Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-c4f8m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-24T14:47:58.886Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Let's talk about class: towards an institutionalist typology of class relations in the cities of pre-modern Europe (c. 1200 – c. 1800)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

JEFF FYNN-PAUL*
Affiliation:
Leiden University, Johan Huizingagebouw, Doelensteeg 16, 2311 VL Leiden, The Netherlands

Abstract

For a quarter century, the term ‘class’ has been anathema for most writers of premodern urban history. The term's associations with discredited forms of analysis – forms often dubiously but persistently associated with Marxism – continue to hamper its reintroduction. In the absence of ‘class’, or a term like it, however, meaningful discussion of ‘horizontal’ divisions in urban society has dwindled. The present article suggests that ‘class’ can and should be reintroduced into our analysis, but that this should be done in an informed way, which takes into account the principal possible meanings of the term. To this end, we analyse the ways in which urban historians have employed the term ‘class’ and find four principal usages. Two of these are ‘material’ and two are ‘institutional’. It is further suggested that certain institutions, such as the nobility and town governments in Europe, can be ‘class determining’, insofar as they channel economic and productive differences into effective political, legal and ideological ‘classes’. This insight, and the typology it is based upon, open the possibility for integrating ‘class’ analysis with recent work in both European and Global contexts.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cf. Amelang's, J.Honored Citizens of Barcelona: Patrician Culture and Class Relations, 1490–1714 (Princeton, 1986)Google Scholar vs. Bensch's, S.Barcelona and its Rulers (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar; the latter shows a profound mistrust of these paradigms (e.g. p. 10). Also Nightingale's, PamelaCapitalists, crafts, and constitutional change in late fourteenth-century London’, Past & Present, 124 (1989), 335CrossRefGoogle Scholar, vs. ‘Knights and merchants: trade, politics and the gentry in late medieval England’, Past & Present, 169 (2000), 36–62.

2 Works by certain authors in the modern ‘Belgian School’ come to mind, e.g. Boone, M., ‘The Dutch Revolt and medieval traditions of urban dissent’, Journal of Early Modern History, 11 (2007), 351–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Dumolyn, J. and Haemers, J., ‘Patterns of urban rebellion in medieval Flanders’, Journal of Medieval History, 31 (2005), 369–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dumolyn, J., ‘Later medieval and early modern urban elites: social categories and social dynamics’, in Asenjo-González, M. (ed.), Urban Elites and Aristocratic Behaviour in the Spanish Kingdoms at the End of the Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2013), 320CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Barel, Y., La ville medievale: système social, système urbain (Grenoble, 1977)Google Scholar; Heers, J., Le Clan familial au moyen âge: étude sur les structures politiques et sociales des milieu urbains (Paris, 1974)Google Scholar; Mielants, E.H., The Origins of Capitalism and the Rise of the West (Philadelphia, 2007)Google Scholar.

4 See Christensen, M., ‘The social facts of democracy: science meets politics with Mosca, Pareto, Michels, and Schumpeter’, Journal of Classical Sociology, 13 (2013), 127CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keller, S., Beyond the Ruling Class: Strategic Elites in Modern Society (London, 1963)Google Scholar.

5 See Clark, S., State and Status: The Rise of the State and Aristocratic Power in Western Europe, Introduction (Cardiff, 1995)Google Scholar.

6 Cf. Mousnier, R., Social Hierarchies: 1450 to the Present (New York, 1973)Google Scholar, and Mousnier, R., The Institutions of France under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598–1789, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1979)Google Scholar; and Blum, J., The End of the Old Order in Rural Europe (Princeton, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 See the use of class by Clark, P., European Cities and Towns: 400–2000 (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar.

8 See Cohn, S.K. Jr, Popular Protest in Late Medieval English Towns (Cambridge, 2013), vs. Cohn's restrained use of ‘class’ in his Lust for Liberty (Harvard, 2008)Google Scholar.

9 See discussion by Daileader, P., ‘Catalonia and the Midi: sixty years of medieval urban history (1946–2006)’, Imago temporis: medium aevum, 1 (2007), 3158Google Scholar.

10 For institutionalism, cf. North, D., Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance (Cambridge, 2013)Google Scholar, and North, Understanding the Process of Economic Change (Princeton, 2005). While North maintains a distinction between the ‘rules of the game’ and the ‘players of the game’, our purposes do not require such a fine distinction. For urban institutions and the ‘rise of the west’, see Stasavage, D., States of Credit: Size, Power, and the Development of European Polities (Princeton, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Mielants, Origins of Capitalism.

11 For the role of guilds in this process, which generally remained dependent upon the communal government itself as a basis of their political power, see below.

12 See n. 69 below.

13 For the Ottoman distinctions, Inalcik, H. and Quataert, D., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge, 1994), 16Google Scholar.

14 For the scope of slavery in European cities to 1800, see Fynn-Paul, J., ‘Empire, monotheism, and slavery in the greater Mediterranean region from antiquity to the early modern era’, Past and Present, 205 (2009), 340CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for Iberia, see Phillips, William D. Jr, Slavery in Medieval and Early Modern Iberia (Philadelphia, 2013)Google Scholar.

15 Mielants, Origins of Capitalism, ch. 1.

16 See Hilton, R.H., ‘Introduction’, in Lefebvre, Georgeset al. (eds.), The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism (London, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also Hilton, R.H., English and French Towns in Feudal Society: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, 1992), esp. 1618CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This mirrors Marx's main narrative in Capital, vol. I, chs. 26–31. See also the opening pages of the The German Ideology. But for different roles assigned by the early Marx and by Engels to medieval burghers as ‘primitive capitalists’, ideas which seem to have had a good deal of at least indirect influence in twentieth-century urban historiography, see K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, opening passages.

17 See Howell, M., ‘Pirenne, commerce, and capitalism: the missing parts’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis, 41 (2011), 297322Google Scholar. Also Dumolyn, ‘Later medieval and early modern urban elites’, pp. 4–5. For Weber, Weber M., The City, trans. and ed. Martindale, D. and Neuwirth, G. (New York, 1958)Google ScholarPubMed. For Weber vs. Marx on class, Wright, E.O., Class Counts; Comparative Studies in Class Analysis (Cambridge, 1997), 2937Google Scholar.

18 DuPlessis, R.S. and Howell, M.C., ‘Reconsidering the early modern urban economy: the cases of Leiden and Lille’, Past and Present, 94 (1982), 4984CrossRefGoogle Scholar; For Pirenne continuing Marx, 49; for Pirenne and Dobb, see 50.

19 For Bloch's deliberate statement against materialism as a ‘prime mover’, see Bloch, , Feudal Society, trans. Manyon, L.A. (Chicago, 1962), 59Google Scholar. Yet he begins with the material. Also Braudel, F., Civilization and Capitalism Fifteenth – Eighteenth Century, esp. vol. I: The Structures of Everyday Life (New York, 1981)Google Scholar, defines material structures as ‘limiting the possible’. Carrère, C., Barcelone: centre économique à l'époque des difficultés 1380–1462 (Paris, 1967)Google Scholar.

20 See Rigby, S., ‘Approaches to pre-industrial social structure’, in Denton, J. (ed.), Orders and Hierarchies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Toronto, 1999), 625CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Rigby, S., ‘Historical materialism: social structure and social change in the Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 34 (2004), 473522CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, introductory pages.

22 H. Pirenne, Early Democracies in the Low Countries: Urban Society and Political Conflict in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; also available as Pirenne, H., Belgian Democracy, trans. Saunders, J.V. (London, 1915)Google Scholar. Pirenne, H., Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade, trans. Halsey, F.D. (Princeton, 1969), 219–31Google Scholar, contains explicit references to the opposition of ‘land’ and ‘liquid’ capital, giving rise to separate ‘classes’ of nobles and ‘burghers’, who are also called capitalists.

23 Najemy, J.M., Corporatism and Consensus in Florentine Electoral Politics, 1280–1400 (Durham, NC, 1982)Google Scholar, e.g. 3; Brucker, Gene A., The Civic World of Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar.

24 Amelang, Honored Citizens; Britnell, R.H., Growth and Decline in Colchester, 1300–1525 (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thrupp, S., The Merchant Class of Medieval London (Chicago, 1948)Google Scholar.

25 Engels, F., ‘Über den Verfall des Feudalismus and das Aufkommen der Bourgeoisie’, pub. J.H.W. Dietz, 1947Google Scholar.

26 Britnell, R., ‘Commerce and capitalism in late medieval England’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 6 (1993), 359–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also DuPlessis and Howell, ‘Reconsidering the early modern economy’.

27 Cohn, in Popular Protest, argues that ‘popular protest’ in English cities was more spurred by ‘high politics’ than economic motives – except perhaps in thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Belgium. For the Ciompi, see Lantschner, P., ‘The “Ciompi Revolution” constructed: modern historians and the nineteenth-century paradigm of revolution’, Annali di Storia di Firenze, 4 (2009), 277–97Google Scholar. For Aragon, see Falcòn, M.I., ‘La manufactura del cuero en las principales ciudades de la corona de Aragón (siglos XIII–XV)’, En La España Medieval, 24 (2001), 946Google Scholar, at 13–14.

28 Maarten Prak in ‘Corporate politics in the Low Countries: guilds as institutions, fourteenth to eighteenth centuries’, in Prak, M.et al. (eds.), Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries: Work, Power, and Representation (Ashgate, 2006), 75106Google Scholar, describes the political activity of the guilds as a whole; to equate this with actual popular agitation, is, however, to enter contested terrain, as Prak notes (e.g. 81). Note the reluctance, already by 1992, to use an actual ‘class struggle’ model in Davis, R.C., Shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal (Baltimore, 1991), esp. 174–80Google Scholar. For relative guild power in Europe, see Soly, H., ‘The political economy of European craft guilds: power relations and economic strategies of merchants and master artisans in the medieval and early modern textile industries’, International Review of Social History, 53 (2008), Supplement, 4571CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Besides Cohn, Lust for Liberty, the other major study remains Mollat, M. and Wolff, P.. Ongles Bleus, Jacques et Ciompi: les révolutions populaires en Europe aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Les grandes vagues révolutionnaires (Paris, 1970)Google Scholar.

30 Cohn, Lust for Liberty, 4.

31 On consensus, see Dobson, B., ‘General survey 1300–1540’, in Palliser, D. (ed.), The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. I: 600–1540 (Cambridge, 2000), 273–90Google Scholar.

32 Nightingale, ‘Knights and merchants’; Horrox, R., ‘The urban gentry in the fifteenth century’, in Thomson, J.A.F. (ed.), Towns and Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1988), 2244Google Scholar.

33 Waley, D. and Dean, T., The Italian City Republics, 4th edn (Harlow, 2010)Google Scholar.

34 Herlihy, D. and Klapisch-Zuber, C., Tuscans and their Families: A Study of the Florentine Catasto of 1427 (New Haven, 1985)Google Scholar; Nicholas, D., The Metamorphosis of a Medieval City: Ghent in the Age of the Arteveldes, 1302–1390 (Brill, 1987)Google Scholar.

35 J. Fynn-Paul, ‘Occupation, family, and inheritance in fourteenth-century Barcelona: a socio-economic profile of one of Europe's earliest investing publics’, forthcoming.

36 See Goldberg, P.J.P., Women, Work, and Life Cycle in a Medieval Economy (Oxford, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, utilizing York poll tax records, and also Dyer, C., Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England, c. 1200–1520 (Cambridge, 1989), 195CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Van Zanden, J.L., ‘Tracing the beginning of the Kuznets Curve: western Europe during the early modern period’, Economic History Review, 48 (1995), 643–64Google Scholar.

38 Herlihy, D., Medieval and Renaissance Pistoia (New Haven, 1967), graph p. 187Google Scholar and discussion.

39 For institutions and ‘class struggles’, see Weber, The City, esp. 164–81.

40 E.g. Graves, M.A.R., The Parliaments of Early Modern Europe (Harlow, 2001)Google Scholar.

41 See Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, ‘Nobles or pariahs? The exclusion of Florentine magnates from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 39 (1997), 215–30, esp. 217CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Bisson, Thomas N., ‘The “Feudal Revolution”‘, Past and Present, 142 (1994), 642CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Hilton is also content to emphasize the similar roles of nobles and clerics vis-à-vis the rest of ‘feudal’ society, see e.g. English and French Towns, 17.

44 This idea, of course, goes back to Weber; see The City, esp. ch. 2: ‘The occidental city’.

45 For this in Florence, see Klapisch, ‘Nobles or pariahs?’; also Lansing, C., The Florentine Magnates: Lineage and Faction in a Medieval Commune (Princeton, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For this in Genoa, see Epstein, S.A., Genoa and the Genoese, 958–1528 (Chapel Hill, 1991), 96187Google Scholar. For Catalonia, see Daileader, P., ‘The vanishing consulates of Catalonia’, Speculum, 74 (1999), 6594CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 See e.g. Lansing, The Florentine Magnates.

47 See Nicholas, Metamorphosis of a Medieval City, and Nicholas, D., The Later Medieval City 1300–1500 (London, 1997), 5Google Scholar.

48 One of the more authoritative recent interpretations of this is Najemy, J., A History of Florence (Chichester, 2008), 8195Google Scholar.

49 F. Buylaert, ‘Lordship, urbanisation and social change in late medieval Flanders’, Past and Present (forthcoming); Dumolyn, J., ‘Nobles, patricians, and officers: the making of a regional political elite in late medieval Flanders’, Journal of Social History, 40 (2006), 431–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50 This is chronicled in Narbona, R., Valencia, municipio medieval: poder politico y luchas ciudadanas (1239–1418) (Valencia, 1995)Google Scholar.

51 See Ruiz, T.F., Spain's Centuries of Crisis: 1300–1474 (Chichester, 2011), 24–5Google Scholar.

52 See MacKay, A., ‘Faction and civil strife in late medieval Castilian towns’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 72 (1990), 120–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also del Valdivieso, I., ‘Urban growth and royal interventionism in late medieval Castile’, Urban History, 24 (1997), 129–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 130; and Ruiz, T.F., ‘The transformation of the Castilian municipalities: the case of Burgos 1248–1350’, Past and Present, 77 (1977), 332CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 See Kent, D., ‘The power of the elites: family, patronage, and the state’, in Najemy, J. (ed.), Italy in the Age of the Renaissance 1300–1550 (Oxford, 2004), 165–83Google Scholar. For in-depth studies of these Type B struggles, and how they could be mixed with Type A definitions of nobility, see e.g. Blanshei, S.R., Politics and Justice in Late Medieval Bologna (Brill, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also Brucker, Civic World, and Najemy, Corporatism and Consensus.

54 C. Lis and H. Soly, ‘Craft guilds in comparative perspective’, in Prak et al. (eds.), Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries, 10–11.

55 Stabel, P., ‘Guilds in medieval Flanders: myths and realities of guild life in an export-oriented environment’, Journal of Medieval History, 30 (2004), 187212CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 190–1.

56 Daileader, ‘The vanishing consulates of Catalonia’, 65–94.

57 For urban representation in the Corts, see Sesma Muñoz, J.Á., ‘La población urbana en la corona de Aragón (siglos XIV–XV)’, in Las sociedades urbanas en la España medieval: XXIX semana de estudios medievales, Estella, 15 a 19 de julio de 2002 (Pamplona, 2003), 151–93Google Scholar.

58 From c. 1370, knights were called honorabilis, while squires retained the title venerabilis. Arxiu Comarcal del Bages (ACB), AHCM Tr. 343 (Familia Talamanca II) 1369–1433, entry dated 26 Feb. 1370.

59 For this at Manresa, see ACB volume AHCM/AM I-7, entry dated 20 Jan. 1359.

60 For this in England, Liddy, C.D., ‘Urban conflict in late fourteenth-century England: the case of York in 1380–1’, English Historical Review, 118 (2003), 332Google Scholar.

61 For example, one of the most prominent and long-lasting business partnerships in Manresa was that between the first-rank Amargos, with the second-rank Sarta, and Des Valls families. ACB AHCM Tr. 224 (Jaume Sarta), labelled 1351–81 (actually 1351–89), and is also referred to in numerous town council entries, in which the partnership handled business for the city.

62 Rather than employing the terms mà major, mà mitjana and mà menor, scribes sometimes noted that so-and-so would serve ‘for the citizens (i.e. rentiers)’, while someone else would serve ‘for the merchants’, and someone else would serve ‘for the menestrals’. Gasol, J.M. and Serra, M. Torras (eds.), El Llibre verd de Manresa: 1218–1902 (Barcelona, 1996), 322–45Google Scholar. Gallart, C. Batlle, La crisis social y económica de Barcelona mediados del siglo XV, vols. I and II (Barcelona, 1973)Google Scholar.

63 Again, see Fynn-Paul, ‘Occupation, family, and inheritance’.

64 This can be ascertained from the Manresan Liber Manifesti of 1408, by averaging the wealth of the rentiers, the merchants and the tanners, respectively. The tanners were the menestrals who most commonly held office in Manresa during the first decades after 1390.

65 Ryder, A., The Wreck of Catalonia: Civil War in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 2007), 4050CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Batlle Gallart, La crisis social y económica de Barcelona; Ryder, Wreck of Catalonia.

67 Amelang, Honored Citizens, esp. ch. 2.

68 This is argued in ibid., chs. 5–8.

69 This method could supplant earlier Marxist attempts to locate a progress of ‘feudalism’, or of an Asiatic Mode of Production, in China or the Islamic world, which generally ended in notorious failure. See Chun, L., ‘Marxism and the politics of positioning China in world history’, Inter-Asian Cultural Studies, 13 (2012), 438–66Google Scholar.