Introduction

In modern industrial societies, it is not uncommon for young people to experience a period of unemployment and, in many ways, it can be argued that unemployment has become a normal part of youth transitions. In the four countries studied here, many young people will encounter a period of unemployment at some stage between leaving education and obtaining their first full-time jobs. For many, unemployment can be regarded as a temporary stage in an otherwise smooth and predictable transition. Others, however, find it extremely difficult to escape from unemployment and gain a secure foothold in the labour market. In this chapter, the experiences of young adults who faced a recent period of unemployment of a duration of at least three months in Finland, Sweden, Scotland and Spain are examined. The main objective is to identify patterns of labour market integration and marginalisation in societies with a range of different rates of overall unemployment and to explore the links between labour market transitions and more subjective and social manifestations of unemployment that are often regarded as components of social exclusion (Silver, 1995; Strobel, 1996). We view social exclusion as a dynamic process and argue that long-term unemployment frequently leads to marginalisation but does not necessarily result in exclusion.

The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept of social exclusion before moving on to examine structural differences in experiences of unemployment in the four countries, highlighting routes out of unemployment and emerging patterns of marginalisation. Finally, variations in subjective responses to unemployment are examined and the significance of factors that mediate the relationship between structures of unemployment and subjective experiences and therefore serve to reduce the likelihood of social exclusion are explored.

With origins in French sociology, in recent years the term ‘social exclusion’ has become established in many countries as a key sociological concept. However, its theoretical underpinnings are not always clear. As Silver acknowledges, social exclusion is an “essentially contested concept” (Silver, 1995, p 7); it involves economic position as well as cultures and value systems that are linked to life chances. Exclusion is not simply linked to a prevailing situation of an individual or group, but is also linked to future prospects and draws on past experience. Indeed, Atkinson argues that “people are excluded not just because they are currently without a job or income, but because they have few prospects for the future” (Atkinson, 1998, p 6). In this sense, exclusion is also related to past labour market experiences that may leave “people feeling that they lack control of their lives” (O’Brien, 1986, p 23). In other words, the concept of social exclusion is used to highlight dynamic linkages between material situations and attitudes and values that may be seen as reinforcing a situation of disadvantage. It underlines the ways in which disadvantage in one dimension of life can result in a new and more debilitating set of disadvantages. This relationship is explored in this chapter.

In any discussion of social exclusion among young people it is necessary to acknowledge that paid work has traditionally been regarded as central to the process of social integration (Levitas, 1998). At the same time, it is important to acknowledge that there are a range of subjective factors (such as attitudes and values) that are not simply outcomes of labour market processes but can themselves mediate patterns of exclusion (Furlong et al, 2003). Long-term unemployment, for example, may in some circumstances lead to social exclusion, yet high levels of social or financial support may reduce the chances of exclusion. Agency must also be regarded as a key component of an individual's resource base and can smooth processes of integration even when structural resources are weak (Furlong et al, 2003).

In terms of young people's experiences, the model below (Table 3.1) highlights ideal types of exclusion and integration. While neither position necessarily involves all of the factors listed, there is an extent to which objective and subjective factors have been regarded as mutually reinforcing. The proposition developed in this chapter is that the relationship between subjective and objective dimensions of exclusion is complex and mediated by nationally specific aspects of the unemployment experience.