36 results
Head and Neck Cancer: United Kingdom National Multidisciplinary Guidelines, Sixth Edition
- Jarrod J Homer, Stuart C Winter, Elizabeth C Abbey, Hiba Aga, Reshma Agrawal, Derfel ap Dafydd, Takhar Arunjit, Patrick Axon, Eleanor Aynsley, Izhar N Bagwan, Arun Batra, Donna Begg, Jonathan M Bernstein, Guy Betts, Colin Bicknell, Brian Bisase, Grainne C Brady, Peter Brennan, Aina Brunet, Val Bryant, Linda Cantwell, Ashish Chandra, Preetha Chengot, Melvin L K Chua, Peter Clarke, Gemma Clunie, Margaret Coffey, Clare Conlon, David I Conway, Florence Cook, Matthew R Cooper, Declan Costello, Ben Cosway, Neil J A Cozens, Grant Creaney, Daljit K Gahir, Stephen Damato, Joe Davies, Katharine S Davies, Alina D Dragan, Yong Du, Mark R D Edmond, Stefano Fedele, Harriet Finze, Jason C Fleming, Bernadette H Foran, Beth Fordham, Mohammed M A S Foridi, Lesley Freeman, Katherine E Frew, Pallavi Gaitonde, Victoria Gallyer, Fraser W Gibb, Sinclair M Gore, Mark Gormley, Roganie Govender, J Greedy, Teresa Guerrero Urbano, Dorothy Gujral, David W Hamilton, John C Hardman, Kevin Harrington, Samantha Holmes, Jarrod J Homer, Deborah Howland, Gerald Humphris, Keith D Hunter, Kate Ingarfield, Richard Irving, Kristina Isand, Yatin Jain, Sachin Jauhar, Sarra Jawad, Glyndwr W Jenkins, Anastasios Kanatas, Stephen Keohane, Cyrus J Kerawala, William Keys, Emma V King, Anthony Kong, Fiona Lalloo, Kirsten Laws, Samuel C Leong, Shane Lester, Miles Levy, Ken Lingley, Gitta Madani, Navin Mani, Paolo L Matteucci, Catriona R Mayland, James McCaul, Lorna K McCaul, Pádraig McDonnell, Andrew McPartlin, Valeria Mercadante, Zoe Merchant, Radu Mihai, Mufaddal T Moonim, John Moore, Paul Nankivell, Sonali Natu, A Nelson, Pablo Nenclares, Kate Newbold, Carrie Newland, Ailsa J Nicol, Iain J Nixon, Rupert Obholzer, James T O'Hara, S Orr, Vinidh Paleri, James Palmer, Rachel S Parry, Claire Paterson, Gillian Patterson, Joanne M Patterson, Miranda Payne, L Pearson, David N Poller, Jonathan Pollock, Stephen Ross Porter, Matthew Potter, Robin J D Prestwich, Ruth Price, Mani Ragbir, Meena S Ranka, Max Robinson, Justin W G Roe, Tom Roques, Aleix Rovira, Sajid Sainuddin, I J Salmon, Ann Sandison, Andy Scarsbrook, Andrew G Schache, A Scott, Diane Sellstrom, Cherith J Semple, Jagrit Shah, Praveen Sharma, Richard J Shaw, Somiah Siddiq, Priyamal Silva, Ricard Simo, Rabin P Singh, Maria Smith, Rebekah Smith, Toby Oliver Smith, Sanjai Sood, Francis W Stafford, Neil Steven, Kay Stewart, Lisa Stoner, Steve Sweeney, Andrew Sykes, Carly L Taylor, Selvam Thavaraj, David J Thomson, Jane Thornton, Neil S Tolley, Nancy Turnbull, Sriram Vaidyanathan, Leandros Vassiliou, John Waas, Kelly Wade-McBane, Donna Wakefield, Amy Ward, Laura Warner, Laura-Jayne Watson, H Watts, Christina Wilson, Stuart C Winter, Winson Wong, Chui-Yan Yip, Kent Yip
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- The Journal of Laryngology & Otology / Volume 138 / Issue S1 / April 2024
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 14 March 2024, pp. S1-S224
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- April 2024
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Impact of sedentary behavior and emotional support on prenatal psychological distress and birth outcomes during the COVID-19 pandemic
- Alison E. Hipwell, Irene Tung, Phillip Sherlock, Xiaodan Tang, Kim McKee, Monica McGrath, Akram Alshawabkeh, Tracy Bastain, Carrie V. Breton, Whitney Cowell, Dana Dabelea, Cristiane S. Duarte, Anne L. Dunlop, Assiamira Ferrera, Julie B. Herbstman, Christine W. Hockett, Margaret R. Karagas, Kate Keenan, Robert T. Krafty, Catherine Monk, Sara S. Nozadi, Thomas G. O'Connor, Emily Oken, Sarah S. Osmundson, Susan Schantz, Rosalind Wright, Sarah S. Comstock
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- Psychological Medicine / Volume 53 / Issue 14 / October 2023
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 08 March 2023, pp. 6792-6805
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Background
Studies have reported mixed findings regarding the impact of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on pregnant women and birth outcomes. This study used a quasi-experimental design to account for potential confounding by sociodemographic characteristics.
MethodsData were drawn from 16 prenatal cohorts participating in the Environmental influences on Child Health Outcomes (ECHO) program. Women exposed to the pandemic (delivered between 12 March 2020 and 30 May 2021) (n = 501) were propensity-score matched on maternal age, race and ethnicity, and child assigned sex at birth with 501 women who delivered before 11 March 2020. Participants reported on perceived stress, depressive symptoms, sedentary behavior, and emotional support during pregnancy. Infant gestational age (GA) at birth and birthweight were gathered from medical record abstraction or maternal report.
ResultsAfter adjusting for propensity matching and covariates (maternal education, public assistance, employment status, prepregnancy body mass index), results showed a small effect of pandemic exposure on shorter GA at birth, but no effect on birthweight adjusted for GA. Women who were pregnant during the pandemic reported higher levels of prenatal stress and depressive symptoms, but neither mediated the association between pandemic exposure and GA. Sedentary behavior and emotional support were each associated with prenatal stress and depressive symptoms in opposite directions, but no moderation effects were revealed.
ConclusionsThere was no strong evidence for an association between pandemic exposure and adverse birth outcomes. Furthermore, results highlight the importance of reducing maternal sedentary behavior and encouraging emotional support for optimizing maternal health regardless of pandemic conditions.
FebriDx host response point-of-care testing improves patient triage for coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the emergency department – ADDENDUM
- Christopher T. Mansbridge, Alex R. Tanner, Kate R. Beard, Florina Borca, Hang T.T. Phan, Nathan J. Brendish, Stephen Poole, Christopher Hill, Michael Kiuber, Robert Crouch, Daniel Waddington, Tristan W. Clark
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- Journal:
- Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology / Volume 43 / Issue 8 / August 2022
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 11 April 2022, p. 1099
- Print publication:
- August 2022
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FebriDx host response point-of-care testing improves patient triage for coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the emergency department
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- Christopher T. Mansbridge, Alex R. Tanner, Kate R. Beard, Florina Borca, Hang T.T. Phan, Nathan J. Brendish, Stephen Poole, Christopher Hill, Michael Kiuber, Robert Crouch, Daniel Waddington, Tristan W. Clark
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- Journal:
- Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology / Volume 43 / Issue 8 / August 2022
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 31 January 2022, pp. 979-986
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- August 2022
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Objectives:
Patients presenting to hospital with suspected coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), based on clinical symptoms, are routinely placed in a cohort together until polymerase chain reaction (PCR) test results are available. This procedure leads to delays in transfers to definitive areas and high nosocomial transmission rates. FebriDx is a finger-prick point-of-care test (PoCT) that detects an antiviral host response and has a high negative predictive value for COVID-19. We sought to determine the clinical impact of using FebriDx for COVID-19 triage in the emergency department (ED).
Design:We undertook a retrospective observational study evaluating the real-world clinical impact of FebriDx as part of an ED COVID-19 triage algorithm.
Setting:Emergency department of a university teaching hospital.
Patients:Patients presenting with symptoms suggestive of COVID-19, placed in a cohort in a ‘high-risk’ area, were tested using FebriDx. Patients without a detectable antiviral host response were then moved to a lower-risk area.
Results:Between September 22, 2020, and January 7, 2021, 1,321 patients were tested using FebriDx, and 1,104 (84%) did not have a detectable antiviral host response. Among 1,104 patients, 865 (78%) were moved to a lower-risk area within the ED. The median times spent in a high-risk area were 52 minutes (interquartile range [IQR], 34–92) for FebriDx-negative patients and 203 minutes (IQR, 142–255) for FebriDx-positive patients (difference of −134 minutes; 95% CI, −144 to −122; P < .0001). The negative predictive value of FebriDx for the identification of COVID-19 was 96% (661 of 690; 95% CI, 94%–97%).
Conclusions:FebriDx improved the triage of patients with suspected COVID-19 and reduced the time that severe acute respiratory coronavirus virus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) PCR-negative patients spent in a high-risk area alongside SARS-CoV-2–positive patients.
Thin ice, deep snow and surface flooding in Kotzebue Sound: landfast ice mass balance during two anomalously warm winters and implications for marine mammals and subsistence hunting
- Andrew R. Mahoney, Kate E. Turner, Donna D. W. Hauser, Nathan J. M. Laxague, Jessica M. Lindsay, Alex V. Whiting, Carson R. Witte, John Goodwin, Cyrus Harris, Robert J. Schaeffer, Roswell Schaeffer, Sr, Sarah Betcher, Ajit Subramaniam, Christopher J. Zappa
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- Journal:
- Journal of Glaciology / Volume 67 / Issue 266 / December 2021
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 16 August 2021, pp. 1013-1027
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The inaugural data from the first systematic program of sea-ice observations in Kotzebue Sound, Alaska, in 2018 coincided with the first winter in living memory when the Sound was not choked with ice. The following winter of 2018–19 was even warmer and characterized by even less ice. Here we discuss the mass balance of landfast ice near Kotzebue (Qikiqtaġruk) during these two anomalously warm winters. We use in situ observations and a 1-D thermodynamic model to address three research questions developed in partnership with an Indigenous Advisory Council. In doing so, we improve our understanding of connections between landfast ice mass balance, marine mammals and subsistence hunting. Specifically, we show: (i) ice growth stopped unusually early due to strong vertical ocean heat flux, which also likely contributed to early start to bearded seal hunting; (ii) unusually thin ice contributed to widespread surface flooding. The associated snow ice formation partly offset the reduced ice growth, but the flooding likely had a negative impact on ringed seal habitat; (iii) sea ice near Kotzebue during the winters of 2017–18 and 2018–19 was likely the thinnest since at least 1945, driven by a combination of warm air temperatures and a persistent ocean heat flux.
A novel tilt sensor for studying ice deformation: application to streaming ice on Jarvis Glacier, Alaska
- Ian R. Lee, Robert L. Hawley, Steven Bernsen, Seth W. Campbell, David Clemens-Sewall, Christopher C. Gerbi, Kate Hruby
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- Journal:
- Journal of Glaciology / Volume 66 / Issue 255 / February 2020
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 12 November 2019, pp. 74-82
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We developed a tilt sensor for studying ice deformation and installed our tilt sensor systems in two boreholes drilled close to the shear margin of Jarvis Glacier, Alaska to obtain kinematic measurements of streaming ice. We used the collected tilt data to calculate borehole deformation by tracking the orientation of the sensors over time. The sensors' tilts generally trended down-glacier, with an element of cross-glacier flow in the borehole closer to the shear margin. We also evaluated our results against flow dynamic parameters derived from Glen's exponential flow law and explored the parameter space of the stress exponent n and enhancement factor E. Comparison with values from ice deformation experiments shows that the ice on Jarvis is characterized by higher n values than that is expected in regions of low stress, particularly at the shear margin (~3.4). The higher n values could be attributed to the observed high total strains coupled with potential dynamic recrystallization, causing anisotropic development and consequently sped up ice flow. Jarvis' n values place the creep regime of the ice between basal slip and dislocation creep. Tuning E towards a theoretical upper limit of 10 for anisotropic ice with single-maximum fabric reduces the n values by 0.2.
Notes
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 159-162
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Contents
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp v-vi
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Index
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 197-200
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6 - Reducing Crime at High-Crime Places: Practice and Evidence
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 113-139
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Summary
The fact that crime and disorder are concentrated at a few places is interesting and deserves an explanation. It is also interesting that places show up in other criminological theories and in other disciplines. And it is useful to understand the methods for studying places. However, a primary reason we are interested in high-crime places is that it might be possible to do something about crime by addressing these places. We are convinced that focusing on places can substantially reduce crime and disorder. Our conviction is not a matter of faith, but is based on over twenty-five years of accumulating evidence.
This chapter summarizes the research evidence examining whether focusing on crime places reduces crime. We first discuss a broad range of place-based prevention strategies examined by Eck and Guerrette (2012). This review provides strong evidence for a place-based approach to crime prevention. We then turn to a specific form of place-based crime prevention – hot spots policing (Sherman and Weisburd 1995). Again, we have a strong body of evidence supporting a place-based approach. Having reviewed hot spots policing, we turn to the importance of place managers and third parties in controlling problem places. We then examine an extension of the third-party approach to argue that a place-based approach to crime may free crime control policy from the police monopoly. Then we describe how a place-based approach to crime could be incorporated in community corrections to improve probation and parole outcomes. Finally, we review the larger body of research on the potential threat of crime displacement, and its opposite, the diffusion of crime control benefits. Consistently, the evidence described in this chapter clearly shows the substantial utility of a place-based approach for reducing crime.
SITUATIONAL CRIME PREVENTION AT PLACES
In Chapter 3 we argued for the importance of social disorganization theories for understanding crime places. This is an area where basic research suggests promise (e.g., see Weisburd et al. 2012; Weisburd et al. 2014), but where there is little evidence of effectiveness of specific practices. Such evidence is beginning to be developed, but we can say little at this juncture. In contrast, the evidence regarding opportunity reduction and crime has grown systematically over the last few decades.
2 - The Concentration of Crime at Place
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 16-41
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Summary
Take a moment to imagine a crime occurring – perhaps a street robbery or a bag snatch. When you do this, it is difficult not to visualize the crime occurring in a particular setting or place. So, you might imagine a dark street corner with dim street lighting or seating in the outside area of a public bar. It seems intuitively sensible to analyze and understand crime at this unit of analysis – in other words, to investigate how criminals behave and crime concentrates at small microplaces. However, engaging in such microlevel analysis has tended to be a more recent criminological undertaking, and there are still many fruitful avenues to explore in terms of advancing both our knowledge and the sophistication of the methods that we use in this research area.
In this chapter, we raise and endeavor to answer a number of questions concerning the appropriate scale of analysis of criminological enquiry. To do this, we will start by defining what we mean by place and how this differs from other geographic concepts. Next, we highlight what has become the key catalyst for the criminology of place – the tremendous concentration of crime at microgeographic units of analysis. The strong and consistent concentration of crime at addresses, street segments, and other microgeographic units across cities is key to understanding why it is important to study the criminology of place and why it has such strong policy implications. We then turn to some additional statistical benefits of studying crime at microgeographic units that have to do with what is often termed “spatial interaction effects.” Finally, we examine problems that crime and place researchers will need to consider, and recommend some future directions for research exploring crime concentration at places.
PLACE AND SPACE
Geographic concepts are sometimes used in criminological research without a clear understanding of their meaning. Place and space are two such concepts. The subtle difference between them is important to keep in mind, as they can be a guide to establishing a carefully constructed study and influence the interpretation of findings. Furthermore, as will become apparent later in this chapter, a confusion of these concepts can mislead the reader in the interpretation of an argument. For example, it is important to keep in mind that place does not necessarily mean small units of analysis, nor does space necessarily refer to large areas.
Place Matters
- Criminology for the Twenty-First Century
- David Weisburd, John E. Eck, Anthony A. Braga, Cody W. Telep, Breanne Cave, Kate Bowers, Gerben Bruinsma, Charlotte Gill, Elizabeth R. Groff, Julie Hibdon, Joshua C. Hinkle, Shane D. Johnson, Brian Lawton, Cynthia Lum, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, George Rengert, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016
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Over the last two decades, there has been increased interest in the distribution of crime and other antisocial behavior at lower levels of geography. The focus on micro geography and its contribution to the understanding and prevention of crime has been called the 'criminology of place'. It pushes scholars to examine small geographic areas within cities, often as small as addresses or street segments, for their contribution to crime. Here, the authors describe what is known about crime and place, providing the most up-to-date and comprehensive review available. Place Matters shows that the study of criminology of place should be a central focus of criminology in the twenty-first century. It creates a tremendous opportunity for advancing our understanding of crime, and for addressing it. The book brings together eighteen top scholars in criminology and place to provide comprehensive research expanding across different themes.
4 - The Importance of Place in Mainstream Criminology and Related Fields: Influences and Lessons to be Learned
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 68-85
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Summary
This chapter explores the importance of place in theory and research in both mainstream criminology and other disciplines. As we noted in earlier chapters, traditional criminology has focused primarily on understanding why people commit crime. This focus on criminality has generally inhibited study of microgeographies and their role in producing crime. However, more recently there has been a trend toward integrating microgeographic places into traditional theorizing about criminality. In the first part of the chapter we discuss this trend, focusing on some recent innovations in understanding criminality that have incorporated place-based perspectives. In the second part of the chapter we focus on how other disciplines have influenced thinking in this area, focusing in particular on contributions in psychology, economics, and public health. Finally, we explore how trends in other disciplines might influence future directions of study in the criminology of place.
THE GROWING ROLE OF MICROGEOGRAPHIC PLACES IN TRADITIONAL THEORIZING OF CRIMINALITY
As we noted in Chapter 1, places, at least at a macro level, played a key part in the development of criminology in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But despite the role of place in crime in empirical study in Europe and theoretical development in the Chicago School through social disorganization theory, microgeographic places were mostly ignored. This was not because early criminologists failed to recognize the role of place in crime. Crime occurs in specific environments, and this was apparent to observers of the crime problem. Nonetheless, as we noted in Chapter 1, early criminologists did not see “crime places” – small discrete areas within communities – as a relevant focus of criminological study. This was the case, in part, because crime opportunities provided by places were assumed to be so numerous as to make concentration on specific places of little utility for theory or policy. What is the point of focusing theory or research on the opportunities offered by specific places if such opportunities can be found throughout the urban context?
Moreover, criminologists did not see the utility in focusing in on situational opportunities when criminal motivation was the key to understanding crime rates. Criminologists traditionally assumed that situational factors played a relatively minor role in explaining crime as compared with the “driving force of criminal dispositions” (Clarke and Felson 1993, 4; Trasler 1993).
3 - Theories of Crime and Place
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 42-67
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Summary
In the previous chapter, we showed that crime is concentrated at very small geographic units, substantially smaller than neighborhoods, and that these concentrations, on average, are relatively stable. This is true whether examining high- or low-crime neighborhoods. Although high-crime places do cluster, they seldom form a homogeneous block of high-crime places. Rather, interspersed within concentrations of high-crime places are many low- and modest-crime places.
Why is crime concentrated in a relatively small number of places? Standard criminology has not asked this question, largely because standard criminology focuses on criminality and implicitly assumes that the density of offenders explains crime density. Recognition that place characteristics matter is the starting point for this chapter. We look at two perspectives on crime place characteristics. We use the term “perspective” because each type of explanation is comprised of multiple theories linked by a common orientation. The first perspective arises from opportunity theories of crime. The second perspective arises from social disorganization theories of crime.
We begin by contrasting two ways of thinking about how a place becomes a crime hot spot and suggest that the process by which high-crime places evolve must involve place characteristics. In the next sections, we examine opportunity and social disorganization explanations. In the final section of the chapter, we examine possible ways researchers might link these two perspectives.
PROCESSES THAT CREATE CRIME PLACES
Before we look for explanations of why places become hot spots of crime it is important to consider two processes that might lead to such an outcome. Criminologists have generally proposed two generic models to account for the processes that lead to variation in place susceptibility to crime. One model suggests that places may start with reasonably similar risks of an initial criminal attack, but once attacked the risk of a subsequent attack on the place rises. Over time, places diverge in their crime risk, and consequently in their crime counts. This temporal contagion model is also known as a boost model (see Chapter 2) or a state-dependence model. It puts the emphasis on offenders’ willingness to return to a previously successful crime site (Johnson et al. 2007; Townsley et al. 2000). It suggests that irrespective of initial crime risk the occurrence of a crime will lead to changes in risk of crime at a place.
List of figures
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp vii-x
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7 - Crime Places in the Criminological Imagination
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 140-158
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Summary
We began this book by noting that criminologists have largely ignored the involvement of microgeographic places in crime. Mainstream criminologists have focused on “who done it?” and not “where done it?” (Sherman 1995). At least for the last century the key inquiries of crime and the key prevention approaches have looked to doing something about criminal motivation (Sutherland 1947; Reiss 1981). Why people commit crime has been the main focus of criminology (Brantingham and Brantingham 1990; Weisburd 2002), and catching and processing offenders has been the main focus of crime prevention (Weisburd 2008). In contrast, the criminology of place (Sherman et al. 1989; Weisburd et al. 2012), which began to develop in the 1980s and 1990s (Brantingham and Brantingham 1981; 1984; Eck 1994; Eck and Weisburd 1995; Roncek and Bell 1981; Weisburd and Green 1995a), provides an alternative vision of how we can understand crime and the crime problem. Like the emergence of community criminology during the same period (Bursik 1988; Morenoff et al. 2001; Sampson 2008; Sampson et al. 1997) the criminology of place has offered a new set of mechanisms for crime study and a new set of methods for doing something about the crime problem.
Theory has been a driving force in criminological study, and as we note below, we think that more not less attention to theory is important for advancing the criminology of place. However, theories are about something and try to explain something. When we change the unit of analysis, we are changing the target for theory. The criminology of place proposes a new target. It focuses on places, rather than people. Its goal is to explain the criminal involvement of microgeographic units rather than trying to explain the criminal involvement of people. This does not mean we ignore the role of individuals in the crime problem. But it does mean that we begin our inquiries with the place and see the individuals as only one part of the crime equation at places.
We have illustrated in the preceding chapters the extent to which theory, method, and empirical evidence about crime places have been developing over the last three decades. In this concluding chapter, we want to draw from our review of what is known some key themes that we think our work has identified, and key questions that still need to be answered.
Frontmatter
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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References
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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List of contributors
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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1 - Crime Places within Criminological Thought
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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Summary
A new perspective in criminology has emerged over the last three decades, a perspective with considerable potential to add to our understanding and control of crime. In the same way the invention of the microscope opened up a biological world scientists had not previously seen, this new perspective opens the world of small geographic features we had overlooked. Research has demonstrated that actions at these microplaces have strong connections to crime. Just as the microscope paved the way to new treatments and advances in public health, this new perspective in criminology is yielding improved ways of reducing crime. This new perspective shifts our attention from large geographic units, such as neighborhoods, to small units, such as street segments and addresses. This shift in the “units of analysis” transforms our understanding of the crime problem and what we can do about it.
There are two aspects to this shift in units. The first shifts our attention from large geographic units to small ones. This we have just mentioned. The second shifts our attention from people to events, from those who commit crimes to the crimes themselves. Criminology has been primarily focused on people (Brantingham and Brantingham 1990; Weisburd 2002). Frank Cullen (2011) noted in his Sutherland Address to the American Society of Criminology in 2010 that the focus of criminology has been even more specific. He argued that criminology was dominated by a paradigm, which he termed “adolescence-limited criminology,” that had focused primarily on adolescents.
To what extent have person-based studies dominated criminology? Weisburd (2015a) examined units of analysis in all empirical articles published in Criminology between 1990 and 2014. Criminology is the highest-impact journal in the field and the main scientific publication of the largest criminological society in the world, the American Society of Criminology. He identified 719 research articles. Of the 719 articles, two-thirds focused on people as units of analysis. The next main units of study were situations (15 percent) and macrogeographic areas such as cities and states (11 percent). Eck and Eck (2012) examined the 148 research papers published in Criminology and Public Policy from its first issue in 2001 until the end of 2010, and the 230 articles published in Criminal Justice Policy Review during the same time period.