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4 - Coercion and Capacity

Centralization and Federalism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 February 2011

Brian D. Taylor
Affiliation:
Syracuse University, New York
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Summary

Everyone was saying that the administrative vertical had been destroyed and that it had to be restored.

Vladimir Putin, 2000

Vladimir Putin first became familiar with the details of Russian federalism and regional politics in 1997–1998, when he worked in the presidential administration of Boris Yeltsin in two different positions concerning regional politics and relations with the heads of Russia's eighty-nine subunits (conventionally referred to as “governors”). It was at this time that “everyone was saying” that decentralization had gone too far and federal relations were in crisis, including (or perhaps especially) in the Kremlin. Putin became convinced that Russia did not have a “full-fledged federal state” but a “decentralized state,” and that “regional independence often is treated as permission for state disintegration.” This diagnosis was widely shared, not only in Russia but by many foreign experts.

“Strengthening vertical power” became a key slogan of Putin's presidency, especially in his first term. He was guided by his statist ideology and his belief, as his close ally Viktor Cherkesov put it, that in Russia, it has always been important “to have supreme state control over the activity of local bureaucrats.” It was particularly important to Putin that the central state reassert its control over the power ministries. This control had weakened considerably under Yeltsin, particularly in the law enforcement realm, but there were significant concerns about regionalization of the military as well. Powerful regional governors were seen as amassing substantial political, economic, and even coercive resources, which was of great concern to central authorities.

Type
Chapter
Information
State Building in Putin’s Russia
Policing and Coercion after Communism
, pp. 112 - 155
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2011

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References

Solnick, Steven L., “Federal Bargaining in Russia,” East European Constitutional Review, 4 (Fall 1995), pp. 52–53Google Scholar
Hahn, Gordon M., “The Impact of Putin's Federative Reforms on Democratization in Russia,” Post-Soviet Affairs, 19, 2 (2003), p. 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taylor, Brian D., “Strong Men, Weak State: Power Ministry Officials and the Federal Districts,” PONARS Policy Memo, No. 284 (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2002)Google Scholar
Rodin, Oleg, “Democratic Procedures or Electoral Games?”, RFE/RL Russian Political Weekly, 2, 37 (November 6, 2002)Google Scholar
Makarychev, Andrei, “Nizhny Journalists, Politicians Examine State of Media, Elections,” RRR, 8, 5 (April 8, 2003)Google Scholar
Solomon, Peter H., Jr., “The Reform of Policing in the Russian Federation,” The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 38, 2 (2005), pp. 230–240CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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  • Coercion and Capacity
  • Brian D. Taylor, Syracuse University, New York
  • Book: State Building in Putin’s Russia
  • Online publication: 04 February 2011
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511974144.006
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  • Coercion and Capacity
  • Brian D. Taylor, Syracuse University, New York
  • Book: State Building in Putin’s Russia
  • Online publication: 04 February 2011
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511974144.006
Available formats
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Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

  • Coercion and Capacity
  • Brian D. Taylor, Syracuse University, New York
  • Book: State Building in Putin’s Russia
  • Online publication: 04 February 2011
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511974144.006
Available formats
×