MS Harley 3641 — a late twelfth-century copy from Byland Abbey in Yorkshire. In §20.1 it reads qui clericis a Cantuaria perturbatis monachos induxit. The other witnesses to the β-text have proturbatis instead of perturbatis. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 995; JWBishops (C, p. 41).Google Scholar
242 JWCC, s.a. 995. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 76r–v.Google Scholar
m Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
243 JWChronicula, fols. 75v–76r.Google Scholar
244 JWCC, s.a. 984.Google Scholar
245 JWCC, s.a. 1011, with material from 984.Google Scholar
246 JWCC, s.a. 1012. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 77r.Google Scholar
247 JWChronicula, fols. 77v–78r: “Post mortem cuius quique nobiliores Anglię sibi in dominum et regem Canutum elegere, et fidelitatem ille illis illique iurauere. Verum ciues Lundonienses clitonem Eadmundum in regem leuauere. Hinc inter ambos reges atrocissima pugna quinquies bellatum est.” Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1016, esp. 2:484.Google Scholar
248 Acta of William I, no. 39 (p. 206). For further explanation, see pp. 174–76 above.Google Scholar
249 JWChronicula, fol. 94r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1062.Google Scholar
250 JWChronicula, fol. 95r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1065 and 1066.Google Scholar
251 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1123. Cf. WMGP, 2.97.Google Scholar
252 JWChronicula, fol. 96r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1070.Google Scholar
253 The present version of this document is significantly closer to that found in WMGR, 3.298.1–6, than that in WMGP, 1.27.Google Scholar
n Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
o Anglia] Corrected from Anglię VGoogle Scholar
254 WMGP, 1.42.7β–42.9. Cf. WMGR, 3.300.3–301.Google Scholar
p Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar
255 This account of the Domesday Survey is almost identical to that found in JWChronicula, fol. 98r, the main difference being that the latter abbreviates and mangles the clause referring to William's interest in how things had changed between 1066 and 1086 and the beginning of the next sentence: “and how much they had returned then and how much in the time of King Edward, and thus it was strictly carried out. This so that …” (“et quantum tunc reddidissent et quantum tempore regis Eadwardi et ita stricte peractum est. Hoc ut …”). Evidently, the present version is closer to the original draft. This narrative was based, furthermore, on an account similar to that found in the E text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1085a, ed. Irvine, Susan E., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 7, MS E (Cambridge, 2004), 94. The present version adds two significant details: it notes, first, William I's interest in how much revenue King Edward had been able to collect and, second, the collation of the results in a single volume, which was to be kept in the royal treasury. The account in JWCC, s.a. 1086 (3:44), derives from a different source: seeStevenson, W. H., “A Contemporary Description of the Domesday Survey,” English Historical Review 22 (1907): 73–84, esp. 76–78.Google Scholar
256 JWCC, s.a. 1087 (3:46).Google Scholar
257 This version is closest to JWChronicula, fols. 98v–100r. The version in JWCC, s.a. 1088 (3:54, 56), differs greatly in length, arrangement, and detail, but the present version shares some variants.Google Scholar
258 JWCC, s.a. 1100 (3:92, 94). JWChronicula, fols. 105v–106r, is similar, but not as close.Google Scholar
259 Either JWCC, s.a. 1113, or JWChronicula, fol. 109v.Google Scholar
260 JWCC, s.a. 1109 (3:118).Google Scholar
261 JWCC, s.a. 1111. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 109v, which is fuller, but slightly different.Google Scholar
262 Either JWCC, s.a. 1118, or JWChronicula, fol. 111v.Google Scholar
263 Either JWCC, s.a. 1120 (3:146, 148), or JWChronicula, fols. 112v–113r.Google Scholar
264 JWCC, s.a. 1121 (3:150); JWChronicula, fol. 113r.Google Scholar
265 JWCC, s.a. 1123, 1125 (3:154, 158).Google Scholar
266 Possibly influenced by WMGP, 2.90.3.Google Scholar
267 This account of the relics claimed by Glastonbury Abbey may well have been inspired by similar material in the works of William of Malmesbury, since he mentions almost all of these saints: see WMGP, 2.91.6–9; WMGR, 1.20.2, 21.1, 23, 24, 35C.3, 50.5; idem, De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie, esp. §§20–22, ed. and trans. Scott, John, The Early History of Glastonbury: An Edition, Translation and Study (Woodbridge, 1981), 68–70. There are, however, two important differences of detail. The present item says that Indracht had nine colleagues, but William's accounts of that saint clearly state that he went he went to Rome with “seven high-born companions”: WMGP, 2.91.7; idem, Vita S. Indrachti, ed. and trans. Winterbottom, and Thomson, , Saints’ Lives (n. 133 above), 368–81, at 370. The author appears, therefore, to have known the Passio S. Indracti et sociorum eius (BHL 4271), §1, ed. Lapidge, Michael, “The Cult of St Indract at Glastonbury,” in Ireland in Medieval Europe: Studies in Honour of Kathleen Hughes, ed. Whitelock, Dorothy, McKitterick, Rosamund, and Dumville, David N.(Cambridge, 1982), 199–204, at 199, an eleventh-century life that provides Indracht with nine colleagues. The other difference lies in the addition of the virgin called Elfgiua, “Ælfgifu.” She is perhaps to be equated with the Glastonbury saint whom William of Malmesbury (or an interpolator?) names in De antiquitate Glastonie, §22, as Ealfleda, a “virgin whose flesh and bones are still whole … and whose hair shirt and holy robe have not rotted.” Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 688;Howley, Martin, “Relics at Glastonbury Abbey in the Thirteenth Century: The Relic List in Cambridge, Trinity College R.5.33 (724), fols. 104r–105v,” Mediaeval Studies 72 (2009): 197–234.Google Scholar
268 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 937, but the addition of Æthelney suggests an awareness of the source, WMGP, 2.90.6, because JWCC does not mention that house at this point.Google Scholar
269 See p. 190 and n. 120 above.Google Scholar
q Celsi] causi VGoogle Scholar
270 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043. Cf. WMGP, 2.84.1–4. On the sources of this legend, seeLicence, Tom, “Goscelin of St Bertin and the Life of St Eadwold of Cerne,” Journal of Medieval Latin 16 (2006): 182–207.Google Scholar
271 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043. Cf. WMGP, 2.87.1, 88.1, 89.1–2.Google Scholar
272 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. Cf. WMGP, 4.178.Google Scholar
273 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, which has Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is written over an erasure. Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1.Google Scholar
274 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. Cf. WMGP, 4.180.1.Google Scholar
275 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050. Cf. WMGP, 4.180.3.Google Scholar
276 WMGP, 4.181.1, adds orientalium.Google Scholar
277 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050; WMGP, 4.181.1–6, 182.1–4, 6. The language is occasionally closer to WM, but the material occurs in the same order as in JW.Google Scholar
278 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.159–160.1.Google Scholar
279 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.158.Google Scholar
280 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.155, 156.Google Scholar
281 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.157.Google Scholar
282 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 885. Cf. WMGP, 4.171.Google Scholar
283 Possibly WMGP, 4.172.5.Google Scholar
r Estanglorum] EstaaglorumGoogle Scholar
s prosapia] Followed by a space of about four letters VGoogle Scholar
t Limen] Corrected from Limenstre VGoogle Scholar
284 This section echoes the diagrammatic genealogy of Woden in JWKings (C, p. 47). The language is quite different from that of textual genealogy that appears in G2, fol. 1v — an item that might have been available to the compiler if he were using G after it was augmented at Gloucester.Google Scholar
285 In JWKings (C, p. 47), the words Saxonice Sceaf are interlined above Seth.Google Scholar
286 A later gloss pater [?] Hengisti et Horsi appears in the upper margin above this item.Google Scholar
287 This section is closer to JWChronicula, fols. 64v–66r, except in its final sentence, a note about the duration of the kingdom of Kent, which is closer to JW Kings (C, p. 48). The notes that follow draw attention only to the more significant variants between these versions of the accounts.Google Scholar
288 JWChronicula, fol. 65v; JWKings (C, p. 48): DeoGoogle Scholar
289 JWChronicula, fols. 65v–66r: congregauerat. Anno regni sui. xii. inter medendum mense Februario defunctus est. Cui successit in regnum Edricus filius fratris sui Ecgberti, ac …; JWKings (C, p. 48): aggregauerat, anno regni … Ecgberti, ac …Google Scholar
290 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: .xxxiiii.; JWKings (C, p. 48): tricesimo quartoGoogle Scholar
291 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: .xxxvi.; JWKings (C, p. 48): tricesimo sextoGoogle Scholar
292 This section closely echoes the summary history of the East Anglian royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 66r–67r. Cf. JWKings (C p. 49).Google Scholar
293 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: illisGoogle Scholar
294 JWChronicula, fol. 66v, and JWKings (C, p. 49), add estGoogle Scholar
295 JWChronicula, fol. 66v; JWKings (C, p. 49): prius Northhymbrorum regina, et post Eliensus extitit abbatissaGoogle Scholar
296 JWChronicula, fol. 66v; JWKings (C, p. 49): erat feminaGoogle Scholar
297 JWChronicula, fol. 67r; JWKings (C, p. 49):. lxi.Google Scholar
298 JWChronicula, fol. 67r, adds potentesGoogle Scholar
299 JWChronicula, fol. 67r: penisGoogle Scholar
300 JWChronicula, fol. 67r, adds regnareGoogle Scholar
301 This section closely echoes the summary history of the East Saxon royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 67r–68r. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 49).Google Scholar
302 Another leonine hexameter with bisyllabic rhyme, shared with JWChronicula, fol. 67r–v.Google Scholar
303 JWChronicula, fol. 67v; JWKings (C, p. 49): eiusdemGoogle Scholar
304 JWChronicula, fol. 67v: et breui post temporeGoogle Scholar
305 Another line of rhyming verse, almost identical to that at the corresponding point in JWChronicula, fol. 67v, except that the latter has Christum instead of regem regum.Google Scholar
306 JWChronicula, fol. 67v. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 49): et uenustatis, totęqueGoogle Scholar
307 JWChronicula, fol. 68r: .iiio.Google Scholar
308 In JWChronicula, fols. 67r–68r, this verse is rendered as Glorificam celis meruit conscendere felix.Google Scholar
u regnauere … Westsaxonum] Owing to severe abrasion there is gap here of some fifteen letters. It cannot, unfortunately, be filled using JWKings or JWChronicula as both are substantially fuller at this point. JWChronicula, fol. 68r, for example, has … regnauere proprii. Nam eodem anno quo regnum defecit Cantwariorum cum ipsis et cum Suthsaxonibus strenuo regi Westsaxonum Ecgberto sponte se dedebant….Google Scholar
v Westanhecanorum] Westanbecanorum VGoogle Scholar
309 This section closely echoes the summary history of the Mercian royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 67r–69v. Cf. JW Kings (C, p. 50).Google Scholar
310 JWChronicula, fol. 68v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), add regumGoogle Scholar
311 JWChronicula, fol. 68v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), have MercelmusGoogle Scholar
312 JWChronicula, fol. 68v: ac ÆlfredusGoogle Scholar
313 Another leonine, almost identical to that at the corresponding point in JWChronicula, fol. 69r: Vita decedit celsa polique petit, whereas JWKings (C, p. 50), has uitam finuit. It should be noted that Cenred's death in Rome is in keeping withBede, , HE, 5.19 (p. 516), but at odds with the narrative set out in the Lives of St. Ecgwine, which imply that he returned to England after his visit to the city: e.g., Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Vita S. Ecgwini Wigorniensis episcopi (BHL 2432), 3.3–5, ed. and trans. Lapidge, , Lives of Oswald and Ecgwine (n. 232 above), 206–303, at 256–62.Google Scholar
314 JWChronicula, fol. 69r; JWKings (C, p. 50), add Qui anno regni sui. ix. defunctus est, cui Æthelbaldus filius Alwig filii scilicet Eoue fratris Pendę regis successit.Google Scholar
315 JWChronicula, fol. 69r: regaliter est tumulatumGoogle Scholar
316 Another leonine echoed in JWChronicula, fol. 69r. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): sanctumque Kenelmum genuitGoogle Scholar
317 JWChronicula, fol. 69r, adds sepultusGoogle Scholar
318 Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): occiditur.Google Scholar
w expu-] At least one, probably two, folios are missing at this point. They are likely to have contained material from JWKings — namely, the conclusion of his account of the Mercian kings, his accounts of the Northumbrian kings (since it follows at this point in C, p. 5), and the first half of his account of the West-Saxon kings (since it is the source of what follows when the MS resumes).Google Scholar
319 JWChronicula, fol. 69r, and JWKings (C, p. 50): regnum suscipiturGoogle Scholar
320 JWChronicula, fol. 69v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), add KynethrythaGoogle Scholar
321 Rightly Wistanum, as in JWChronicula, fol. 69v, and JWKings (C, p. 50).Google Scholar
322 JWChronicula, fol. 69v; JWKings (C, p. 50): Hreopedune sepultus requieuit, cui Beorhtwlfus successit.Google Scholar
323 JWChronicula, fol. 69v; JWKings (C, p. 50): tumulatum est. VerumGoogle Scholar
324 A couplet in which the second line is clearly leonine in form. This passage, together with other aspects of John's treatment of Wigstan, was inspired by a version of the Vita S. Wistani martyris (BHL 8975), ed. Macray, William D., Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham ad Annum 1418, RS 29 (1863), 325–32, at 331: “Nam de loco in quo innocenter occisus est, columna lucis usque ad cœlum porrecta, omnibus incolis loci illius apparens, per triginta dies stabat perspicua.” Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): columna lucis usque ad celum porrecta omnibus eiusdem loci incolis per. xxx. dies conspicua stabat.Google Scholar
325 JWChronicula, fol. 69v, adds anno regni suiGoogle Scholar
326 The closest match for this section, insofar as it is known from the manuscript, occurs in JWKings (C, pp. 53–54). The West-Saxon royal account in JWChronicula, fols. 72r–73r, merges seamlessly back into the “mainstream” of its narrative when it reaches the earlier tenth century, a little beyond the point where V resumes after the lacuna between fols. 20 and 21.Google Scholar
327 JWKings (C, p. 53), adds filiumGoogle Scholar
328 The author is possibly summarizing JWKings (C, p. 53): “et super omnes prouincias Anglię usque ad flumen Hymbrę regnauit, ac prius reges Walanorum, dein Scottorum, Northymbrorym, Stretuuadalorum reges in deditionem accept. Quo mortuo, filius suus Æthelstanus ex ….” But compare also JWCC, s.a. 940, where John gives the length of Æthelstan's reign as 16 years and Gloucester as the place where he died. Cf. also JWChronicula, fol. 73v; Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 940.Google Scholar
329 JWKings (C, p. 53): .iiiito.Google Scholar
330 JWKings (C, p. 53): germanus suusGoogle Scholar
331 JWKings (C, p. 53): ętatis. xxxii. regni uero. xvi.Google Scholar
332 JWKings (C, p. 53) adds nouerce suęGoogle Scholar
x REGNUM] The final four-fifths of the column are blank VGoogle Scholar
333 JWKings (C, p. 53): suscepit. Anno uero regni sui nono decimoGoogle Scholar
334 At this point, this section matches most closely JWKings (C, p. 53).Google Scholar
335 In JWKings (C, p. 54), John records that Matilda bore William three sons: Robert, William, and Henry; but in JWCC, s.a. 1100, he mentions Richard who, like his older brother William II, “perished in the New Forest.” This Richard is thought to have died there between 1069 and 1075: seeOrderic, , Historia Ecclesiastica (n. 113 above), 3:114.Google Scholar
336 JWKings (C, p. 54): et anno regni uicesimo secundo in Normannia decessit.Google Scholar
337 JWKings (C, p. 54): et anno regni tertio decimo.Google Scholar