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INCORPORATING ALL FOR ONE: THE FIRST EMPEROR'S TOMB MOUND

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 September 2014

Jie Shi
Jie Shi*
Affiliation:
Jie Shi, 施傑, University of Chicago; email: jieshi@uchicago.edu.
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Abstract

The towering earthen mound standing at the center of the First Emperor of Qin, Qin Shihuangdi's (259–210 b.c.e.) Lishan necropolis at present-day Lintong in Xi'an, Shaanxi province was arguably the single greatest burial marker in ancient China. For centuries, this gigantic unopened monument has sparked curiosity and aroused interest among people regarding its nature. Without physically damaging the target, in 2001–2003 Chinese archaeologists used a new geophysical remote sensor to scan the surface of the mound, digitally probed into its inner structure, and detected a nine-stepped wall that bounds an aboveground burial shaft stretching down deep into the ground. This novel structure begs the following questions: what are the basic elements of this tomb mound, how do they work together within a coherent plan, and why was it made?

Based on previous scholarship, this article conducts a more thorough analysis of the tomb mound and compares it with the excavated Eastern Zhou royal tombs of the Qin, Wei, Zhao, Qi, Chu, Han, Yan, and Zhongshan states. The results demonstrate that rather than following a single model of a single state, the Lishan tomb mound incorporated almost all the major features of its Eastern Zhou predecessors, including but not limited to the external tumulus, the internal stepped wall or terrace, simulated galleries, and the freestanding ritual halls. This article argues that by creatively incorporating all the provincial ingredients into one imperial unity, the complex tomb mound unified multiple funerary practices of China. What's more, the tomb mound, most likely constructed after Qin's political unification of China in 221 b.c.e., perfectly embodies the new notion of empire and the political ambition of the First Emperor who strove throughout his life for becoming the “first” in Chinese history by merging all the past traditions.

摘要

秦始皇帝（公元前 259–210 年）的高大封土矗立於陝西省西安市臨潼區秦驪山陵園的中心，可稱為中國古代最大的墓表建筑。若干世紀以來，這座未曾發掘的封土激發了人們對其性質的好奇和興趣。2001–2003 年，在不破壞封土的情況下，中國考古學家使用一種新型的地球物理遙感器掃描了封土表面，以數字化方式深入其內部結構，結果探測到一座高達九層的封土圍墻，環繞形成一個地上的墓坑，墓坑垂直深入地表之下。這個嶄新的結構提出了一系列問題：這座封土的基本元素為何？這些元素如何統一於一個整體方案之中？緣何要建造這座封土？

在吸收前賢學術成果的基礎上，本文對這座封土做了更為徹底的分析，并將其和已經發掘的東周時期秦、魏、趙、齊、楚、韓、燕和中山諸國的王陵加以比較。研究結果顯示驪山封土并非遵循一國或一陵的舊例，而是囊括了東周眾多先例幾乎全部的主要特征，包括（但不限於）外部墳塚、內部階梯式圍墻或高臺、模擬迴廊、獨立享堂等。本文試圖論證：這座複雜的封土融合了各種地方元素，統一了中國多樣的喪葬習俗。而且，這座封土很可能建於秦始皇統一六國之後，因此完美地體現了帝國的新觀念和秦始皇的政治雄心：終其一生，他努力地通過并兼所有過去的舊傳統來成就中國歷史上的前無古人（“始”）。

Keywords

Tomb moundtumulusThe First EmperorQin ShihuangdiempireunificationLishan necropolisaboveground shaftsimulated architecturefunerary artshrine tombtumulus tombQin traditionEastern tradition封土墳塚秦始皇帝國統一驪山陵園地上墓坑模擬建筑墓葬藝術享堂墓冢墓秦文化東方文化。
Type
Articles
Information
Early China , Volume 37 , 2014 , pp. 359 - 391

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References

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58. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Lintong xian wenguanhui, “Qin Dongling diyihao lingyuan kanchaji” 秦東陵第一號陵園勘察記, Kaogu yu wenwu 1987.4, 19–28Google Scholar; Cheng Xuehua 程學華 and Lin Bo 林泊, “Qin Dongling dierhao lingyuan diaocha zuantan jianbao” 秦東陵第二號陵園調查鑽探報告, Kaogu yu wenwu 1990.4, 22–30Google Scholar; Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo Qinling gongzuozhan, “Qin Dongling disihao lingyuan diaocha zuantan jianbao” 秦東陵第四號陵園調查鑽探簡報, Kaogu yu wenwu 1993.3, 48–51Google Scholar. Although some scholars argued that there could have been shrines or other ritual structures on the tumuli (see Zhang Haiyun 張海雲 and Sun Tieshan 孫鐵山, “Dui Qin Dongling youguan wenti de jidian kanfa” 對秦東陵有關問題的幾點看法, Kaogu yu wenwu 1996.5, 28–31Google Scholar), recent excavations have not verified that hypothesis.

59. Wei, Han, “Lüelun Shaanxi Chunqiu Zhanguo Qin mu” 略論陝西春秋戰國秦墓, Kaogu yu wenwu 1981.1, 83–93Google Scholar; Yu Weichao 俞偉超, “Riben fangxing zhougoumu yu Qin wenhua de guanxi” 日本方形周溝墓與秦文化的關係, in his Gushi de kaoguxue tansuo 古史的考古學探索 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002), 352–58Google Scholar; Tian Youqian 田有前, “Shilun Qin wenhua zhong de Weigoumu jiqi xiangguan wenti” 試論秦文化中的圍溝墓及其相關問題, Shaanxi lishi bowuguan guankan 陝西歷史博物館館刊 13 (2006), 77–83Google Scholar.

60. Zhejiang sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo 浙江省文物考古研究所 and Shaoxing xian wenwu baohu guanliju 紹興縣文物保護管理局, Yinshan Yuewang ling 印山越王陵 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002), 6, 62–67Google Scholar; Zhang Chunchang 張春長, Chen Wei 陳偉, Wei Shuguang 魏曙光, and Liang Liang 梁亮, “Hebei Lincun muqun kaogu fajue qude zhongda shouhuo” 河北復興區林村墓群考古發掘取得重大收獲, Zhongguo wenwubao 中國文物報, Jan. 31, 2007; Henan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Henan Xinzheng Huzhuang Han wangling kaogu faxian gaishu.”

61. Wei, Chen, “Fengxiang Lintong Qinling haogou zuoyong shitan” 鳳翔臨潼秦陵壕溝作用試探, Kaogu 1995.1, 78–80Google Scholar; Wang Zhiyou 王志友, “Qin mudi weigoumu tanyuan” 秦墓地圍溝墓探源, Qin wenhua luncong 秦文化論叢 11 (2004), 331–34; Chunchang, Zhang, Wei, Chen, and Shuguang, Wei, “Handan Zhao mu de jige wenti” 邯鄲趙墓的幾個問題, in Zhuisu yu tansuo: Jinian Handan shi wenwu baohu yanjiusuo chengli sishiwu zhounian xueshu yantaohui wenji 追溯與探源: 紀念邯鄲市文物保護研究所成立四十五周年學術研討會文集, ed. Qiao Dengyun 喬登雲 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 2007), 200Google Scholar.

62. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan, “Shaanxi Chang'an Shenheyuan Zhanguo Qin lingyuan yizhi tianye kaogu xin shouhuo” 陝西長安神禾塬戰國秦陵園遺阯田野考古新收獲, Kaogu yu wenwu 2008.5, 111–12Google Scholar, esp. 111.

63. Ma Zhenzhi, “Shilun Qinguo lingqin zhidu de tedian,” 79.

64. Hebei sheng wenguanchu, “Hebei Handan Zhao wangling.”

65. Liu Weipeng 劉衛鵬 and Yue Qi 岳起, “Xianyangyuan shang ‘Qinling’ de faxian he queren” 咸陽塬上 “秦陵” 的發現與確認, Wenwu 2008.4, 62–72Google Scholar; Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan et al., “Xianyang ‘Zhouwangling’ kaogu diaocha kantan jianbao” 咸陽 “周王陵”考古調查勘探簡報, Kaogu yu wenwu 2011.1, 3–10; Jiao Nanfeng 焦南峰, “Xianyang ‘Zhouwangling’ wei Qinling buzheng” 咸陽“周王陵”為秦陵補正, Kaogu yu wenwu 2011.1, 53–57.

66. According to Zhouli, the Zhou royal district, bordered by earthen mounds and trees, measures a thousand miles on a side 制其畿方千里而封樹之. Jia Gongyan 賈公彥, Zhouli zhushu 周禮註疏, 10.64, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, 1.702. Planting trees in the cemetery was reported in Zuozhuan, in which Duke Mu of Qin 秦穆公 (r. 659–621 b.c.e.) cursed Jianshu 蹇叔 for the latter's overt opposition to his decision to attack the Jin state in 628 b.c.e.: “[I wish you had died] at people's average age of death, so today the trunk of the tree on your grave would have been thick enough for men to wrap their arms around” 中壽, 爾墓之木拱矣; see Fan Ning, Chunqiu zuozhuan zhengyi, 17.130, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, 2.1832.

67. Yang Kuan, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou de tantao,” 11–12.

68. Shaanxi kaogu yanjiusuo and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao (1999), 10–11; Sun Weigang 孫偉剛, “Qin Shihuangdi ling beibu xice jianzhu yizhi de xingzhi ji xiangguan wenti” 秦始皇帝陵北部西側建筑遺阯的性質及相關問題, Kaogu 2012.6, 69–74Google Scholar.

69. Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 96.

70. Shaanxi sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Qin Shi Huang ling diaocha baogao” 秦始皇陵調查簡報, Kaogu 1962.8, 407–19Google Scholar, esp. 408; Lintong xian bowuguan, “Qin Shi Huang ling bei er san si hao jianzhu yiji” 秦始皇陵北二、三、四號建筑遺跡, Wenwu 1979.12, 13–16Google Scholar; Shaanxi kaogu yanjiusuo and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao (1999), 11–12. See also Wang Xueli, Qin Shi Huang ling yanjiu, 89–96; Sun Weigang, “Qin Shihuangdi ling beibu xice jianzhu yizhi de xingzhi ji xiangguan wenti.”

71. Sima Biao 司馬彪, Xu Han zhi 續漢志, in Fan Ye 范曄, Hou Hanshu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 9.3199.

72. After the initial probing in the 1980s, Mausoleum 1 in the Eastern Necropolis has recently been more thoroughly explored by archaeologists, who detected a large architectural site 200 by 70–80 meters in area located in the northwest corner of the mausoleum. The excavators tentatively identified this site as the resting-park (qinyuan 寢園) of the mausoleum; Yang Yonglin 楊永林 and Zhang Zhehao 張哲浩, “Tuice ‘yihao lingyuan’ wei Zhaoxiangwang Tangtaihou Chenling” 推測“一號陵園”為昭襄王唐太后茞陵, Guangming ribao 光明日報, Jan. 6, 2013; Li Liucun 李六存 and Zhao Jianchao 趙建朝, “Cong diwangling lingqu buju zai kan ‘Qin Zhao gongzu’—Zhao wangling yu Qin Shi Huangling lingyuan buju zhi bijiao” 從帝王陵陵區布局再看 ‘秦趙共祖’—趙王陵與秦始皇陵陵園布局之比較, in Zhuisu yu tansuo, 192.

73. Sihong, Zhu, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan fanwei xin tansuo” 秦始皇陵園範圍新探索, Kaogu yu wenwu 2006.6, 42–46Google Scholar, esp. 43.

74. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.265.

75. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.265. English translations based on Nienhauser, William H. Jr., trans., The Grand Scribe's Records (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 1.155Google Scholar.

76. Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 56–76; and his “Guanyu Shengheyuan damu ji xiangguan wenti de taolun” 關於神禾原大墓及相關問題的討論, Kaogu yu wenwu 2009.4, 53–61Google Scholar, esp. 59; see also Kazuyuki, Tsuruma, “Shin Shi Kōtei rei kensetsu no jidai: Sengoku, tōitsu, taigai sensō, nairan” 秦始皇帝陵建設の時代: 戦国・統一・対外戦争・内乱, Tōyōshi Kenkyū 東洋史研究 53.4 (1995), 632–56Google Scholar.

77. Duan Qingbo believes the mastermind behind the necropolis was the First Emperor himself; see his Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 76. This theory is based mainly on a lost passage from an official Han-dynasty ritual document titled Former Etiquettes of the Han (Han jiuyi 漢舊儀), which reports that Li Si 李斯 (c. 280–208 b.c.e.), the Prime Minister (chengxiang 丞相) of the time, supervised the tomb construction and reported the progress to the First Emperor for further instructions; see Ma Duanlin 馬端臨, Wenxian tongkao 文獻通考 (Shenduzhai 慎獨齋 edition, 1521), 124.1b.

78. Yang Kuan,“Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou de tantao,” 11.

79. Zhang Haiyun and Sun Tieshan, “Dui Qin Dongling youguan wenti de jidian kanfa,” 28.

80. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.236. English translation based on William H. Nienhauser Jr. The Grand Scribe's Records, 1.135–36.

81. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.236; English translation based on William H. Nienhauser Jr. The Grand Scribe's Records, 1.136.

82. Zhao Ruiyun 趙瑞雲 and Zhao Xiaorong 趙曉榮, “Qin zhaoban yanjiu” 秦詔版研究, Wenbo 2005.2, 78–83Google Scholar and Wenbo 2005.3, 89–93.

83. The term “Black heads” refer to commoners who wore black scarves on the head. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鑒, “Tianxia zhi min bule wei Qin min—shitan Qin Shi Huang ‘geng min yue Qianshou’ de lishi yuanyuan” 天下之民不樂為秦民—試析秦始皇 “更民曰黔首” 的歷史淵源, Anhui shida xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) 安徽師大學報 (社會科學版) 1981.3, 94–103Google Scholar.

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