3 results
eight - Has neighbourhood ethnic residential segregation decreased?
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- By Gemma Catney
- Edited by Stephen Jivraj, University College London, Ludi Simpson, The University of Manchester
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- Book:
- Ethnic Identity and Inequalities in Britain
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 08 March 2022
- Print publication:
- 13 May 2015, pp 109-122
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Summary
Key findings
• Residential segregation, the extent to which an ethnic group is unevenly spread across neighbourhoods, has been decreasing steadily over the last two decades.
• Neighbourhood residential mixing is increasing – segregation has decreased within most local authority districts of England and Wales, for all minority ethnic groups.
• In over two-thirds of districts, segregation decreased for the Black Caribbean, Indian, Mixed and Black African ethnic groups, between 2001 and 2011.
• There is increased residential mixing between the White British and minority ethnic groups and, while White British segregation has increased slightly in many districts, segregation remains low for this group.
• There has been increased ethnic diversity in previously less diverse neighbourhoods, and those identifying with the White British group are more likely than ever to live next door to someone of a different ethnic group to their own.
• There are few districts that have seen a large increase in segregation; this has occurred in areas where there are small numbers of people in a particular ethnic group, and not in the areas where minority ethnic groups are most populous.
• There has been increased residential mixing in inner and outer London. In outer London, for example, segregation decreased by 12 percentage points for the Bangladeshi ethnic group and 11 percentage points for the Chinese ethnic group.
• Large cities such as Leicester, Birmingham, Manchester and Bradford have seen a decrease in segregation for most ethnic groups.
• The processes associated with changing residential segregation are multifaceted, but an important mechanism for decreasing segregation is movement away from existing clusters of an ethnic group or groups.
Introduction: ‘segregation’ in debate
This chapter considers how far the increased ethnic diversity in England and Wales discussed in Chapters Two and Three has been accompanied by the growth or decline of ethnic group concentrations in neighbourhoods. Are people mixing more in their residential environments, or have neighbourhoods become more ethnically segregated? The chapter explores how ethnic group residential segregation is changing nationally and at the neighbourhood level. It uses the widely applied Index of Dissimilarity to show how segregation has changed for all ethnic groups between 1991-2001-2011. The chapter begins by discussing in brief the contemporary policy context and academic literature surrounding British ethnic segregation. The next section is an analysis of how segregation has changed for each ethnic group, for England and Wales, before exploring smaller geographical areas, and considering the geography of these changes.
four - Measuring neighbourhood segregation using spatial interaction data
- Edited by Christopher D. Lloyd, University of Liverpool, Ian G. Shuttleworth, Queen's University Belfast, David W. Wong, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Book:
- Social-Spatial Segregation
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 04 March 2022
- Print publication:
- 28 August 2014, pp 65-90
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Summary
Introduction
The term ‘segregation’ implies a lack of mixing between members of different groups, and measures of segregation are often taken to indicate the degree of possible interactions between members of these groups (see Chapters Three and Five, this volume). Measures of segregation reflect spatial patterning in group distributions. The development of spatial measures, which make use of information on the relative spatial locations of zones, has been a particular focus in the academic literature concerned with improving methodologies for understanding segregation (see, for example, Morgan, 1983; Morrill, 1991; Wong, 1993, 2003; Reardon and O’Sullivan, 2004). Such measures overcome the spatial location independence of traditional measures (often expressed as the ‘checkerboard problem’). With traditional measures, if we have a set of zones containing members of two (or more) population subgroups, the spatial configuration of these zones will not alter the results and could be misleading. For example, if half of the zones are exclusively populated by members of group x and all other zones contain members only of group y, then the segregation index values will be the same irrespective of how much clustering or dispersion there is in the zones. That is, the index values will be identical, whether the x zones tend to cluster together in a group which is spatially distinct from the y zones, or if the x and y zones are intermixed. More recently, a variety of measures that enable the exploration of local variations in residential segregation have been presented (Wong, 2002; Feitosa et al, 2007; Lloyd and Shuttleworth, 2012), and local measures of spatial autocorrelation have been applied in the analysis of population clustering (Lloyd, 2010; Poulsen et al, 2010).
Conventional segregation measures, such as the index of dissimilarity (D), are aspatial and are intended to measure how the population is distributed across a set of zones, but they disregard the spatial relationships between zones. Thus, the use of such measures could be taken to imply that there is no interaction between zones. In other words, the model suggests that nobody interacts with anyone who lives outside of their zone. Spatial and local measures offer a conceptual improvement on standard aspatial measures in that they account for possible interactions between zones (see Chapter Three, this volume).
fourteen - ‘Religious’ concentration and health outcomes in Northern Ireland
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- By Gemma Catney
- Edited by Christopher D. Lloyd, University of Liverpool, Ian G. Shuttleworth, Queen's University Belfast, David W. Wong, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Book:
- Social-Spatial Segregation
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 04 March 2022
- Print publication:
- 28 August 2014, pp 335-362
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Summary
Introduction
After over 30 years of intense sectarian-related violence and sustained tensions between Catholics and Protestants, Northern Ireland can, in some senses, be described as a ‘post-conflict’ society. The more peaceful political context of recent years has altered the perceptions and lived realities of many residents of Northern Ireland, and has developed alongside changes in the socioeconomic environment; violence and other expressions of sectarian conflict have greatly reduced, and cities such as Belfast have seen a dramatic rise in levels of economic investment and development. Residential segregation is decreasing, and there is evidence of changing attitudes towards living in communities of a mixed residential composition and increasing tolerance between groups (Catney, 2008).
However, ‘religious’ population clustering remains marked; Shuttleworth and Lloyd's (2009a) study, making use of the Northern Ireland Census-based grid square resource, found that, in 2001, some 66 per cent of Protestants lived in areas that were 75 per cent or more Protestant, while 59 per cent of Catholics lived in areas that were 75 per cent or more Catholic. Evidence for the distinct geography of residential concentration in Northern Ireland dates as far back as the 17th century (see, for example, Jones, 1960; Boal, 1996; Hepburn, 1996; Bardon, 2005), but the recent period which saw the most significant changes to the intensity of residential segregation began in the late 1960s, at the onset of a sustained and widespread period of civil disturbances and violence, known colloquially as ‘The Troubles’. The mass population movements of people which took place during this time, when there was considerable migration of individuals and households, either by choice or by force, to areas where they were in a ‘religious’ majority, are well-known for their role in increasing residential segregation across Northern Ireland (Compton and Power, 1986; Darby, 1986; Cormack and Osborne, 1994; Compton, 1995; Doherty and Poole, 1997, 2000). The amplified potential for violence at the interfaces during this time led to the erection of peace walls (Shirlow and Murtagh, 2006). While this period of extreme conflict and violence has now largely subsided, many residents of Northern Ireland are still living in areas dominated by their ‘own’ religious group.