¹ Hierokles, ap. Photios, , Bibl. 214Google Scholar, esp. 172a, 173a.

² Proklos, , Theol. Plat. i 1, pp. 5–7Google Scholar (Saffrey–Westerink).

³ Philosophers may have continued to teach inconspicuously in Athens for some time after this date: see Cameron, Alan, ‘The last days of the Academy at Athens’, PCPS cxcv (1969) 7–29Google Scholar; Blumenthal, H., ‘529 and its sequel: What happened to the Academy?’, Byzantion xlviii (1978) 369–85Google Scholar;Glucker, J., Antiochus and the Late Academy (Göttingen 1978) 322–9Google Scholar.

⁴ Marinos, , Procl. 10Google Scholar ((ἵνα γὰρ ἀνόθευτος ἔτι καὶ εἰλικρινὴς σώζηται ἡ Πλάτωνος διαιοχή …). Cf. Augustine, , Acad. iii 18.41Google Scholar: ‘os illud Platonis quod in philosophia purgatissimum est et lucidissimum, dimotis nubibus erroris emicuit, maxime in Plotino, qui platonicus philosophus ita eius similis judicatus est, ut simul eos vixisse, tantum autem interest temporis ut in hoc ille revixisse putandus sit.’

⁵ E.g. Damaskios, , Isid. 151Google Scholar (Epitoma Photiana). Cf. Lévêque, P., Aurea catena Homeri: une étude sur l'allégorie grecque (Paris 1959) esp. 41–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Glucker (n. 3) 306–22. The same image was adopted by Christian writers: see, e.g., Symeon the New Theologian, Keph. iii 4Google Scholar ((χρυσῆ ἅλυσις)).

⁶ Damaskios, , Isid. 95Google Scholar (EP). Ibid. 96 (ἀνέκαιον ὁσίῳ πυρὶ τοὺς βωμούς) must refer to the cultic preoccupations of the ἱερὰ γενεά.

⁷ Ibid. 150 (EP).

⁸ Ibid. 36 (EP), and Cf. fr. 77 (Zintzen). But the Neoplatonists were far from being the first to recognize Plato's divinity: see, e.g., Apuleius, , De Plat, i 2, ii 7Google Scholar, and Riginos, A. S., Platonica: the anecdotes concerning the life and writings of Plato (Leiden 1976) 9–32Google Scholar.

⁹ Hierokles, ap. Phot., , Bibl. 251.461aGoogle Scholar. Cf. Julian, , or. xi 136bcGoogle Scholar: ῾῾Ομηρός τε καὶ ῾Ησίοδος . . . ἐπιπνοίᾳθείᾳ καθάπερ οἱ μάντεις ἐνθουσιῶντες πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν.

¹⁰ Olympiodoros, , in Alc. 1–2Google Scholar (ad init.).

¹¹ See, e.g., Corp., Herm. xiii 1Google Scholar; Nag Hammadi Codex vi 6.54, 62–3Google Scholar ( = Parrott, D. M., ed., Nag Hammadi codices V.2–5 and VI, with Papyrus Berolinensis 8302, 1 and 4 [Leiden 1979] 350–2, 370Google Scholar).

¹² Damaskios, , Isid. 36Google Scholar, and Cf. 35 (EP). For a similar view of Aristotle, see the alchemical treatise by Zosimos of Panopolis (early fourth century), preserved in Syriac in Cambridge University Library MS. Mm. 6.29 (trans. Duval, R., ap. Berthelot, M., La chimie au moyen âge ii [Paris 1893] 264Google Scholar): ‘Quoique philosophe pour les choses visibles, il n'a pas bien distingué l'existence des choses invisibles, c'est-à-dire celle des intelligences ou substances spirituelles…. Il n'était pas non plus l'EspritSaint; mais c'était un homme mortel, une intelligence mortelle et un corps mortel. C'était le plus brillant parmi les êtres non lumineux, mis en contraste avec les êtres incorporels. Il possédait un pouvoir d'appropriation ou de résistance sur les êtres corporels et non lumineux, autres que les intelligences supérieures et les grands corps célestes. Comme il était mortel, il ne put s'élever jusqu'à la sphère céleste; il ne sut pas non plus s'en rendre digne. C'est pourquoi sa science et ses actes demeurèrent dans la région inférieure à cette sphère.’

¹³ Julian, ep. 89b.300d–301a, 301c.

¹⁴ Id., or. viii 162 cd. Cf. Marinos, , Procl. 13Google Scholar, on the ‘preliminary and minor mysteries’ of Aristotle.

¹⁵ Damaskios, , Isid. 33Google Scholar, and Cf. 35 (EP).

¹⁶ Ibid. 17 (EP).

¹⁷ David, , In Porph. (proem.) 4, p. 92.2–7Google Scholar (Busse). Cf. Aineias of Gaza, Theoph. 634Google Scholar (PG lxxxv 896bGoogle Scholar); and Damaskios, , Isid. 35Google Scholar (EP) on Isidore's eschewal of πολυμαθία.

¹⁸ E.g. Julian, ep. 12, and Cf. orr. vii 217b; xi 146a, 157c; Libanios, or. lii 21 and ep. 1466.4. Other references are assembled by Zeller, E. and Mondolfo, R., La filosofia dei Greci nel suo sviluppo storico iii.6 (Florence 1961) 5 n 6Google Scholar. On Julian as ἔνθεος, see Himerios, or xli 8.

¹⁹ Cf. Dörrie, H., ‘Die Religiosität des Platonismus im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert nach Christus’, Entr. Hardt xxi (1975) 257–81Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Cumont, F., Lux perpetua (Paris 1949) 149–56Google Scholar; Dörrie, H., RE xxiv 270–6Google Scholar.

²¹ Leemans, E.-A., Studie over den wijsgeer Numenius van Apamea met uitgave der fragmenten = Acad. roy. de Belg., Mem. de la Cl. des Lett. xxxvii. 2 (Brussels 1937) 85–6Google Scholar, 153. Cf. Longinos ap. Porphyry, , Plot. 20.71–3Google Scholar (and Cf. 21.5–6); Porph., , VP 53Google Scholar; Arnobius, , Adv. nat. ii 13Google Scholar; Marinos, , Procl. 28.Google Scholar

²² Lucian, , Vit. auct. 2Google Scholar, has Hermes, who is trying to auction off a Pythagorean, demand: τίς ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον εἶναι βούλεται.

²³ See most recently Bowie, E. L., ‘Apollonius of Tyana: tradition and reality’, ANRW ii.16(2) (Berlin 1978) 1652–99Google Scholar. On Plotinos' chronology, see Barnes, T. D., ‘The chronology of Plotinus' life’, GRBS xvii (1976) 65–70Google Scholar; and Schwyzer, H.-R., RE Suppl. xv 313–15Google Scholar.

²⁴ Philostratos, , VA i 3Google Scholar; Dion Kassios lxxvii 18.4; HA, Sev. Alex. 29.2.

²⁵ Speyer, W.,‘Zum Bild des Apollonios von Tyana bei Heiden und Christen’, JbAC xvii (1974) 47–63Google Scholar; Jones, C. P., ‘An epigram on Apollonius of Tyana’, JHS c (1980) 190–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Neoplatonists make specific reference to Apollonios surprisingly rarely: Porph., , Chr.fr. 4Google Scholar, Abst. ii 34.2Google Scholar (cf. Bouffartigue, J.–Patillon, M., Porphyre, De I'abstinence ii [Paris 1979] 30–4Google Scholar), iii 3.6; Iamblichos, , VP 35.254Google Scholar; and below, n. 27.

²⁶ Libanios, or. xvi 56.

²⁷ Eunapios, , VP ii 1.3–4Google Scholar, xxiii 1.8.

²⁸ Ibid. v, vi 11.11.

²⁹ Marinos, , Procl. 38 (trans. Rosán, L. J.)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Orac. Chald.frr. 110, 219; Iamblichos, Myst. passim.

³¹ Iamblichos, , Myst. iii 7.114–8.117Google Scholar (esp. 114), 25.158–9.

³² Eunapios, , VP vi 9.2Google Scholar; and Cf. vii 2 on the contrasting approach of two of Aidesios' pupils, Eusebios of Myndos and Maximos of Ephesos.

³³ [Olympiodoros, ], in Phd. p. 123.3–6 (Norvin)Google Scholar. (Westerink, L. G., Damascius: Lectures on the Philebus Wrongly Attributed to Olympiodorus [Amsterdam 1959] xv–xxGoogle Scholar argues that this part of the commentary originated with Damaskios.) Cf. Damaskios, , Isid. 132Google Scholar (EP), frr. 3, 213. On Iamblichos' doctrine of the philosopher-priest, see below.

³⁴ See below.

³⁵ See Marinos, , Procl. 9–10Google Scholar on Proklos' experiences in Alexandria.

³⁶ Julian, or. iii 82b. Cf. a decree of c. A.D. 200 honouring a citizen of Olbia, who αὐτοφυῆ φι λοσοφίαν ἀσύνκριτον ἐκτήσατο (Latyschev, B., ed., Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini graecae et latinae i ² [Petersburg 1916] no. 42Google Scholar); Synesios, , Dion 9.48c–50aGoogle Scholar, esp. 49c: μάτην ἄν οὗτοι πονοῖεν καὶ ἀποτρίχοιντο, οἷς οὔτε αὐτοφυής ἐστι νοῦς οὔτε ἐπίκτητος; and the other references collected by Nock, A. D., ‘Orphism or popular philosophy?’, Harv TheolR xxxiii (1940) 301–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Essays on religion and the ancient world, ed. Stewart, Z. (Oxford 1972) 503–15Google Scholar. The idea of the natural philosopher should not, however, be confused with the widespread custom of using the epithet φιλόσοφος/philosophus as a mere synonym for ‘good’ or ‘wise’ (e.g. IG v.i 598–9Google Scholar, xii.5 292).

³⁷ Plotinos ii 9.10.12–14, 7.7.10–17; v 1.8.10–14. Cf. Longinos ap. Porph., Plot. 20.68–73Google Scholar, and Proklos (quoted above, p. 34) on the Neoplatonists as οἱ τῆς Πλατωνικῆς ἐποπτείας ἐξηγηταί.

³⁸ Fowden, G., ‘The Platonist philosopher and his circle in late antiquity’, Philosophia vii (1977) 359–83Google Scholar. See also id., ‘Pagan philosophers in late antique society: with special reference to Iamblichus and his followers’ (D.Phil, thesis, Oxford 1979), in course of revision for publication.

³⁹ Pythagoreans: Porph., VP 37Google Scholar; Iamblichos, , VP 6.29–30Google Scholar. Neoplatonists: Porph., Plot. 7.1–2Google Scholar; Marinos, , Procl. 38Google Scholar. See also Philodemos, , Ind. Sto. 41.4–5Google Scholar (Traversa).

⁴⁰ Fowden, (art. cit. n. 38) 371–2Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Eunapios, , VP vi 9.1–14Google Scholar.

⁴² Ibid. v 1.4–5 (Iamblichos), vi 4.7 (Aidesios).

⁴³ Porph., , Plot. 3Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Julian calls Maximos his καθηγεμών in epp. 89a.452a, 89b.298b, and or. vii 235bc.

⁴⁵ Libanios, orr. xiii 10–12; xviii 13–15, 18. On Julian's studies in Pergamon and Ephesos see Eunapios, , VP vii 1.9–2.13Google Scholar; and on the chronology of this period of his life, Borries, E. v., RE x 30–2Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ πρόσεχε τοῖς βιβλίοις , ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐμήνυσας ὄν ἐζήτουν—the Plotinian reminiscence is doubtless Eunapios' (vii 2.12).

⁴⁷ Marinos, , Procl. 9–10Google Scholar. For a first-century parallel to the difficulty experienced by Plotinos and Proklos in finding suitable teachers in Alexandria, Cf. POxy. 2190.

⁴⁸ Porph., , Plot. 7Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Plotinos ii 9.10.3–14; Porph., , Plot. 16Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Amm. Marc, xiv 6.18, xxviii 4.14–15.

⁵¹ Servius (the Vergilian commentator) and Macrobius, though familiar with Neoplatonist doctrines, are now assigned to the first half of the fifth century. On them, and on Marius Victorinus, see Cameron, A., ‘Paganism and literature in late fourth century Rome’, Entr. Hardt xxiii (1977) 19–26Google Scholar. The Neoplatonist doctrines expounded by Praetextatus in Macrobius, , Sat. i 17–24Google Scholar (references to Plotinos and Porphyry at i 17.3, 70) were surely foisted on him by Macrobius himself.

⁵² Julian, , Gal. 131cGoogle Scholar, pronounces the provincial west a virtual philosophical wilderness; Cf. epp. 8 (ἐσμὲν ἐκβεβαρβαρωμένοι διὰ τὰ χωρία) 13 (ἡ τῶν).

⁵³ Eunapios, , VP v 1.1Google Scholar; Dillon, J., Iamblichi Chalcidensis in Platonis dialogos commentariorum fragmenta (Leiden 1973) 5–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ Vita Rabulae p. 160 (ed. Overbeck, J. J., S. Ephraemi Syri Rabulae episcopi Edesseni Balaei aliorumque opera selecta [Oxford 1865]Google Scholar; trans. Bickell, G., Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Kirchenväter Aphraates, Rabulas und Isaak v. Ninive [Kempten 1874] 168Google Scholar), referring to the mid- to late-fourth century. (I owe this reference to Professor G. W. Bowersock.)

⁵⁵ Dillon (n. 53) 7–13. I would assign less weight than Dillon (and Barnes, T. D., ‘A correspondent of Iamblichus’, GRBS xix [1978] 105Google Scholar) to Malalas's, John assertion, Chron. xii 312Google Scholar (Dindorf), that Iamblichos lived and taught at Daphne near Antioch. The passage is confused, and Libanios, the quintessential Antiochene patriot, firmly associates Iamblichos with Apamea.

⁵⁶ Amm. Marc, xiv 8.8.

⁵⁷ Noumenios: Amelios ap. Porph., , Plot. 17.18Google Scholar. Amelios: Porph., , Plot. 2.32–3, 3.44–8Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Zeus-Belos: Balty, J. and Balty, J. C., ‘Apamée de Syrie, archéologie et histoire. i. Des origines a la Tétrarchie’, ANRW ii.8 (Berlin 1977) 129 n. 184Google Scholar. Fourth-century paganism: Libanios, epp. 1351.3, 1391.1; or. xlviii 14. Markellos: Fowden, G., ‘Bishops and temples in the eastern Roman empire A.D. 320–435’, JThS xxix (1978) 64–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Liebeschuetz, W., ‘Epigraphic evidence on the Christianisation of Syria’, in Fitz, J., ed., Limes: Akten des XI. Internationalen Limeskongresses (Székesfehérvár, 30.8.–6.9.1976) (Budapest 1977) 494–5Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Eunapios, , VP v 3.10Google Scholar: καὶ ἐτελεύτα … ῾Ιάμβλιχος . . . πολλὰς ῥίζας τε καὶ πηγὰς φιλοσοφίας ἀφείς.

⁶¹ Ibid. v 1.4–5.

⁶² Ibid. vi 2. O n the date of Iamblichos' death, see Barnes (n. 55) 104–6.

⁶³ Eunapios, , VP vi 4Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Ibid. vi 4.7, vii 1.10. That Maximos was a native of Ephesos is explicitly stated, not by Eunapios, but by Amm. Marc, xxix 1.42.

⁶⁵ Eunapios, , VP vi 4.5–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Lucian, , Epigr. 43Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VA i 7Google Scholar, VS 594. Eusebios, , VC iv 43.4Google Scholar, and Basil, epp. 74.3, 76, are more generous, the former with reference though to Christian learning, and the latter involved in special pleading.

⁶⁷ See though IGRom. iv 468Google Scholar; and Habicht, C., Die Inschriften des Asklepieions (Ahertümer von Pergamon viii.3) (Berlin 1969) 76–9Google Scholar (no. 34), with Robert's, L. qualifications, Bull. Epig. (1973) 375Google Scholar ( = REG lxxxvi [1973] 141–2Google Scholar).

⁶⁸ Habicht (n. 67) 18–20; Foss, C., ‘Archaeology and the “Twenty Cities” of Byzantine Asia’, AJA lxxxi (1977) 479–80Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ I.e. between Julian's departure for Ephesos and his elevation to the rank of Caesar: Eunapios, , VP vii 3.6Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Ibid. vi 1.5–6, 10.10; viii 1.1–2.

⁷¹ In this respect, the careers of Iamblichos' pupils Dexippos and the younger Sopatros (see PLRE i, s.vv. Dexippus 1, Sopater 2) are suggestive. Dexippos had a number of pupils (in Cat. 4.13–14 Busse), though it cannot be proved that he taught in Apamea.

⁷² Eunapios, , VP vii 1.14, 2.12–13Google Scholar.

⁷³ On the invitation and its sequel: Ibid. vii 3.9–4.9, xxiii 2.1–7; and, for confirmation that Maximos (at least) had remained in Ephesos during the 350s, Cf. Libanios, orr. xv 50, xviii 155; Gregory of Nazianzos, or. V 20(αἱ κατὰ τὴν᾿Ασίαν διατριβαί); Amm. Marc, xxii 7.3.

⁷⁴ Eunapios, , VP vii 4.13–6.1Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Ibid. x 8.3; xxiii 1.1; 4.4; 6.3, 8. Note also the reference at xxiii 4.3 to learned circles in Sardis.

⁷⁶ Ibid. xxiv 1–2.

⁷⁷ On the (at present uneven) evidence for intellectual life in the cities of western Asia Minor, see Bowersock, G. W., Greek sophists in the Roman empire (Oxford 1969) 17–29Google Scholar; Habicht (n. 67) 150–1; and Nutton, V., ‘L. Gellius Maximus, physician and procurator’, CQ xxi (1971) 263–5Google Scholar. On paganism in Ephesos, see Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: a Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979) 30–2Google Scholar; and in Sardis, id., Byzantine and Turkish Sardis (Cambridge, Mass. 1976) 28–9.

⁷⁸ Libanios, or. xviii 306.

⁷⁹ Marinos, , Procl. 36Google Scholar; Cf. Damaskios, , Isid. 290Google Scholar (EP).

⁸⁰ Julian, ad Ath. 275a (cf. Libanios, orr. xii 38, xv 36)—and, on Greece in general, or. ii 118d–119a (cf. Libanios, or. xiv 27); Philostratos, , VS 603Google Scholar (Proklos of Naukratis τὴν ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ἡσυχίαν ἠσπάσατο); Himerios, or. Iix; Gregory of Nazianzos, or. xliii 14 (Basil ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν λόγων ἔδαφος τὰς ᾿Αθήνας . . . πέμπεται . . . ᾿Αθήνας τὰς χρυσᾶς ὄντως ἐμοί, καὶ τῶν καλῶν προξένους); Synesios, ep. 56 (Garzya); HA, Sev. 3.7 (‘[Severus] Athenas petiit studiorum sacrorumque causa et operum ac vetustatum’).

⁸¹ Cf. Millar, F., ‘P. Herennius Dexippus: the Greek world and the third-century invasions’, JRS Iix (1969) 12–29Google Scholar, esp. 16–21, 29; and below.

⁸² I. Travlos, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν (Athens 1960) 136–46; id., ῾Χριστιανικαὶ ᾿Αθῆναι᾿ Θρησκευτικὴ καὶ ἠθικὴ ἐγκυκλοπαιδεία i (Athens 1962) 721–32, esp. 730–1; Frantz, A., ‘From paganism to Christianity in the temples of Athens’ in Dumbarton Oaks Papers xix (1965) 185–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Travlos's dating of the earliest Athenian basilicas to the fifth century is now regarded as optimistic. (I am indebted to Professor D. Pallas and Dr J. Binder for discussing the archaeology of early Christian Athens with me.)

⁸³ Themistios, or. xxvii 336c–337c. For negative comments on the intellectual atmosphere of fourthcentury Athens, see Libanios, or. i 17, 23 (and Eunapios, , VP xvi 1.6Google Scholar), ep. 742.1; Gregory of Nazianzos, or. xliii 18 (recording Basil's disillusion); Synesios, epp. 56, 136.

⁸⁴ Porph., , Plot. 19–20Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Eunapios, , VP iv 1.3Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Porph., , Plot. 14.19–20, 15.18–21Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Ibid. 17–18.

⁸⁸ Julian, ep. 12. On Iamblichos' criticism of Theodore, see Deuse, W., Theodoros von Asine: Sammlung der Testimonien und Kommentar (Wiesbaden 1973) 1Google Scholar; 62 n. 53.

⁸⁹ See the passage quoted at the beginning of this article.

⁹⁰ Proklos, , in Tim. 225aGoogle Scholar; Cf. Deuse (n. 88) 20.

⁹¹ Ibid. 12–20.

⁹² Themistios, or. xxiii 295b–296a: θεραπεύων δὲ οὐ τὴν νέαν ᾡδήν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πάτριον καὶ ἀρχαίαν τῆς ᾿Ακαδημίας καὶ τοῦ Λυκείου. Cf. or. xxxiv 12: οὐδὲ . . .τὴν ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις φιλοσοφίαν (Neoplatonism: see below, p. 56) εἱλόμην . . . ἀλλ᾿ ἀρχαίαν μελέτην. Iamblichos' third Greek pupil, Euphrasios (Eunapios, , VP v 1.5Google Scholar), of whom nothing further is known, should perhaps be identified with the anonymous of Sikyon.

⁹³ Ibid. viii 1.10.

⁹⁴ The most elaborate version of this misconception is Evrard, E., ‘Le maître de Plutarque d'Athènes et les origines du néoplatonisme Athénien’, AntClass xxix (1960) 108–33, 301–406Google Scholar, who omits even to mention the presence in Athens of the younger Iamblichos (on whom see below).

⁹⁵ Marinos, , Procl. 10Google Scholar. Proklos was aged twenty when he arrived in Athens, and had been born either in 410 or 412 (see Evrard, E., ‘La date de la naissance de Proclus le neoplatonicien’, AntClass xxix [1960] 137–41Google Scholar).

⁹⁶ See Damaskios, , Isid. 151Google Scholar (EP): δεδιὼς δ᾿ ὁ Πρόκλος περὶ τῇ Πλάτωνος χρυσῇ τῷ ὄντι σειρᾷ, μὴ ἡμῖν ἀπολίπῃ τὴν πόλιν τὴν πόλιν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς; and Cf. 227–8, 230.

⁹⁷ Marinos, , Procl. 11 (trans. Rosán, )Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Ibid. 30–3, 36.

⁹⁹ Ibid. 36 (trans. Rosán, with modifications).

¹⁰⁰ See Meyerhof, M., ‘Von Alexandrien nach Bagdad. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des philosophischen und medizinischen Unterrichts bei den Arabern’, Sb. der preuss. Akad. der Wiss., Phil.-hist. Kl. (1930) 389–429Google Scholar; and, for a general account of the relationship between Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism, Marrou, H. I., ‘Synesius of Cyrene and Alexandrian Neoplatonism’ in Momigliano, A., ed., The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford 1963) 126–50Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Amm. Marc, xxii 16.17–18; Expos, tot. mundi 37; Julian, ep. 58. Cf. Robert, L., ‘Hellenica’, RPh xiii (1939) 173 n. 3Google Scholar.

¹⁰² See Westerink, L. G., Anonymous Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy (Amsterdam 1962) ix–xxxiiGoogle Scholar; also Saffrey, H.-D., ‘Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'école d'Alexandrie au IV^e siècle’, REG lxvii (1954) 396–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁴ Cf. PLRE ii, s.v. Damascius 2.

¹⁰⁵ On Heraiskos and Asklepiades see especially Damaskios, , Isid. 107Google Scholar (EP), frr. 160–4, 174; id., De princ. i 324 (Ruelle). We owe the reconstitution of this family to Maspero, J., ‘Horapollon et la fin du paganisme égyptien’, BIFAO xi (1914) 163–95Google Scholar. For the basic biographies of its members, and of other figures mentioned in the following paragraphs, see PLRE ii, s.vv.

¹⁰⁶ Cf. Cameron, Alan, ‘Wandering poets: a literary movement in Byzantine Egypt’, Historia xiv (1965) 470–509Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ P. Cair. Masp. 67295.I.13–17 = Maspero (n. 105) 165–6.

¹⁰⁸ See Marinos, , Procl. 19, 36Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Damaskios, , Isid.fr. 161Google Scholar: ὁ δ᾿ ἕτερος [Asklepiades] ὅμως τῆς τοῦ ἑτέρου [Heraiskos] κατὰ πολὺ ἐλείπετο φύσεως ἤ ἐπιστήμης.

¹¹⁰ Ibid. 97–102 (EP) offers suggestive parallels with Horapollon's Hieroglyphica.

¹¹¹ See n. 193.

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¹¹³ See, e.g. ibid.fr. 138; Zacharias Scholastikos, Vita Severi (ed. Kugener, M.-A., PO ii 7–115Google Scholar) pp. 16, 22.

¹¹⁴ Damaskios, , Isid. 243Google Scholar (EP)=fr. 80.

¹¹⁵ Ibid. 8, 11–17, 28 (EP). Note the reserved tone of (e.g.) 13, 30 (EP).

¹¹⁶ Zach. Schol., Sev. p. 22Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Damaskios, , Isid.frr. 34, 41, 287Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ References in PLRE ii, s.v. Asclepiodotus 3; and cf. below.

¹¹⁹ Zach. Schol., Sev. pp. 16–17Google Scholar.

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¹²⁰ On paganism in fifth-century Aphrodisias see (apart from the references listed by PLRE ii, loc. cit.) Damaskios, , Isid.fr. 222Google Scholar (on Hilarios); Zach. Schol., Sev. pp. 14, 36-7, 39–44Google Scholar; Cormack, R., ‘The classical tradition in the Byzantine provincial city: the evidence of Thessalonike and Aphrodisias’ in Mullett, M. and Scott, R., eds, Byzantium and the classical tradition. Univ. of Birmingham Thirteenth Spring Symposium of Byz. Stud.1979 (Birmingham 1981) 108–10Google Scholar. With Damaskios'reference to paganism in nearby Lydia, Cf. Proklos' visit to that region (Marinos, loc. cit.).

¹²¹ Augustine, , Civ. Dei x 27Google Scholar. Cf. Diod., Sic. ii 29.5Google Scholar; Apuleius, , Flor. 20Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VA vi 36Google Scholar.

¹²² See Petit, P., Libanius et la vie munkipale à Antioche au IV^e siecle apres J.-C. (Paris 1955) 359–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²³ Porph., , Abst. i 27.1Google Scholar; and Cf. Origen, , Cels. 6.1–2Google Scholar; Lactantius, , Inst. iii 25Google Scholar; Symmachus, Rel. 5.1 (‘Inter praecipua negotiorum saepe curatum est, ut erudiendis nobilibus praeceptores ex Attica poscerentur’).

¹²⁴ Eunapios, , VP x 3.3–7Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ See, e.g., Themistios, or. xxi 248a–250b. Eunapios pointedly describes one of his bêtes noires, Ablabios (who encompassed the downfall and death of Sopatros), as of γένος . . .ἀδοξότατον, καὶ τὰ ἐκ πατέρων τοῦ μετρίου καὶ φαύλου ταπεινότερα (vi 3.1); and Cf. Amm. Marc, xxix 2.22 on Festus, ‘ultimi sanguinis et ignoti’, who killed Maximos of Ephesos. Julian found it necessary to warn against mistaking accidents of birth for true virtue: or. iii 81a, 82bc, 83a–84a.

¹²⁶ We know almost nothing about the social background of the third-century Neoplatonists. The idea that Ammonios was called Σακκᾶς because he used to carry sacks of wheat is unattested before the late and unsympathetic Christian writer Theodoretos of Kyrrhos, , Affect. 6.60Google Scholar. Harder, R., ‘Zur Biographie Plotins’ in Kl. Schriften (Munich 1960) 280–2Google Scholar, argues that Plotinos' family may have been well-connected, perhaps through commercial dealings, with the Roman senatorial circles in which the philosopher later moved so freely. Eunapios, , VP iv 1.1Google Scholar, observes that Πορ- φυρίῳ . . . πατέρες δὲ οὐκ ἄσημοι.

¹²⁷ Ibid. v I. I (κατὰ γένος μὲν ἐπιφανὴς καὶ τῶν ἁβρῶν καὶ τῶν εὐδαιμόνων), 12 (προάστεια); v 3.4 (Alypios). It has been suggested that a building richly decorated with mosaics with philosophical themes and recently excavated at Apamea may have been connected with Iamblichos' school (though probably some decades after the death of the Master himself): Baity, J. and Baity, J. C., ‘Julien et Apamée; aspects de la restauration de l'hellenisme et de la politique antichretienne de l'empereur’, DialHistAnc i (1974) 267–304Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Damaskios ap. Phot., , Bibl. 181.126aGoogle Scholar, refers to Σαμψιγέραμος . . . καὶ Μόνιμος , εἰς οὕς ἀνάγεται καὶ ᾿Ιάμβλιχος. Syrian epigraphy attests the names Sampsigeramos, Monimos and Iamblichos mainly, though not quite exclusively, in the Emesa region; and the names Sampsigeramos and Iamblichos, and perhaps Monimos too, all occur in the princely house of Emesa (see Chad, C., Les dynastes d'Emèse [Beirut 1972] 93–9, 133–45Google Scholar). That the philosopher Iamblichos, although a native of Chalkis, was related to this house, seems not unlikely. It is especially beguiling to speculate on the possibility of a connection between Damaskios' Sampsi- geramos, ἀνὴρ τὰ πρῶτα τῆς εἰδωλολατρούσης ἀσεβείας ἀπενεγκάμενος (Photios' words), and Sampsigeramos of Emesa, priest of Aphrodite, who defended his city against Persian attack in 253 (Malalas, John, Chron. xii 296–7Google Scholar). For the date, and the possibility that Sampsigeramos was identical with the usurping emperor Uranius Antoninus, see Baldus, H. R., Uranius Antoninus. Münzprägung und Geschichte (Bonn 1971) 229–69Google Scholar, and Rey-Coquais, J.-P., ‘Syrie romaine, de Pompée à Dioclétien’,JRS lxviii (1978) 57–8Google Scholar. For other interpretations of the passage from Damaskios, see Dillon, , Iamblichi…fragmenta 4–5Google Scholar, and PLRE ii, s.v. Theodora 6.

¹²⁹ Eunapios, , VP vi 1.1Google Scholar (Αἰδέσιος . . .ἦν δὲ τῶν εὖ γεγονότων εἰς ἄκρον), vi 6.6 (Sosipatra πατέρων δὲ ἦν καὶ γένους εὐδαίμονός τε καὶ ὀλβίου), vii 1.4 (Maximos ἦν . . .τῶν εὖ γεγονότων). On their economic background, see Ibid. vi 1.1, 4.6 (Aidesios), vi 6.7, 9.1 (Sosipatra), vii 1.4 (Maximos). Cf. also Lactantius', reference, Inst. v 2.3Google Scholar, to a rich and avaricious—but unfortunately anonymous—philosopher of Nicomedia.

¹³⁰ Eunapios, , VP xxiii 1.3Google Scholar. Another Iamblichan known to have been of curial rank was the younger Sopatros (PLRE i, Sopater 2).

¹³¹ Plutarch: PLRE i, s.v. Plutarchus 5. Proklos: Marinos, , Procl. 6Google Scholar. On their wealth, see below.

¹³² Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 222, 351Google Scholar.

¹³³ Ibid. 119, 160 (EP); frr. 98, 189.

¹³⁴ Brown, P., ‘The rise and function of the holy man in late antiquity’, JRS lxi (1971) 94–5Google Scholar, esp. n. 182, quoting Apophth. Patr., Arsenios 5 (PG lxv 89aGoogle Scholar): ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων πόνων ἐκτήσαντο τὰς ἀρετάς.

¹³⁵ Zosimos iv 18 (with F. Paschoud's nn. ad loc.).

¹³⁶ Marinos, , Procl. 28Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Libanios, orr. xv 71, xviii 177.

¹³⁸ Eunapios, , VP v 1.12Google Scholar. Cf. Philostratos, , VA vii 38Google Scholar: when the imprisoned Apollonios breaks his fetters, τότε πρῶτον ὁ Δάμις φησὶν ἀκριβῶς ξυνεῖναι τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίου φύσεως, ὅτι θεία τε εἴη καὶ κρείττων ἀνθρώπου, μὴ γὰρ θύσαντα, . . .μηδ᾿ εὐξάμενόν τι μηδὲ εἰπόντα καταγελάσαι τοῦ δεσμοῦ….

¹³⁹ See, e.g., Athanasios, , V. Anton. 38, 49, 56, 58Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ E.g. Philostratos, loc. cit.; Porph., , Plot. 10Google Scholar (manifestation of Plotinos' personal daimon); Eunapios, , VP v 1.12–2.9Google Scholar, vi 11.11.

¹⁴¹ Themistios, orr. xvii 214b, xxxi 352cd, xxxiv 29.

¹⁴² Ps.-Julian, ep. 184.417d–418a. It is also possible that Sopatros undertook his journey in a private capacity, as Iamblichos' representative, to encourage Licinius to resist Constantine's pro–Christian policies: Cf. Barnes (n. 55) 99–106.

¹⁴³ Eunapios, , VP vii 3.14–15Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ Julian, ep. 30.

¹⁴⁵ Lacombrade, C., Synésios de Cyrène, hellène et chrétien (Paris 1951) 84–130Google Scholar. (For an example of a holy man involved in an imperial embassy, see Eunapios, , VP vi 5Google Scholar, on Eustathios at the Persian court.)

¹⁴⁶ Cameron, Alan, ‘Iamblichus at Athens, Athenaeum xlv (1967) 143–53Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ IG ii/iii ²3818Google Scholar; Blumenthal, , Byzantion xlviii (1978) 373–5Google Scholar. On Neoplatonist support for the Panathenaia, Cf. also Damaskios, , Isid. fr. 273Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Marinos, , Procl. 14Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Damaskios, , Isid. fr. 189Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ Marrou, H.-I., Histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquite⁷ (Paris 1971) 439–42Google Scholar; Parsons, P. J., ‘The grammarian's complaint’ in Hanson, A. E., ed., Collectanea papyrologica: texts published in honor of H. C. Youtie ii (Bonn 1976) 409–46Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Dion Kassios lxxi 31.3; Lucian, , Eun. 3Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VS 566–7Google Scholar. For the date, see Arnim, H. v., RE i 2301Google Scholar; Oliver, J. H., Marcus Aurelius. Aspects of Civic and Cultural Policy in the East, Hesp. suppl. xiii (Princeton 1970) 80–4Google Scholar; and cf. id., ‘Marcus Aurelius and the philosophical schools at Athens’, AJP cii (1981) 213–25.

¹⁵² Cameron, Alan, ‘The end of the ancient universities’, Cah. d'hist. mon. x (1967) 658Google Scholar. On the particularly controversial case of fifth-century Alexandria, see Hadot (n. 103) 11.

¹⁵³ I doubt now whether there is sufficient evidence to justify my own suggestion (art. cit. n. 38) 377, that Aidesios, and perhaps Sosipatra too, held official chairs at Pergamon.

¹⁵⁴ On the origin of these immunities, see Bowersock (n. 77) 30–42, qualified by Griffin's, M. review, JRS lxi (1971) 279–80Google Scholar. Cf. also Nutton, V., JRS lxi (1971) 52–63Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁵ Dig. xxvii 1.6.7Google Scholar (Antoninus Pius); Dion Kassios lxxviii 7.3 (Caracalla); Dig. l 5.8.4. (Papinian), 13.1.4 (Ulpian); Fragmenta Iuris Romani Vaticana (ed. Seckel, E. and Kuebler, B., Iurisprudentiae anteiustinianae reliquiae⁶ ii. 2 [Leipzig 1927]) 149Google Scholar; Cod. Just. x 42.6Google Scholar (Diocletian and Maximian); Cod. Theod. xiii 3.7Google Scholar (Valentinian and Valens). But Valentinian's edict allows for some exceptions; and the survival of philosophical immunities is confirmed by PLips. 47, Symmachus, , Rel. 5.3Google Scholar, and Cod. Theod. xiii 3.16.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Plotinos and Iamblichos probably taught in their own homes (Porph., , Plot. 9Google Scholar; Eunapios, , VP v 1.12Google Scholar); Sosipatra certainly did (ibid. vi 9.2). The Athenian sophists all taught in their private theatres, because of the hostility of the townspeople: ibid. ix 1.6.

¹⁵⁷ Suda γ166: διὰ μέσου τοῦ ἄστεος ποιουμένη τάς προόδους ἐξηγεῖτο δημοσίᾳ τοῖς ἀκροᾶσθαι βουλομένοις.

¹⁵⁸ Marinos, , Procl. 29Google Scholarad fin.

¹⁵⁹ Ibid. 16.

¹⁶⁰ Philostratos, , VA i 16Google Scholar, iv 19.

¹⁶¹ Marinos, , Procl. 15Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Porph., , Plot. 10.33–8Google Scholar (ἐκείνους δεῖ πρὸς ἐμὲ ἔρχεσθαι, οὐκ ἐμὲ πρὸς ἐκείνους). Implicit in this remark is the commonplace distinction between God and the daimons: cf. e.g. Zosimos of Panopolis, Τελευταία ἀποχή 8 (ed. Festugière, A. J., La révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste² i [Paris 1950] 367Google Scholar) (μὴ περιρρέμβουο ζντοῦσα θεόν, ἀλλ᾿ οἴκαδε καθέζου, καὶ θεὶς ἥξει πρὸς σὲ ὁ πανταχοῦ ῶν καὶ οὐκ ἐν τόπῳ ἐλαχίστῳ ὡς τὰ δαιμόνια); also Damaskios, , Isid. 38Google Scholar (EP), on Isidore, οὔτε τὰ ἀγάλματα προσκυνεῖν ἐθέλων.

¹⁶³ Cf. Porph., , Abst. ii 49.1Google Scholar (ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ θεοῦ τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἱερεύς), Marc. 16 (μόνος οὖν ἱερεὺς ὁ σοϕός).

¹⁶⁴ Eunapios, , VP v 1.6–8, 12Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ Marinos, , Procl. 19 (trans. Rosán, )Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁶ Eunapios, , VP vi 9.1, 15–17Google Scholar; vi 10.6–11.12.

¹⁶⁷ Ibid. vii 4.9, xxiii 2.7–9 (Chrysanthios); vii 4.7, 12 (Priskos).

¹⁶⁸ Ibid. vii 4.13–6.7.

¹⁶⁹ Marinos, , Procl. 14–15, 23, 29Google Scholar; Saffrey, H.-D., ‘Allusions antichrétiennes chez Proclus: le diadoque platonicien’, RSPh lix (1975) 553–63Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Damaskios, , Isid. 277Google Scholar (EP)= fr. 266.

¹⁷¹ Ibid.fr. 351.

¹⁷² Ibid.frr. 313–14, 317, 334.

¹⁷³ Schol., Zach., Sev. pp. 15–35Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁴ Plotinos i 2.1–3, i 4.15.21–5, iv 7.10.25.

¹⁷⁵ Ibid. iii 2.15.43–53 (trans. S. MacKenna), and cf. ii 9.9.1–11, and Porph., , Plot. 7.19–21, 31–46Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁶ See, e.g., Damaskios, , Isid. 95Google Scholar (EP).

¹⁷⁷ Eunapios, , VP viii 1.5–7Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁸ Ibid. viii 1.8, xxiii 3.12.

¹⁷⁹ Amm. Marc, xxii 7.3–4; Mamertinus, , Grat. act. 28Google Scholar; Libanios, , or. i 129Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ This point of view was expressed, not just by pagan critics (see below), but, as one might expect, by Christians too: cf. Arnobius' portrait of the viri novi, Adv. nat. ii 15–63Google Scholar; Augustine, , Conf. vii 9.13Google Scholar; Magnes, Makarios, Apocr. passim. esp. ii 12Google Scholar, iii proem., iv 25. The topos even reappears in the portrait of Iamblichos (Malīkhā) drawn by the Persian poet Niẓāmī (d. 1202–1203), Haft Paikar 198 ff. (Dūstgardī 1955²; trans. C. E. Wilson [London 1924] 157 ff.).

¹⁸¹ Damaskios, , Isid. 34 (EP)Google Scholar. On Iamblichos' ‘vaingloriousness’, see also Julian, ep. 12. But contrast Eunapios, , VP v 1.6Google Scholar: τὴν μὲν δίαιταν ὤν εὔκολος σαὶ ἀρχαῖος.

¹⁸² Ibid. vi 2.1.

¹⁸³ Ibid. viii 1.9.

¹⁸⁴ Eunapios, , Hist. fr. 19Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁵ Eunapios, , VP vi 9.5, 8Google Scholar; vii 4.2.

¹⁸⁶ Ibid. vii 4.9.

¹⁸⁷ Amm. Marc, xxiii 5.10–11, 14 (trans. J. C. Rolfe).

¹⁸⁸ PLRE i, s.vv., and the table in Fowden, , ‘Pagan philosophers’ (n. 38) 197Google Scholar. Cf. on similar circles Schissel, O., ‘Die Familie des Minukianos. Ein Beitrag zur Personenkunde des neuplatonischen Athen’, Klio xxi (1927) 361–73Google Scholar, and Maspero (n. 105) 163–95, on the Alexandrian family of Heraiskos and Asklepiades, discussed above.

¹⁸⁹ POxy. 3069 (trans. P. J. Parsons). Sarapion is described as a ϕιλόσοϕος in the address on the verso. The phrase καὶ ἐν τοιούψος ὤν πράγμασιν is perhaps a reference to Christian pressures. Parsons suggests a date in the third or fourth century.

¹⁹⁰ Plotinos ii 9.9.26–32, 52–60.

¹⁹¹ Themistios, or. xxviii 342bc.

¹⁹² Eunapios, , VP vi 1.5–6Google Scholar.

¹⁹³ Ibid. viii 1.1–2 (trans. W. C. Wright, with modifications). Cf. Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 60Google Scholar, on Isidore: ἐχέμυθος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ κρυψίνους ἦν; and 317, on Horapollon: οὐκ ἦν τὸ ἦθος φιλόσοφος, ἀλλά τι καὶ ἐν βυθῷ τῆς περὶ θεοῦ δόξης ὦν ᾔδει ἀποκρυπτόμενος.

¹⁹⁴ Strabo xvii 1.29.

¹⁹⁵ Themistios, or. xxviii 341d; and cf. xxxiv 12: οὐδὲ . . .τὴν ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις φιλοσοφίαν εἱλόμην. . .. Some Neoplatonists agreed: Damaskios, , Isid. 296Google Scholar (EP) = fr. 324: οἱ ἐν γωνίᾳ καθήμενοι λόγιοι καὶ πολλὰ φιλοσοφοῦντες εὖ μάλα σεμνῶς περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ σωφροσύνης, ἐκβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀναγκαζόμενοι δεινὰ ἀσχημονοῦσιν.

¹⁹⁶ On ἡσυχία–ἐρημία–ἀναχώρησις see Wilhelm, F., ‘Plutarchos ΠΕΡΙ ΗΣΥΧΙΑΣ (Stob. IV 16, 18 p. 398 f. H.)’, RhM lxxiii (1920–1924) 466–82Google Scholar; Festugière, A. J., Personal Religion Among the Greeks (Berkeley 1954) 53–65Google Scholar. (An important text missed by both writers is Justin, , Dial. 3.1–2.Google Scholar) On Pythagoras, see Porph., , VP 9, 32Google Scholar; Abst. i 36.1; Iamblichos, , VP 5.27Google Scholar; and on the Pythagorean inclination towards ἡσυχία, Lucian, , Vit. auct. 3Google Scholar; Diog. Laert. viii 7, ix 21. Pythagoras' imitator, Apollonios of Tyana, sought out ἡσυχία… πρόσφορος τῷ φιλοσοφήσοντι (Philostratos, , VA i 7Google Scholar), but condemned ἀναχώρησις as betraying a superficial understanding of the spiritual life (ibid. ii 5).

¹⁹⁷ Libanios, ep. 793.3. But cf. Libanios' letter to the younger Iamblichos, quoted below; and n. 203.

¹⁹⁸ Porph., , Plot. 12.3–12, esp. 8–9Google Scholar: ἐκεῖ τε αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἐταίρων ἀναχωρήσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο.

¹⁹⁹ Ibid. 2.17–20, 7.22–3; Maternus, Firmicus, Math. i 7.15Google Scholar.

²⁰⁰ Porph., , Abst. i 36.1Google Scholar.

²⁰¹ Eunapios, , VP v 1.6–10Google Scholar.

²⁰² Ibid. vi 4. Cf. Julian, , ad Ath. 271dGoogle Scholar, on his brother Gallus: εἴ τι περὶ τὸν τρόπον ἅγριον καὶ τραχὺ τὸν ἐκείνου κατεφάνη, τοῦτο ἐκ τῆς ὀρείου τροφῆς (at Makellon in Kappadokia) συνηυξήθη.

²⁰³ Libanios, ep. 1466.2–4; cf. Comp. x 5.22Google Scholar (εἰ δὲ βελτίους αἱ πόλεις, οὐκ ἄν ἐν ῾Ελικῶνι καὶ Πιερίᾳ τὰς Μούσας διατρίβειν ἠκούομεν, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις τῶν πόλεων).

²⁰⁴ See above, p. 47.

²⁰⁵ Julian, ep. 4.

²⁰⁶ Id., ep. 89b.288b.

²⁰⁷ Synesios, epp. 101, 148; and cf. Hymni 1.51–71. See also PKöln inv. 4533 verso (a petition from the scholasticus Ammon of Panopolis, A.D. 348) 9–10: ἡσυχίαν τοίνυν ἀπράγμονα τοῖς ἐν φιλοσοφιᾳ καὶ λόγοις ἀνηγμένοις πρέπειν καὶ αὐτός ἐπιστάμενος (quoted Browne, G. M., ‘Harpocration Panegyrista’, Ill. Class. Stud. ii [1977] 193Google Scholar).

²⁰⁸ See André, J.-M., L'otium dans la vie morale et intellectuelle romaine, des origines à l'époque augustéenne (Paris 1966)Google Scholar; Nisbet, R. G. M. and Hubbard, M., A commentary on Horace: Odes, Book II (Oxford 1978) 252–71Google Scholar (I owe these references to Professor D. R. Shackleton Bailey.)

²⁰⁹ Dem. Const. 20a ( = Schenkl, H., Downey, G., Norman, A. F., Themistii orationes quae supersunt iii [Leipzig 1974] 124)Google Scholar.

²¹⁰ Eunapios, , VP vi 1.5Google Scholar, 10.10; and cf. viii 1.2 on Priskos.

²¹¹ Julian, ep. 26.4153b; Libanios, or. xv 50.

²¹² Libanios, or. 18.19; Aram. Marc. xxii 5.1; and cf. Julian, ep. 33. See also above, n. 189.

²¹³ Julian, ad Them. passim.

²¹⁴ Exceptions are the Riot of the Statues at Antioch in 387 (Chrysostom, John, Stat. 17.2Google Scholar = PG xlix 173–4Google Scholar), and the defence of the Alexandrian Sarapieion by Olympios c. 391 (Sozomen, , HE vii 15.6, 9Google Scholar; Suda O218 = Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 91–2, 94, 97Google Scholar).

²¹⁵ Marinos, , Procl. 30Google Scholar. τὰ ἀκίνητα κινεῖν was proverbial: see Leutsch-Schneidewin, Corp. Paroem. Gr., indices s.v.

²¹⁶ Od. xvii 485–6Google Scholar; cf. Eunapios, , VP vi 7.7Google Scholar.