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Internet and smartphone application usage in eating disorders: A descriptive study in Singapore
- T. Tan, A. Kuek, S.E. Goh, K.W. Ng, S.M. Tan, A. Gudi, H.Y. Lee, E.L. Lee, K. Victor
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- Journal:
- European Psychiatry / Volume 33 / Issue S1 / March 2016
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 23 March 2020, pp. S166-S167
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- Article
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Introduction
Eating disorders are associated with significant morbidity and mortality. The Internet is a popular medium for individuals with eating disorders to discuss and reinforce their affliction. However, the available literature on Internet usage and eating disorders is scarce, especially in the area of social media and smartphone application (“app”) usage.
Objectives & aimsTo look at the Internet and smartphone app usage patterns of participants who presented with an eating disorder in Singapore, and whether it corresponded to severity of illness.
MethodsIndividuals who presented to the Eating Disorders clinic at the Singapore General Hospital from 13th June 2013 to 20th December 2013 completed a self-reported questionnaire on Internet and app usage. They also completed the EDE-Q, EAT-26 and CIA 3.0.
ResultsFifty-five participants completed the study. A total of 41.8% had anorexia nervosa, 34.5% had bulimia nervosa, and 9.1% were ED-NOS. 41.8% felt that apps helped to perpetuate their illness, while 32.7% felt that apps were helpful for recovery. Overall, any smartphone application usage was associated with younger age and greater eating disorder psychopathology and psychosocial impairment. While 30.9% had encountered eating disorder-related content on Facebook, only 12.75 visited Facebook groups related to eating disorders. For YouTube, “Cooking and Food” and “Beauty and Fashion” videos were among the top 3 types of videos that participants watched.
ConclusionsInternet and smartphone app usage is significant, and they are used to prolong or worsen eating disorder behavior in those with greater severity of illness. It is necessary to include interventions in this aspect as part of treatment.
Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
2 - Gender, Wages and Labour Migration
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- By Goy Siew Ching, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS), Low Kuek Long, University Technology MARA, Sarawak Branch
- Edited by Cheng Sim Hew
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- Book:
- Village Mothers, City Daughters
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 21 October 2015
- Print publication:
- 07 May 2007, pp 21-41
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Summary
Introduction
Over the past decades, Malaysia has undergone tremendous socio-economic changes which have had far-reaching consequences on the role and status of women in the country. As a result of these changes, women's participation in the economy, education and labour market has increased. However, women still receive much lower earnings than their male counterparts in the same occupation. It implies that economic development in Malaysia does not foster gender equality. Traditional attitudes about what jobs are suitable and proper for women and that men are the breadwinners of a family are deeply rooted in society. It will therefore take a long time for society to acknowledge the women's subordinate position and attempt to improve it.
In Sarawak, studies on earnings differences between men and women are rare and their results are often not readily available to the public and to women themselves. For this reason, we studied the employment status and earnings of women. This chapter discusses the status of women workers, with special reference to local migrant workers in the manufacturing sector of the Kuching urban labour market. More specifically, the study was designed to examine structures of employment, pattern of labour mobility and a comparison of the earnings of women and men.
Labour Mobility
Labour mobility, is one of the striking features of labour markets. A high degree of labour mobility is due to changes in the general economic conditions, levels of investment in human capital, wage rates, job options and family circumstances. These changes induce workers to change employers, occupations, geographical locations, or a combination of all three. As a result of labour mobility, workers move to the most attractive jobs to eliminate wage differential. The process continues until workers have no incentive to move. At that stage, labour market efficiency is assumed to have been achieved. Labour mobility, however, involves costs. A temporary loss of income can occur between the time one job is given up and a new one is obtained. Furthermore, when geographical mobility occurs, it involves direct moving costs such as transportation cost, psychic costs of leaving family and friends and the familiar job environment, and the loss of seniority and pension benefits.