Research Article
IS THERE A LACUNA IN PS.-PLUTARCH (‘AETIUS’) 4.11.1–4? TWO ACCOUNTS OF CONCEPT FORMATION IN HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY
- Henry Dyson
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 734-742
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In Ps.-Plutarch's epitome, Doctrines of the Philosophers (Plac.), lemma 4.11 bears the heading: Πῶς γίνεται ἡ αἴσθησις καὶ ἡ ἔννοια καὶ ὁ κατὰ ἐνδιάθεσιν λόγος (‘How sense perception, conception, and internal reason come to be’). The text reads:
(1) Οἱ Στωϊκοί ϕασιν· ὅταν γεννηθῇ ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἔχει τὸ ἡγεμονικὸν μέρος τῆς ψυχῆς ὥσπερ χάρτην εὔεργον εἰς ἀπογραϕήν· εἰς τοῦτο μίαν ἑκάστην τῶν ἐννοιῶν ἐναπογράϕεται. (2) Πρῶτος δὲ [ὁ] τῆς ἀναγραϕῆς τρόπος ὁ διὰ τῶν αἰσθήσεων. αἰσθανόμενοι γάρ τινος οἷον λευκοῦ, ἀπελθόντος αὐτοῦ μνήμην ἔχουσιν· ὅταν δὲ ὁμοειδεῖς πολλαὶ μνῆμαι γένωνται, τότε ϕαμὲν ἔχειν ἐμπειρίαν· ἐμπειρία γάρ ἐστι τὸ τῶν ὁμοειδῶν ϕαντασιῶν πλῆθος. (3) Τῶν δὲ ἐννοιῶν αἱ μὲν ϕυσικῶς γίνονται κατὰ τοὺς εἰρημένους τρόπους καὶ ἀνεπιτεχνήτως, αἱ δὲ ἤδη δι’ ἡμετέρας διδασκαλίας καὶ ἐπιμελείας· αὗται μὲν οὖν ἔννοιαι καλοῦνται μόνον, ἐκεῖναι δὲ καὶ προλήψεις. (4) Ὁ δὲ λόγος, καθ’ ὅν προσαγορευόμεθα λογικοὶ ἐκ τῶν προλήψεων συμπληροῦσθαι λέγεται κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἑβδομάδα.
(1) The Stoics say: When a human being has been born, the commanding part of his soul is like a sheet of paper in good condition for writing upon; upon this each one of his conceptions is written. (2) The first way of writing is through the senses. For when humans perceive something, e.g. something white, they have a memory of it when it goes away; and when many memories of the same kind have come to be, then we say that they have experience; for experience is a plurality of impressions of the same kind. (3) Of conceptions, some come about naturally and non-technically through the aforementioned ways, but others come about through our own learning and efforts. The latter are called ‘conceptions’, but the former are called ‘prolepses’ as well. (4) And reason, according to which we are called ‘rational’, is said to be completely filled out with prolepses at the age of seven years.
PRIESTLY AUCTORITAS IN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC*
- Federico Santangelo
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 743-763
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Some of the best recent work on Roman priesthoods under the Republic has engaged with the issue of priestly authority and its role in defining the place of priesthoods vis-à-vis other centres of power, influence and knowledge. The aim of this paper is to make a contribution to this line of enquiry by focussing on the concept of priestly auctoritas, which has seldom received close attention. The working hypothesis is that the study of priestly auctoritas may contribute to a broader understanding of the place of priesthood in Republican Rome, and especially in the Late Republican period, from which most of the evidence derives. The link between religious authority and religious expertise requires special attention.
OF GODS, MEN AND STOUT FELLOWS: CICERO ON SALLUSTIUS' EMPEDOCLEA (Q. FR. 2.10[9].3)
- Robert Cowan
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 764-771
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Cicero's letter to his brother Quintus from February 54 is best known for containing the sole explicit contemporary reference to Lucretius’ De rerum natura, but it is also notable as the source of the only extant reference of any kind to another (presumably) philosophical didactic poem, Sallustius’ Empedoclea (Q. fr. 2.10(9).3= SB 14):
Lucretii poemata, ut scribis, ita sunt: multis luminibus ingenii, multae tamen artis. sed, cum ueneris. uirum te putabo, si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris; hominem non putabo.
Lucretius’ poems are just as you write: they show many flashes of inspiration, but many of skill too. But more of that when you come. I shall think you a man, if you read Sallustius’ Empedoclea; I shan't think you a human being.
CAESAR, LUCRETIUS AND THE DATES OF DE RERUM NATURA AND THE COMMENTARII*
- Christopher B. Krebs
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 772-779
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In February 54 b.c. Cicero concludes a missive to his brother with a passing and – for us – tantalizing remark: Lucreti poemata ut scribis ita sunt, multis luminibus ingeni, multae tamen artis. sed cum veneris. virum te putabo si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris; hominem non putabo. Quintus had, it seems, read De rerum natura, or at least parts thereof, just before he left Rome for an undisclosed location nearby, and he shared his enthusiasm with his brother per codicillos. Meanwhile, he was corresponding with Julius Caesar, whose staff in Gaul he was about to join. When, a few months later, he was stationed with Caesar, he was involved in another literary affair, this time concerning his brother who wrote to him, inquiring about his autobiographical De temporibus suis:
quo modo nam, mi frater, de nostris versibus Caesar? nam primum librum se legisse scripsit ad me ante, et prima sic ut neget se ne Graeca quidem meliora legisse; reliqua ad quendam locum ῥᾳθυμότερα (hoc enim utitur verbo). dic mihi verum: num aut res eum aut χαρακτὴρ non delectat?
(Q. fr. 2.15.5)
HOMERIC CONCERNS: A METAPOETIC READING OF LUCRETIUS, DE RERUM NATURA 2.1–19*
- Sydnor Roy
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 780-784
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- Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis
- e terra magnum alterius spectare laborem;
- non quia vexari quemquamst iucunda voluptas,
- sed quibus ipse malis careas quia cernere suave est.
- suave etiam belli certamina magna tueri 5
- per campos instructa tua sine parte pericli.
- sed nil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere
- edita doctrina sapientum templa serena,
- despicere unde queas alios passimque videre
- errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae, 10
- certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate,
- noctes atque dies niti praestante labore
- ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri.
- o miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca!
- qualibus in tenebris vitae quantisque periclis 15
- degitur hoc aevi quodcumquest! nonne videre
- nil aliud sibi naturam latrare, nisi utqui
- corpore seiunctus dolor absit, mensque fruatur
- iucundo sensu cura semota metuque?
- It is pleasant, when the winds stir up the waters on the great sea,
- to watch the great struggle of another from land;
- not because it is a great pleasure that anyone be troubled,
- but because it is pleasant to observe the troubles you yourself lack.
- It is also pleasant to watch the great contests of war 5
- spread out over the plains without taking any part in the danger.
- But nothing is more pleasing than to hold lofty yet calm temples
- that are well defended by the teachings of wise men,
- from which you can look down and see others everywhere
- go astray and wander while seeking the path of their life, 10
- competing in wits and contending over their nobility;
- throughout nights and days they strive with outstanding labour
- to come out at the peak of riches and have power over everything.
- O wretched minds of men, O blind hearts!
- In what shadows of life and in how many dangers 15
- is this bit of life, whatever it may be, being spent by you! Do you not see
- that nature barks for nothing other than this – that
- grief be separated from the body and far away, and that the mind enjoy
- pleasant feelings cut off from anxiety and fear?
LUCRETIUS' SELF-POSITIONING IN THE HISTORY OF ROMAN EPICUREANISM
- Chris Eckerman
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 785-800
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At Book 5.324–37, the DRN’s narrator says that the world is young, claims that the nature of the world has been understood only recently (with the advent of Epicureanism), and asserts that he is either the ‘very first’/‘most pre-eminent’ or, as I suggest here, ‘among the first’/‘among the most pre-eminent’ to turn (vertere) Greek Epicureanism into Latin. It is the last of these three claims that concerns us:
- denique natura haec rerum ratioque repertast 335
- nuper, et hanc primus cum primis ipse repertus
- nunc ego sum in patrias qui possim vertere voces.
CICERO AND GYGES*
- Raphael Woolf
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 801-812
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The tale of Gyges' ring narrated by Cicero at De officiis 3.38 is of course originally found, and acknowledged as such by Cicero, in Plato (Resp. 359c–360b). I would like in this paper to address two questions about Cicero's handling of the tale – one historical, one philosophical. The purpose of the historical question is to evaluate, with respect to the Gyges narration, Cicero's quality as a reader of Plato. How well does Cicero understand the role of the story in its original Platonic context? The motivation for the question is that, at first blush, Cicero seems to have badly misunderstood it. I shall argue that the appearance is illusory, and that Cicero understands the tale's Platonic provenance perfectly well. Now it should be noted that the question of Cicero's grasp of the tale's purpose in Plato is distinct from the question whether Cicero himself puts the story to the same or a different use than Plato did. I shall suggest that while there are striking points of contact between the two treatments, on one crucial feature – namely the tale's ostentatiously far-fetched nature – Cicero is instructively more explicit than Plato.
VENI VIDI VICI AND CAESAR'S TRIUMPH*
- Ida Östenberg
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 813-827
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Without doubt, veni vidi vici is one of the most famous quotations from Antiquity. It is well known that it was Julius Caesar who coined the renowned expression. Less frequently discussed is the fact that ‘I came, I saw, I conquered’ was announced as written text. According to Suetonius, Caesar paraded a placard displaying the words veni vidi vici in his triumph held over Pontus in 46 b.c. (Suet. Iul. 37.2):
Pontico triumpho inter pompae fercula trium verborum praetulit titulum VENI VIDI VICI non acta belli significantem sicut ceteris, sed celeriter confecti notam.
In his Pontic triumph he exhibited among the biers of the procession a placard (titulus) with three words VENI VIDI VICI, not to show the deeds performed in the war, as in the others, but to mark out how fast the war had been concluded.
TRIUMVIRAL POLITICS, THE OATH OF 32 b.c. AND THE VETERANS*
- Rosalinde Kearsley
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 828-834
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The compact formed between Antonius, Lepidus and Octavian near Bononia in November 43 b.c. (Dio Cass. 46.55.1–3), commonly named the second triumvirate, was characterized by civil conflict. The major battles at Philippi, Perusia and Naulochus led to the presence of many legions in Italy. In addition, a large number of time-served soldiers were settled throughout the peninsula. The requirement of land for the veterans meant conflicting interests arose with landowners who were dispossessed to make way for them. The impact of the army on Rome itself and on the population of the Italian countryside was great during the late first century b.c.
EXPRESSIONS OF MEANING AND THE INTENTION OF THE TEXT*
- Andreas T. Zanker
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 835-853
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Over the past century or so, questions concerning the word ‘meaning’ have been understandably prominent in the field of the philosophy of language. There is, however, a historical aspect to the debate that is of especial interest to literary critics – the fact that verbs and expressions of meaning have been applied to different kinds of things in a number of languages spanning the western literary tradition. I shall introduce the topic by focussing on the Latin expression sibi uelle and on how Roman authors exploited its ambiguities for the purposes of humour (§§ I and II). I shall then move on to a discussion of a later Latin phrase familiar from the pages of the Virgilian commentator Servius, hoc uult dicere, and argue that the assumptions we have about expressions of meaning may lead us to adopt a particular interpretation of it (§§ III and IV). In the final part of the paper (§§ V, VI and VII) I shall proceed to a discussion of why it is important for modern literary critics to pay attention to how they use verbs such as ‘to mean’: I argue that the different functions of the verb facilitate a personification of the text that allows us to equivocate about the role of the author.
QUO USQUE TANDEM CANTHERIUM PATIEMUR ISTUM? (APUL. MET. 3.27): LUCIUS, CATILINE AND THE ‘IMMORALITY’ OF THE HUMAN ASS
- Giuseppe La Bua
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 854-859
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Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27):
Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’
A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’
THREE TEMPLES IN LIBANIUS AND THE THEODOSIAN CODE
- Christopher P. Jones
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 860-865
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In Libanius' speech For the Temples (Or. 30), sometimes regarded as the crowning work of his career, he refers to an unnamed city in which a great pagan temple had recently been destroyed; the date of the speech is disputed, but must be in the 380 s or early 390 s, near the end of the speaker's life. After deploring the actions of a governor appointed by Theodosius, often identified with the praetorian prefect Maternus Cynegius, Libanius continues (30.44–5):
Jacques Godefroy (Gothofredus), best known for his edition of the Theodosian Code, also produced the editio princeps of the speech For the Temples, supplying a Latin translation and extensive notes. He hesitated whether to identify the city in question with Apamea in Syria or with Carrhae, ‘urbs superstitione Gentilicia tum referta’, but opted for a third choice: Edessa, the capital of Osrhoene. In doing so he took for granted that a law of the Theodosian Code (16.10.8), in which the emperors order that a pagan temple in Osrhoene remain open, referred to the same temple; I shall argue below that this is incorrect. Opinion continues to be divided, though with a majority favouring Edessa. But this lay some ten or fifteen miles from the border with Persia, whereas Carrhae was directly on it, and is much more likely than Edessa to have had a temple from which one ‘could observe a vast area of enemy country’. The principal deity of Carrhae (Harran) was Sîn, the Moon God, said by some sources to be male, by others to be female. Describing how Caracalla was assassinated while on a pilgrimage to the god, Cassius Dio says that he had ‘set out from Edessa for Carrhae’, and was murdered on the way: according to Herodian, he was staying in Carrhae when he decided to go in advance of his army ‘and to reach the temple of the Moon, whom the local people greatly revere: the temple is a long way from the city [presumably Carrhae], so as to require a (special) journey’. Another emperor to visit the sanctuary was Julian on his march into Babylonia. Theodoret of Cyrrhus alleges that ‘he entered the sanctuary honoured by the impious’ and cut open a human victim, a woman suspended by the hair, in order to obtain an omen of his future victory.Let no-one think that all this is an accusation against you, Your Majesty. For on the frontier with Persia (πρὸς τοῖς ὁρίοις Περσῶν) there lies in ruins a temple which had no equal, as one may hear from all who saw it, so very large was it and so very large the blocks with which it was built, and it occupied as much space as the city itself. Why, amid the terrors of war, to the benefit of the city's inhabitants, those who took the city gained nothing because of their inability to take the temple as well (τοῖς ἑλοῦσι τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἔχουσι κἀκεῖνον προσεξελεῖν), since the strength of the walls defied every siege-engine. Besides that, one could mount up to the roof and see a very great part of enemy territory, which gives no small advantage in time of war. I have heard some people disputing which of the two sanctuaries was the greater marvel, this one that has gone, or one that one hopes may never suffer in the same way, and contains Sarapis. But this sanctuary, of such a kind and size, not to mention the secret devices of the ceiling and all the sacred statues made of iron that were hidden in darkness, escaping the sun – it has vanished and is destroyed.
THE SPEECH OF THE ARMENIANS IN PROCOPIUS: JUSTINIAN'S FOREIGN POLICY AND THE TRANSITION BETWEEN BOOKS 1 AND 2 OF THE WARS1
- Marion Kruse
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 866-881
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The speech of the Armenian embassy to Khusrow in the opening of Book 2 of Procopius' Wars has received little scholarly attention. Historians propose that this embassy, along with those sent by the Goths and Lazi, provided Khusrow with a pretext for violating the Eternal Peace in 540. As for the speeches themselves, they have been considered formulaic set pieces, requirements of the genre in which Procopius was writing. However, Anthony Kaldellis has argued that Procopius uses the Armenians as a mouthpiece for his own criticisms of Justinian, namely that the emperor is to blame for ending the Eternal Peace and that he behaved like an oriental despot. While these literary and historical readings are not incompatible, none fully explicates the mechanics and function of the Armenians' speech.
Shorter Notes
AESCHYLUS, PERSAE 767
- David Sansone
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 882-885
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The ghost of Darius provides a versified history of the Persian kingship, from the beginning down to the reign of his luckless son Xerxes, that starts out as follows in Martin West's Teubner text (1990):
- Mῆδος γὰρ ἦν ὁ πρῶτος ἡγεμὼν στρατοῦ, 765
- ἄλλος δ’ ἐκείνου παῖς τόδ’ ἔργον ἥνυσεν·
- ϕρένες γὰρ αὐτοῦ θυμὸν ᾠακοστρόϕουν·
- τρίτος δ’ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ Κῦρος, εὐδαίμων ἀνήρ,
- ἄρξας ἔθηκε πᾶσιν εἰρήνην ϕίλοις,
- Λυδῶν δὲ λαὸν καὶ Φρυγῶν ἐκτήσατο 770
- Ἰωνίαν τε πᾶσαν ἤλασεν βίᾳ·
- θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἤχθηρεν, ὡς εὔϕρων ἔϕυ.
- Κύρου δὲ παῖς τέταρτος ηὔθυνε στρατόν·
- πέμπτος δὲ Mάρδος ἦρξεν, αἰσχύνη πάτρᾳ
- θρόνοισί τ’ ἀρχαίοισι· 775
AN EPIGRAM AND A TREASURY: ON SIM. FGE XXXIIIB [B. 162; D. 163; EG XXXIII]
- Andrej Petrovic
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 885-888
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- Κίμων ἔγραψε τὴν θύραν τὴν δεξιάν,
- τὴν δ’ ἐξιόντων δεξιὰν Διονύσιος.
- Cimon painted the door to the right,
- and the right door as one goes out, Dionysius.
A NEW APPROACH TO THE DESCRIPTION OF A BABYLONIAN HYDRAULIC WORK BY HERODOTUS
- K.L. Katsifarakis, I. Avgoloupis
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 888-891
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Herodotus is a fascinating author, not only to scholars of history, but also to a wide spectrum of scientists, such as engineers, who are not usually considered to be relevant to humanistic studies. A strong indication of the persisting interest in Herodotus is the recent proliferation of books, for example those of C. Dewald and J. Marincola and A.M. Bowie, on various aspects of his work. At the same time, there is a remarkable interest in the evolution of knowledge in different scientific fields which promotes the understanding of a) the relationship between socio-economic phenomena and technological progress and b) the process of acquiring and documenting scientific knowledge. In the field of hydraulics and hydrology in particular, this interest is documented by journal papers (for example by L.W. Mays et al. and D. Koutsoyiannis et al.), books (for example by A.K. Biswas, Ö. Wikander), book chapters (for example by A.I. Wilson) and conference proceedings.
A BIRDIE THAT IS NOT A BIRDIE IN PYTHON'S AGEN (FR. 1 = ATH. 13.595F)*
- Richard Janko
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- 08 November 2013, p. 892
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In Python's comic satyr play Agen (perhaps actually written by Alexander of Macedon) Harpalus, Alexander's errant treasurer, is mocked for erecting costly buildings left and right to honour his dead lover, the notorious prostitute Pythionice:
- ἔστιν δ’ ὅπου μὲν ὁ κάλαμος πέϕυχ’ ὅδε
- †ϕέτωμ’ ἄορνον, οὑξ ἀριστερᾶς δ’ ὅδε
- πόρνης ὁ κλεινὸς ναός, ὃν δὴ Παλλίδης
- τεύξας κατέγνω διὰ τὸ πρᾶγμ’ αὑτοῦ ϕυγήν.
1–2 πέϕυκε· ὁ δ’ εϕετωμα ορνον Athenaei cod. A: ὅδε scr. Dindorf, ἄορνον Fiorillo †ϕέτωμ’ vox desperata: ϕάτνωμ’ Fiorillo, ἕλωμ’ Meineke, πέτρωμ’ Pezopulus, ϕλέωμ’ A. von Blumenthal, στόμωμ’ Erbse, ϕηγὼν Friebel
DEPRECIATION IN VITRUVIUS
- T.E. Rihll
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 893-897
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Vitruvius has something interesting to say at De architectura 2.8.8:
By contrast, mud-brick walls were not depreciated at all if they were standing when assessed (Vitr. 2.8.9). The calculation performed for concrete walls demonstrates clear understanding of what we call ‘depreciation’ or ‘amortization’ in ancient Roman thought. It appears to have been overlooked to date.Non enim quae sunt e molli caemento subtili facie venustatis, non eae possunt esse in vetustate non ruinosae. itaque cum arbitrio communium parietum sumuntur, non aestimant eos quanti facti fuerint, sed cum ex tabulis inveniunt eorum locationes, pretia praeteritorum annorum singulorum deducunt octogesimas et ita – ex reliqua summa parte reddi pro his parietibus – sententiam pronuntiant eos non posse plus quam annos LXXX durare.
Those structures made of soft rubble, for all their subtle attractiveness, are not the ones that will resist ruin as time passes. And thus when assessors are appointed to evaluate party walls, they never assess soft rubble walls according to their initial cost, but rather, when they look at the price recorded in the original contracts, they deduct 1/80th of that sum for each subsequent year, and the remaining amount is fixed as the current value of the walls. They have rendered judgement, in effect, that such walls cannot last more than 80 years.
VIRGIL, ECLOGUE 4.53–4: A QUANTUM OF SPIRITUS IS NOT ENOUGH*
- Silvia Ottaviano
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 897-899
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In a recent contribution to this journal, D. Kovacs addresses the following passage from the fourth Eclogue (cited here from the OCT of Mynors):
- o mihi tum longae maneat pars ultima uitae,
- spiritus et quantum sat erit tua dicere facta!
OVID'S EPIC FOREST: A NOTE ON AMORES 3.1.1–61
- Jessica Westerhold
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- 08 November 2013, pp. 899-903
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As the first poem of the last book of Ovid's Amores, 3.1 parallels the programmatic recusatio of the first two books, which present the traditional opposition of elegy to epic. In Amores 3.1, the personified Elegy and Tragedy compete for Ovid's poetic attention, and scholars have accordingly scrutinized the generic tension between elegy and tragedy in this poem. My study, by contrast, focusses on the import of the metapoetic locus in which Ovid sets his contest between the two genres, by considering the linguistic and allusive play in the opening lines. Ovid exploits the metaphor of literary tradition as an ancient and sacred forest to transform an author's choice of poetic genre into a walk in the woods. Moreover, allusions to Virgil's Aeneid 6.179 and Ennius' Annales 175 (Sk.) in the first line guide Ovid's audience to expect the more traditional opposition of elegy and epic. The less conventional contest between the genres of elegy and tragedy soon overturns this expectation; nevertheless, elegy's customary opposite, epic, maintains a presence in the form of a woodland context for Ovid's innovative generic opposition.