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Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 October 2019

Katharina Karcher*
Affiliation:
University of Birmingham, Department of Modern Languages, University of Birmingham, B15 2TT

Abstract

Taking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

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References

1 Trentmann, Frank, ‘Before “Fair Trade”: Empire, Free Trade, and the Moral Economies of Food in the Modern World’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 25, 6 (2007), 1079–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 1080.

2 Trentmann, ‘Before “Fair Trade”’, 1086.

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4 Blowfield and Murray, Corporate Responsibility, 7–8.

5 For a notable exception, see: Sedlmaier, Alexander, Consumption and Violence: Radical Protest in Cold War West Germany (Ann Arbor: Michigan University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

6 See, for example, Schurman, Rachel, ‘Fighting “Frankenfoods”: Industry Opportunity Structures and the Efficacy of the Anti-Biotech Movement in Western Europe’, Social Problems, 51 (2004), 243–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joseph Luders, ‘The Economics of Movement Success: Business Responses to Civil Rights Mobilization’, American Journal of Sociology, 111, 4 (2006), 963–98; Brayden King and Sarah A. Soule, ‘Social Movements as Extra-Institutional Entrepreneurs: The Effect of Protests on Stock Price Returns’, Administrative Science Quarterly, 52, 3 (2007), 413–42; Klaus Weber, Hayagreeva Rao, and L. G. Thomas, ‘From Streets to Suites: How the Anti- Biotech Movement Affected German Pharmaceutical Firms’, American Sociological Review, 74, 1 (2009), 106–27; Tim Bartley and Curtis Child, ‘Movements, Markets and Fields: The Effects of Anti-Sweatshop Campaigns on U.S. Firms, 1993–2000’, Social Forces, 90, 2 (2011), 425–51; Brayden King, ‘The Tactical Disruptiveness of Movements: Sources of Market and Mediated Disruption in Corporate Boycotts’, Social Problems, 48 (2011), 491–517; Mary-Hunter McDonnell and Brayden King, ‘Keeping up Appearances: Reputational Threat and Impression Management after Social Movement Boycotts’, Administrative Science Quarterly, 58, 3 (2013), 387–419.

7 Following Charles Tilly, a campaign is here understood as ‘a sustained, coordinated series of episodes involving similar collective claims on similar or identical targets’, which establishes a link between different social actors, including a ‘group of self-designated claimants, some object(s) of claims, and a public of some kind’. Charles Tilly, Contentious Performances (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 121, 120.

8 When I refer to violent tactics in this context, they need to be understood and analysed as part of broader political campaigns. In this context, political violence ‘tends to be a choreography using different modalities of civil disobedience. … Its tactics include protest marches, hunger strikes, takeovers of public spaces, buildings, occupation of factories or universities. Issues range very broadly, and intertwine with normal politics’. David Apter, ‘Political Violence in Analytical Perspective’, in David Apter, ed., The Legitimization of Violence (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 1–32, 10.

9 Markus Bechthold, ‘Die Geschichte des Weltladens. Hintergrund’, envangelisch.de, 2016, available at: https://www.evangelisch.de/inhalte/131204/18-02-2016/geschichte-des-weltladens (last visited 26 Oct. 2018).

10 Since many exiles from the Global South and their West German allies referred to themselves as ‘Third World’ activists, I use this term when discussing their groups and activities.

11 Luders, ‘The Economics of Movement Success’, 964. See also: McDonnell and King, ‘Keeping up Appearances’; Bartley and Child, ‘Movements, Markets and Fields’.

12 Luders, ‘The Economics of Movement Success’, 967.

13 Ibid., 969.

14 Simon Stevens, ‘Why South Africa? The Politics of Anti-Apartheid Activism in Britain in the Long 1970s’, in Jan Eckel, Samuel Moyn, eds., The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 204–25, 205.

15 Detlef Siegfried, ‘Aporien des Kulturboycotts: Anti-Apartheid Bewegung, ANC und der Konflikt um Paul Simons Album „Graceland” (1985–1988)’, Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History, 13 (2016), 254–79, 256.

16 For a detailed discussion of the Cultural Boycott of South Africa, see: Nomazengele A. Mangaliso, ‘Cultural Boycotts and Political Change’, in Neta C. Crawford and Audie Klotz, eds., How Sanctions Work: Lessons from South Africa (London: Macmillan, 1999), 232–43.

17 Stevens, ‘Why South Africa?’, 210ff.

18 Roger Fieldhouse, Anti-Apartheid: A History of the Movement in Britain. A Study in Pressure Group Politics (London: The Merlin Press, 2005), 481.

19 Stevens, ‘Why South Africa?’, 207.

20 Quinn Slobodian, Foreign Front: Third World politics in Sixties West Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 2012).

21 Slobodian, Foreign Front, 24.

22 As Peter van Dam has shown, anti-colonial struggles in the Global South and Europe's colonial legacy have played a key role in the formation of the Dutch fair trade movement. According to van Dam, ‘the rhetoric and repertoire associated with the “far left”’ was far more popular in the Dutch fair trade movement than in similar movements in West Germany and other European countries. Peter van Dam, ‘Moralizing Postcolonial Consumer Society: Fair Trade in the Netherlands, 1964–1997’, IRSH, 61 (2016), 223–50, 235.

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24 Black Artists and Modernism, ‘Marlene Smith interviews Gavin Jantjes’.

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26 Bacia and Leidig, ‘Kauft keine Früchte aus Südafrika!’, 35.

27 For more information on Essau du Plessis and the Dutch anti-Apartheid movement in the 1970s, see: Nederlands instituut voor Zuidelijk Afrika, ‘webdossier “Nederland tegen apartheid” – jaren ‘70’, http://www.niza.nl/ (last visited on 4 Sept. 2017).

28 ‘The Story of Outspan Oranges in the Netherlands and the Campaign of the Boycott Outspan Action (BOA) as told by Essau du Plessis’, available at https://socialhistory.org/sites/default/files/docs/collections/outspan-boa-esau.pdf (last visited on 4 Sept. 2018), 6.

29 ‘The Story of Outspan Oranges’, 8.

30 Brede, Mara, ‘Apartheid tötet – Boykottiert Südafrika. Plakate der westdeutschen Anti-Apartheid Bewegung’, Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History, 13 (2016), 348–59Google Scholar, 354.

31 Sebastian Justke and Sebastian Tripp, ‘Ökonomie und Ökumene. Westdeutsche und südafrikanische Kirchen und das Apartheid-System in den 1970er- und 1980er-Jahren’, Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History, 13 (2016), 280–301, 284.

32 ‘Kap der guten Früchte’, Der Spiegel, 30 Nov. 1987, available at http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-13527698.html (last visited on 4 Sept. 2017.

33 J.F. Kirsten, J. Van Zyl & J. Van Rooyen, ‘South African Agriculture during the 1980s’, South African Journal of Economic History, 9, 1 (1994): 19–48, 26.

34 According to the German newsmagazine Spiegel, 5 per cent of all citrus fruit grown in South Africa were exported to West Germany, ‘Kap der guten Früchte’.

35 ‘Kap der guten Früchte’.

36 Luders, ‘The Economics of Movement Success’, 968.

37 Like the ‘Red Army Faction’, also known as ‘Baader-Meinhof Gang’, the Revolutionary Cells were classified as a terrorist organisation by the West German government. Between 1973 and 1995, the group carried out more than 180 attacks. Many of these targeted companies and institutions in West Germany that the group deemed responsible for the exploitation and oppression of people in the Global South, for example branches of the American company International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT), the Israeli agricultural export company Agrexco and the consulates of Chile, El Salvador and Turkey.

38 Die Früchte des Zorns (Amsterdam: ID Verlag, 1993), 405.

39 Die Früchte des Zorns, 405. All translations from German by the author.

40 ‘Kap der guten Früchte’.

41 The Red Zora formed in the mid-1970s as a feminist grouping within the Revolutionary Cells and split off from the group in 1984 to form an independent women's guerrilla. Between 1977 and 1988, the Red Zora claimed responsibility for forty-five arson attacks and bombings, most of which took place in the 1980s, and a few more followed in the 1990s. Many of these attacks adopted central topics in the German women's movement, including abortion, sexual exploitation, trafficking and genetic engineering. The RZ claimed that the struggle against patriarchal oppression was inextricably linked with the struggle against imperialism, racism, classism and other forms of dominance and oppression.

42 Die Früchte des Zorns, 471.

43 Sedlmaier, Consumption and Violence, 242.

44 ‘RaRa stak brand pand Makro aan’, Reformatorisch Dagblad, 18 Dec. 1986.

45 Bacia and Leidig, Kauft keine Früchte aus Südafrika!, 141, 142–3.

46 Die Früchte des Zorns, 399.

47 Bacia and Leidig, Kauft keine Früchte aus Südafrika!, 142.

48 Andresen, KnudMoralische Ökonomie. Bundesdeutsche Automobilunternehmen und Apartheid’, Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History, 13 (2016), 231–53Google Scholar, 233–4.

49 According to the journalists Birgit Morgenrath and Gottfried Wellmer, the market share in this segment in the mid-1980s was 45 per cent. Birgit Morgenrath and Gottfried Wellmer, Deutsches Kapital am Kap: Kollaboration mit dem Apartheidregime (Hamburg: Edition Nautilus, 2003), 74.

50 Die Früchte des Zorns, 401.

51 Morgenrath and Wellmer, Deutsches Kapital am Kap, 75.

52 Ibid., 77.

53 McDonnell and King, ‘Keeping up Appearances’, 388.

54 Wenzel, Claudius, Südafrika-Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1982–1992: Politik gegen Apartheid? (Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts Verlag, 1994), 159CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 Wenzel, Südafrika-Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 163.

56 Mercedes Benz South Africa, ‘Social Responsibility’, 2018, available at http://www.mercedes-benzsa.co.za/corporate-social-responsibility/ (last visited 24 Oct. 2018).

57 Christa Stolle, ‘Freiwild in der Freihandelszone’, die tageszeitung, 22 Dec. 1986.

58 Ibid.

59 Adler in: Ute Kosczy, Christa Stolle and Jai Sin Pak, Die Bescheidenheit ist vorbei. Koreanische Frauen wehren sich gegen Ausbeutung und ungerechte Weltwirtschaftsstrukturen. Das Beispiel Flair Fashion/Adler (Frankfurt: Entwicklungspolitischer Informationsdienst des Evangelischen Pressedienstes, 1988), 74.

60 Stolle, ‘Freiwild in der Freihandelszone’.

61 Kosczy et al, ‘Die Bescheidenheit ist vorbei’, 61.

62 Ibid.

63 Sirin Sung, ‘Women Reconciling Paid and Unpaid Work in a Confucian Welfare State: The Case of South Korea’, Social Policy & Administration, 37 (2003), 342–60, 345.

64 Stephanie Seguino, ‘Gender Wage Inequality and Export-Led Growth in South Korea’, Journal of Development Studies, 34 (1997), 102–32, 106.

65 Ibid.

66 Kosczy et al, ‘Die Bescheidenheit ist vorbei’, 6.

67 Ibid., 2.

68 Ibid., 24.

69 Ibid., 72.

70 Ibid., 61.

71 Ibid., 61.

72 Founded by a group of women in Hamburg in 1981, the women's rights organisation Terre des Femmes seeks to support girls and women ‘by means of education and advocacy, campaigning and lobbying, international networking, and individual personal assistance’. Terre des Femmes, ‘About Us’, https://www.frauenrechte.de/online/en/about-us (last visited 26 Oct. 2018).

73 Kosczy et al, ‘Die Bescheidenheit ist vorbei’, 56.

74 Former member of the Red Zora in interview with the author on 17 Aug. 2012.

75 ‘Die “Rote Zora” bezichtigt sich der Anschläge auf Adler’, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 18 Aug. 1987.

76 ‘Adler- Anschlag per Feuerzeug’, die tageszeitung, 24 Sept. 1987.

77 ‘Neuer Anschlag auf eine Filiale von Adler in Berlin’, Neue Züricher Zeitung, 14 Sept. 1987.

78 Kosczy et al., ‘Die Bescheidenheit ist vorbei’, 97.

79 Christa Wichterich, ‘Einen Bärendienst erwiesen’, die tageszeitung, 21 Sept. 1987.

80 Wichterich, ‘Einen Bärendienst erwiesen’.

81 ‘Bärendienst für wen?’ die tageszeitung, 8 Oct. 1987.

82 ‘Zora’, die tageszeitung, 30 Sept. 1987.

83 ‘Adler sucht in Südkorea Partner’, Frankfurter Rundschau, 24 Mar. 1988.

84 Walter Keller, ‘Firma Adler sucht Schieβ-Personal’, die tageszeitung, 18 Aug. 1987.

85 Luders, ‘The Economics of Movement Success’, 968.

88 Adler, ‘Sustainability Report 2017’, http://www.adlermode-unternehmen.com/en/substainability/sustainability/ (last visited 25 Oct. 2018), 26.

89 McDonnell and King, ‘Keeping up Appearances’, 391. See also Oliver, Pamelae and Maney, Gregorym, ‘Political Processes and Local Newspaper Coverage of Protest Events: From Selection Bias to Triadic Interactions’, American Journal of Sociology, 106, 2 (2000), 463505CrossRefGoogle Scholar; King, Bradley, ‘A Political Mediation Model of Corporate Response to Social Movement Activism’, Administrative Science Quarterly, 53 (2008), 395421CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 King, ‘A Political Mediation Model for Corporate Response to Social Movement Activism’, 413.

91 Mercedes Benz South Africa, ‘History’, 2018, available at http://www.mercedes-benzsa.co.za/corporate-profile/history/ (last visited 26 Oct. 2018).

92 Wenzel, Südafrika-Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 63.

93 Ibid., 68.