Introduction

As many commentators have noted (e.g., Fraser, 1995; Honneth, 2001; Phillips, 1999), until the 1980s, equality in terms of distribution was seen as central to political philosophy and radical politics, whether under the banner of Rawls and other social democratic positions or various kinds of Marxism, whereas since then, the avoidance of exclusion and disrespect has in many cases overtaken inequality as a priority. Repeated refusal of recognition to an individual can produce serious psychological damage and refusal of recognition to a group also damages its well-being and ability to function in wider society (Taylor, 1994). As Nancy Fraser puts it, it prevents people ‘participating on a par with others in social interaction’ (Fraser, 1999, p. 34). Many oppressive social relations such as those of racism and homophobia involve systematic misrecognition – part refusal of recognition and part stigmatised recognition. While this shift from distribution to recognition has been progressive in highlighting hitherto ignored forms of oppression, some observers have regretted the fact that it seems to have been coupled with an abandonment of concern for class politics, which have been associated with the politics of distribution (Phillips, 1999). The retreat from class was not merely illogical but decidedly untimely, for it coincided with the rise of attempts by neoliberals to legitimise class inequalities.

The most prominent kinds of recognition claims in contemporary politics have been ones relating to cultural difference, including differences in sexuality, religion and lifestyle.