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Frontmatter
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp i-iv
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Chronology of conservatism and the Conservative Party
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 177-182
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1 - The contestable conservative tradition: Burke to Southey
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 1-28
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Summary
Most commentators on modern conservatism agree in identifying the Irish-born author and politician Edmund Burke (1726–97) as its first major figure. In 1930 a former MP, Arthur Baumann, published Burke: The Founder of Conservatism. For the American historian Peter Viereck, conservative thought “begins with Burke”, and the publication of Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France in 1790 was an ideological landmark to match the appearance of The Communist Manifesto in 1848 (Viereck 1956: 10). Lord Hugh Cecil even gave conservatism a birthday – 6 May 1791, when Burke's opposition to the French Revolution produced a public breach with the leadership of the Whig Party (Cecil 1912: 43; where the nativity is misdated to 1790). More recently, the MP Jesse Norman argued that “in many ways [Burke] was the first conservative, the founder: the first person who can properly lay claim to having forged conservatism as a distinctive body of thought” (Norman 2013: 282).
There are alternative and earlier candidates for the parentage of modern conservatism – Benjamin Disraeli, for example, was a passionate admirer of Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751), author of The Idea of a Patriot King, and the sceptical Scottish philosopher David Hume (1711–76) anticipated Burke in important respects. However, although Burke's Reflections was written in response to a single, momentous historical development, it incorporated numerous passages whose implications reached beyond revolutionary France, and could be said to constitute an appeal to “first principles”. Burke had two immediate aims – to attack the ideas which, he felt, had inspired the revolutionary movement in France, and to quash symptoms of a similar insurgency in Britain itself. The danger of such ideas, Burke argued, lay chiefly in their propensity to encourage radical change. No system of government could be perfect, and it was the duty of responsible politicians to propose reforms once defects became too glaring to ignore. But even such imperative changes should be introduced gradually. Root-and-branch reform could lead to a breakdown of political and social order. This was particularly the case if the radical proposals were inspired by abstract ideas which showed insufficient respect for established practices.
Bibliography
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 30 March 2023, pp 185-190
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5 - “We must have an ideology”: conservatism since the First World War
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 101-124
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Summary
In the opening paragraph of his meticulous study of the Conservative Party between 1902 and 1940, John Ramsden noted that “The book does not delve into the philosophy of conservatism as such” (Ramsden 1978: ix). In justification of this approach, he related an anecdote concerning Stanley Baldwin, who led the party for around a third of the period in question. Asked about his intellectual influences by an enthusiastic young Conservative (Frank Pakenham, later, as Lord Longford, a controversial Labour peer), Baldwin paused for a moment before nominating Sir Henry Maine: “I never ceased to be grateful for all I learned from him”. Pakenham asked Baldwin what he considered to be Maine's most important insight. After a longer pause, Baldwin mentioned that Maine had established “once and for all” that human progress depended on the movement from status to contract: “He paused again and this time for quite a while, and suddenly a look of dawning horror, but at the same time of immense humanity and confederacy stole across his face. ‘Or was it’, he said leaning a little towards me, ‘or was it the other way round!’” (Ramsden 1978: ix–x).
The most likely explanation of Baldwin's behaviour is that he was teasing his visitor – an alumnus of Eton who had obtained a first-class degree in PPE from Oxford despite the distractions of the Bullingdon Club. Nobody who had ever heard of Sir Henry Maine could fail to regurgitate his most celebrated catchphrase: “from status to contract” tripped off the tongue as readily as “from Alpha to Omega”. Baldwin's pregnant pause (no doubt accompanied by a pull on his ever-present pipe) probably arose from appreciation of his own anti-intellectual intellectual joke, which conveyed a suggestion that he was wiser than Sir Henry Maine himself. Maybe Coleridge and Southey had been right, and the movement from status to contract had actually been a regressive step?
Conclusions: “Is conservatism dead?”
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 163-176
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Summary
By 1926, the descendants of Sir Robert Peel no longer occupied the property, Drayton Manor, whose purchase had guaranteed the family a seat in the House of Commons. Peel's stately pile was pulled down; only the clock tower remained to record the passing of time since the composition of the Tamworth Manifesto. After a sale in 1947 Drayton Manor was redeveloped as an amusement park. In 2020, while Boris Johnson's Conservative government was facing up to the task of “taking back control” from the EU, Peel's old property was acquired by a company with headquarters in Paris.
Just two years before the destruction of Drayton Manor Stanley Baldwin had evoked the sights and sounds of England. To the immemorial cry of the corncrake and the plough team rumbling over the hill, he could have added the destruction of historic houses as a phenomenon which was becoming increasingly familiar. The new burden of taxation, thanks particularly to death duties, had taken its toll on the aristocracy. The old ruling class was losing what was left of its political power and its fate was a matter of public indifference; the idea of preserving the past as a resource for future generations only took root after the Second World War. In England, more than a thousand historic houses were demolished during the twentieth century, and the losses in Scotland were proportionally higher.
These developments obviously held much more than symbolic importance, yet rumours of the death of “Conservative England” only began to circulate among journalists after the party's mauling in the 1997 general election (Wheatcroft 2005). Evidently the assumption that the Conservative Party always embodied “conservatism” had become so prevalent that such commentators would not be able to certify the death of an ideological tradition until the organization finally disbanded or (as it could easily have done on several occasions since the 1830s) adopted a less misleading name. It was not suggested that, in the process of killing the Liberal Party in the first half of the twentieth century, the Conservatives had found it necessary to adopt the ideological outlook of their less fortunate rivals.
Preface
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp vii-xii
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Summary
In December 2019, it looked as if the British Conservative Party had performed a feat of electoral escapology to match anything in its long history. The party had been in office since 2010, but never with a secure parliamentary majority. Its implementation of dramatic cuts in public spending – “austerity” – had incurred considerable public hostility during its coalition with the Liberal Democrats (2010–15), and although the party won a narrow overall majority in May 2015 the ensuing months were dominated by a bitter internal debate over an impending referendum on Britain's membership of the European Union (EU). When this took place in June 2016 a small majority of those who voted rejected the advice of the prime minister, David Cameron, and opted for withdrawal. Theresa May, chosen as Cameron's successor in preference to more colourful candidates, was unable to recreate a semblance of unity among her own party, let alone the public; a “snap” election called in 2017 in order to bolster her parliamentary position had the opposite effect. From the ensuing constitutional melee over the implementation of “Brexit”, none of the branches of British government emerged with enhanced public esteem; baulked by parliament and the courts, May had exhausted her personal authority long before standing down in July 2019.
To its critics – and, indeed, to many senior figures in its own ranks – this was a mess almost entirely of the Conservative Party's own making. The erstwhile “party of Europe”, and its allies in the mainstream media, had developed an obsession with the EU, ensuring that this potent source of division was a constant presence in the newspaper headlines which confronted a largely uncomprehending electorate. Spooked after 2012 by a surge in media and public support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), which made their own brand of “Euroscepticism” seem tepid, the Conservatives had responded by giving the voters a chance to channel their varied resentments into a one-off, single-issue decision. Cameron had been so confident of a victory for “Remain” that no serious preparations had been made in case the verdict went the other way.
3 - “Converging streams”: British conservative thought from Southey to Cecil
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 67-82
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Summary
In a debate of 31 May 1866, the Liberal MP John Stuart Mill intervened to clarify an earlier remark he had made about the Conservative Party, which, he feared, “has some appearance of being less polite than I should wish always to be”. In describing the opposition as “the stupidest party”, he had not meant “that Conservatives are generally stupid; I meant, that stupid persons are generally Conservative. I believe that to be so obvious and undeniable a fact that I hardly think any hon. Gentleman will question it”. In fact, Conservatives should celebrate their stupidity, which helped to explain their political success: “there is a dense solid force in sheer stupidity – such, that a few able men, with that force pressing behind them, are assured of victory in many a struggle” (Hansard HC Deb., 31 May 1866).
Mill's celebrated sally might have entertained MPs on his own side of the House, but in essence it reheated an argument which had appeared in print way back in 1840. His celebrated essay on Coleridge (see Chapter 1) implied that conservatives were “bigots” who could only find intellectual and moral salvation in teachings which were infused with liberalism (Mill 1840: 300–302). Mill seemed generally bemused to find that a conservative, like Coleridge, could have written anything worth reading.
By 1866 Mill had more reason for regarding Coleridge as a freakish exception to conservative stupidity, because no thinker of comparable stature had emerged in the interim. Indeed, Coleridge's best-known intellectual disciples, like the Christian socialist F. D. Maurice, and the liberal Thomas Arnold of Rugby School fame, had incorporated elements of his work within different ideological frameworks, while W. E. Gladstone had seen the error of his ways and at the time of Mill's speech was chancellor of the exchequer in a Liberal government. In part, the lack of an obvious successor to Coleridge (or indeed to Southey) reflected the dominant role in political debate of the periodical press. The typical contribution was an extended essay dealing with contemporary issues rather than fundamental principles (McDowell 1959).
Conservatism
- Mark Garnett
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- Agenda Publishing
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023
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The nature of conservative ideology is and will continue to be warmly contested. In this short history, Mark Garnett contends that the disagreements have been particularly strong in the instance of British conservatism because the ideological label continues to be used by a prominent political party. Whether hostile or friendly in intent, commentators on conservatism have found it difficult to avoid the assumption that British 'conservatism' must, at all times, be reflected at least to some degree in the policy platforms of the Conservative Party.
This book presents an account of British conservatism which avoids the usual confusion between the ideology and the stated principles of a party which prides itself on an ability to change its views according to circumstances. It shows, since the Tory Party adopted the name 'Conservative' in the 1830s it has become increasingly difficult to associate its varying positions with a coherent 'conservative' position, so that it is more profitable to discuss its ideological history from the perspective of liberalism and nationalism. This argument is presented by tracing the histories of the party and the ideology in separate chapters, whose themes and cast of characters rarely coincide.
Contents
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp v-vi
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2 - The Conservative Party from Peel to Salisbury
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 29-66
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Summary
As Benjamin Disraeli wrote in 1835, “In times of great political change and rapid political transition, it will generally be observed that political parties find it convenient to re-baptise themselves” (Hutcheon 1913: 217). For the British Tory Party, the early 1830s was such a time. In 1832 the Whig Party – its rival since the late seventeenth century – pushed through a reform of the electoral franchise which marked the first significant step towards democracy in the United Kingdom. If Tories were to compete for office in this new context, they would have to discard their historic label; and “Conservative” seemed the most suitable substitute.
Some important details are missing from the Conservative birth certificate. For many years the parentage was attributed to John Wilson Croker (1780–1857: see Chapter 1), an Irish-born MP and journalist who was closely connected with many influential figures within the Tory Party. It turned out that a more obscure author had pre-empted Croker, using the term “conservative” in an article for the pro-Tory Quarterly Review, in January 1830 (Stewart 1978: 69). Robert Southey referred to “conservative” principles and a conservative party in the same journal the following year (Southey 1831: 315, 317). By the time of the Reform Act the label had been accepted in some unexpected places: even the maniacally partisan Duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne (1785–1851) switched from “Tory” to “Conservative” in his diary without missing a beat (Gaunt 2006: 201–202). However, no precise date of birth can be given. Indeed, the word “Tory” continues to be used, either by supporters who are proud of its traditionalist resonances, opponents who find that it fits better than “Conservative” in insulting slogans, or commentators for the sake of variety.
Between the Hanoverian succession in 1714 and the last, unsuccessful Jacobite rebellion of 1745 the name “Tory” had a clear political meaning. It denoted a stickler for the hereditary principle, who hoped for the reinstatement of the Stuart dynasty deposed in 1688–89. However, between the mid-eighteenth century and the late 1820s allusions to a cohesive “Tory Party” must be taken with a pinch of salt, despite the notable scholarship which has been devoted to its history (e.g., Wood 1924; Feiling 1924, 1938).
6 - The Conservative Party since 1945
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Book:
- Conservatism
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- Agenda Publishing
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 125-162
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Summary
In hindsight, the only surprising thing about the 1945 general election result was that it surprised so many observers. Almost all of the opinion polls before the campaign suggested a Labour victory, and by common consent the Conservatives performed poorly in a contest which its leaders had not wanted. In part, this was because the Conservative organization was depleted by continuing military commitments, giving rise to the alarming thought that the party would have fared better if its members had taken less interest in the nation's defence.
However, the inevitable inquest covered the product itself as well as the marketing. Writing immediately after the defeat, Quintin Hogg argued that it arose from “a long pent-up and deep-seated revulsion against the principles, practice and membership of the Conservative Party”. Other post-mortems noted “the decline over several decades, of Conservative thought”, and the fact that the party “lacked a doctrine”, having been “be-devilled for years by pseudo-Conservatism” (Hoffman 1964: 27–8). The party's war-winning leader proved worse than useless in rebutting these allegations. Churchill exposed the main reason for his final choice of partisan allegiance in a notorious election broadcast, alleging that socialism could only be imposed on Britain by means of “some kind of Gestapo”. In his own mind this allegation made perfect sense: existing Labour politicians might be patriotic and talented public servants, but if their party won office they would instantly be swept aside by “Bolsheviks”. The MP Cuthbert Headlam, the only one of four Newcastle Conservatives to retain his seat in 1945, shared Churchill's view, even persuading himself that the new foreign secretary Ernest Bevin would seek to appease the Soviet Union. Before the election Headlam had expected his party to fare badly at the hands of “a new electorate which has been brought up on left wing nonsense without any kind of contradiction for five years”. When the Commons reassembled, he found that Baldwin's “hard-faced” contingent of 1918 had been replaced by “half baked young men”, many of whom had risked their lives during the war rather than simply profiting from it (Ball 2000: 472, 460, 470).
4 - The Conservative Party, 1902–45
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 83-100
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Summary
At least the succession to Salisbury was seamless. Arthur Balfour was the obvious choice, partly thanks to the accident of consanguity but also because his political career (since joining the Commons in 1874) suggested real political ability. At the time of his elevation to the premiership, Balfour had been piloting through parliament an Education Bill which began to extend previous provision of elementary schooling to the secondary level, entrusting responsibility to county and borough councils. Generally regarded nowadays as a sensible measure, at the time it aroused furious opposition from Protestant dissenters who, through compulsory local taxation, would have to cover the costs of teaching in Anglican (or Catholic) schools. Nonconformist objections to the proposal had been overridden by well-placed Anglican lobbyists, notably Salisbury's eldest son (who in 1903 was promoted to the cabinet alongside two cousins ‒ Balfour and his brother Gerald ‒ and his brother-in-law the Earl of Selborne). Equal opportunities were still a distant dream for progressive educationalists, but no-one could deny their existence within the Salisbury clan.
The terms of the Act were deeply unsettling to Joseph Chamberlain – a unitarian who owed his Birmingham powerbase to his identification with Protestant dissent as well as his charisma and business acumen. In its dealings with Chamberlain, the Conservative Party was not well served by the substitution of the dilettante Balfour for the Delphic Salisbury. If the succession had been determined on the grounds of political ability and seniority rather than the nepotism immortalized at the time by the phrase “Bob's your uncle”, Chamberlain would almost certainly have been the choice. As the Boer War came to its inglorious close, Chamberlain might not have been an ageing man in a hurry; but he was always a man with a plan. After dining with a group of young Conservative MPs in the spring of 1902, he confided that tariffs “are the politics of the future” (Gilbert 1991: 148).
Chamberlain was referring to a project that had been canvassed, particularly in imperialist circles, for many years, under various names – “tariff reform”, “fair trade”, “imperial preference”, etc. At its most basic, the idea envisaged protection of British products by means of import duties, which would be reduced (or waived entirely) in relation to trade within the empire.
Further reading
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- Agenda Publishing
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- 20 January 2024
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- 30 March 2023, pp 183-184
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Index
- Mark Garnett, Lancaster University
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- Conservatism
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- 30 March 2023, pp 191-195
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13 - Jeremy Corbyn’s foreign policy
- Edited by Andrew S. Roe-Crines, University of Liverpool
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- Corbynism in Perspective
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- 20 December 2023
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- 22 July 2021, pp 205-234
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Summary
No account of Jeremy Corbyn's political career could be complete without an assessment of his approach to foreign policy. His professed mission to create a fairer and more equal Britain has been matched by a desire to transform the country's international relations. Prior to becoming Labour's leader, Corbyn's public profile chiefly arose from his stance on a foreign policy issue: his opposition to the Iraq War. Indeed, according to one well-placed source, he would have preferred to serve as foreign secretary rather than as prime minister (Bush 2018). The Orwell Prize-winning journalist Steven Bloomfield summarized, “Foreign policy is Corbyn's passion. While the ins and outs of NHS reform don't tend to interest him, a conversation about healthcare in Latin America can last for hours” (Bloomfield 2018).
While foreign policy brought Corbyn to public notice, his views on controversial international issues provided considerable ammunition for critics at home and abroad. To his opponents, his “terrorist” groups, such as the IRA and Hamas, made him an enemy to his country, and a security risk even as leader of the opposition. Our present purpose is to offer a more general overview and evaluation of Corbyn's foreign policy, in the light of the most cogent criticisms of his detractors. In recent years, a failed leader of the opposition (William Hague) has ended up serving as foreign secretary. It is unlikely (not least on grounds of age) that Jeremy Corbyn's career will follow the same course. But it is permissible to pose the hypothetical question of whether or not Corbyn was really equipped to realize his ambition of serving in this senior ministerial role, not least because in his relatively brief spell as a major political player he had the chance to inspire others who might seek to shape British foreign policy along “Corbynista” lines.
The case against Corbyn
In September 2019, the Washington-based think tank the Hudson Institute published The Prospective Foreign Policy of a Corbyn Government and its US National Security Implications. Since the Institute has strong “conservative” affiliations it was most unlikely to commission a sympathetic study of Corbyn's views.
A HIGHLY PORTABLE AND INEXPENSIVE FIELD SAMPLING KIT FOR RADIOCARBON ANALYSIS OF CARBON DIOXIDE
- Mark H Garnett, Josephine-Anne Newton, Thomas C Parker
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- Journal:
- Radiocarbon / Volume 63 / Issue 4 / August 2021
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- 29 June 2021, pp. 1355-1368
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- August 2021
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Radiocarbon (14C) analysis of carbon dioxide (CO2) can be extremely useful in carbon cycle studies because it provides unique information that can infer the age and source of this greenhouse gas. Cartridges containing the CO2-adsorbing zeolite molecular sieve are small and highly portable, which makes them more suitable for field campaigns in remote locations compared to some other CO2 collection methods. However, sampling with molecular sieve cartridges usually requires additional equipment, such as an infrared gas analyser, which can reduce portability and pose limitations due to power demands. In addition, 14C analysis of CO2 is increasingly being used in field experiments which require high numbers of replicate CO2 collections, placing extra pressure on an expensive and cumbersome collection apparatus. We therefore designed and built a molecular sieve CO2 sampling kit that utilizes a small, low power CO2 sensor. We demonstrate the reliability of the new kit for the collection of CO2 samples for 14C analysis in a series of laboratory and field tests. This inexpensive sampling kit is small, light-weight, highly portable, and has low power demands, making it particularly useful for field campaigns in remote and inaccessible locations.
The use of ‘bomb spike’ calibration and high-precision AMS 14C analyses to date salt-marsh sediments deposited during the past three centuries
- William A. Marshall, W. Roland Gehrels, Mark H. Garnett, Stewart P.H.T. Freeman, Colin Maden, Sheng Xu
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- Journal:
- Quaternary Research / Volume 68 / Issue 3 / November 2007
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- 20 January 2017, pp. 325-337
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A combination of ‘bomb spike’ calibration and conventional calibration of AMS 14C dating has been used to determine a detailed age-depth model for a 1-m sediment section collected from a salt marsh in Poole Harbour, southern England. These data were compared with the chronology obtained from 210Pb analysis and 137Cs age markers. We report post bomb values of over 1.46 F14C (> 146% modern 14C), and both the rising and falling limbs of the atmospheric ‘bomb spike’ are identified. Five pre-bomb samples were analysed using multi-target high-precision 2‰ AMS analysis, and after the replicates were combined the one-sigma uncertainty was as low as ± 9 14C yr on some ages. These data, and an additional three normal-precision pre-bomb 14C samples, were calibrated using CALIB 5.0 and the chronology constrained using the ‘prior knowledge’ of independent age markers obtained from the analysis of pollen and spheroidal carbonaceous particle (SCPs). No agreement was found between the 14C ‘bomb spike’ dates and the CRS 210Pb chronology modelled for this sequence. In addition, poor agreement was found between the signal of the 1960s weapons test fallout indicated by the 14C ‘bomb spike’ dates and the timing suggested by the 137Cs data. This disagreement is attributed to the influence of the local discharge of 137Cs from the former UKAEA site at Winfrith. We use our new chronology to confirm the existence of an acceleration in sedimentation rates in Poole Harbour during the last 100 yr previously reported for this site by Long et al. (Long, A.J., Scaife, R.G., Edwards, R.J. 1999. Pine Pollen in intertidal sediments from Poole Harbour, UK; implications for late-Holocene sediment accretion rates and sea-level rise. Quaternary International, 55, 3–16.), and conclude that ‘bomb spike’ 14C calibration dating may offer a more robust alternative to the use of 210Pb chronologies for dating sediment deposition in salt-marsh environments. In addition, we demonstrate how the use of high-precision AMS analysis has the potential for reducing some of the uncertainties involved in the high-resolution dating of recent salt-marsh sediments.
Quantifying Charcoal Degradation and Negative Priming of Soil Organic Matter with a 14C-Dead Tracer
- Emma L Tilston, Philippa L Ascough, Mark H Garnett, Michael I Bird
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- Journal:
- Radiocarbon / Volume 58 / Issue 4 / December 2016
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 28 July 2016, pp. 905-919
- Print publication:
- December 2016
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Converting biomass to charcoal produces physical and chemical changes greatly increasing environmental recalcitrance, leading to great interest in the potential of this carbon form as a long-term sequestration strategy for climate change mitigation. Uncertainty remains, however, over the timescale of charcoal’s environmental stability, with estimates varying from decadal to millennial scales. Uncertainty also remains over charcoal’s effect on other aspects of carbon biogeochemical cycling and allied nutrient cycles such as nitrogen. Radiocarbon is a powerful tool to investigate charcoal mineralization due to its sensitivity; here we report the results of a study using 14C-dead charcoal (pMC=0.137±0.002) in organic-rich soil (pMC=99.76±0.46), assessing charcoal degradation over 55 days of incubation. Using this method, we discriminated between decomposition of indigenous soil organic matter (SOM) and charcoal by microorganisms. SOM was the major source of carbon respired from the soil, but there was also a contribution from charcoal carbon mineralization. This contribution was 2.1 and 1.1% on days 27 and 55, respectively. We also observed a negative priming effect due to charcoal additions to soil, where SOM mineralization was repressed by up to 14.1%, presumably arising from physico-chemical interactions between soil and charcoal.
Contributors
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- By Rose Teteki Abbey, K. C. Abraham, David Tuesday Adamo, LeRoy H. Aden, Efrain Agosto, Victor Aguilan, Gillian T. W. Ahlgren, Charanjit Kaur AjitSingh, Dorothy B E A Akoto, Giuseppe Alberigo, Daniel E. Albrecht, Ruth Albrecht, Daniel O. Aleshire, Urs Altermatt, Anand Amaladass, Michael Amaladoss, James N. Amanze, Lesley G. Anderson, Thomas C. Anderson, Victor Anderson, Hope S. Antone, María Pilar Aquino, Paula Arai, Victorio Araya Guillén, S. Wesley Ariarajah, Ellen T. Armour, Brett Gregory Armstrong, Atsuhiro Asano, Naim Stifan Ateek, Mahmoud Ayoub, John Alembillah Azumah, Mercedes L. García Bachmann, Irena Backus, J. Wayne Baker, Mieke Bal, Lewis V. Baldwin, William Barbieri, António Barbosa da Silva, David Basinger, Bolaji Olukemi Bateye, Oswald Bayer, Daniel H. Bays, Rosalie Beck, Nancy Elizabeth Bedford, Guy-Thomas Bedouelle, Chorbishop Seely Beggiani, Wolfgang Behringer, Christopher M. Bellitto, Byard Bennett, Harold V. Bennett, Teresa Berger, Miguel A. Bernad, Henley Bernard, Alan E. Bernstein, Jon L. Berquist, Johannes Beutler, Ana María Bidegain, Matthew P. Binkewicz, Jennifer Bird, Joseph Blenkinsopp, Dmytro Bondarenko, Paulo Bonfatti, Riet en Pim Bons-Storm, Jessica A. Boon, Marcus J. Borg, Mark Bosco, Peter C. Bouteneff, François Bovon, William D. Bowman, Paul S. Boyer, David Brakke, Richard E. Brantley, Marcus Braybrooke, Ian Breward, Ênio José da Costa Brito, Jewel Spears Brooker, Johannes Brosseder, Nicholas Canfield Read Brown, Robert F. Brown, Pamela K. Brubaker, Walter Brueggemann, Bishop Colin O. Buchanan, Stanley M. Burgess, Amy Nelson Burnett, J. Patout Burns, David B. Burrell, David Buttrick, James P. Byrd, Lavinia Byrne, Gerado Caetano, Marcos Caldas, Alkiviadis Calivas, William J. Callahan, Salvatore Calomino, Euan K. Cameron, William S. Campbell, Marcelo Ayres Camurça, Daniel F. Caner, Paul E. Capetz, Carlos F. Cardoza-Orlandi, Patrick W. Carey, Barbara Carvill, Hal Cauthron, Subhadra Mitra Channa, Mark D. Chapman, James H. Charlesworth, Kenneth R. Chase, Chen Zemin, Luciano Chianeque, Philip Chia Phin Yin, Francisca H. Chimhanda, Daniel Chiquete, John T. Chirban, Soobin Choi, Robert Choquette, Mita Choudhury, Gerald Christianson, John Chryssavgis, Sejong Chun, Esther Chung-Kim, Charles M. A. Clark, Elizabeth A. Clark, Sathianathan Clarke, Fred Cloud, John B. Cobb, W. Owen Cole, John A Coleman, John J. Collins, Sylvia Collins-Mayo, Paul K. Conkin, Beth A. Conklin, Sean Connolly, Demetrios J. Constantelos, Michael A. Conway, Paula M. Cooey, Austin Cooper, Michael L. Cooper-White, Pamela Cooper-White, L. William Countryman, Sérgio Coutinho, Pamela Couture, Shannon Craigo-Snell, James L. Crenshaw, David Crowner, Humberto Horacio Cucchetti, Lawrence S. Cunningham, Elizabeth Mason Currier, Emmanuel Cutrone, Mary L. Daniel, David D. Daniels, Robert Darden, Rolf Darge, Isaiah Dau, Jeffry C. Davis, Jane Dawson, Valentin Dedji, John W. de Gruchy, Paul DeHart, Wendy J. Deichmann Edwards, Miguel A. De La Torre, George E. Demacopoulos, Thomas de Mayo, Leah DeVun, Beatriz de Vasconcellos Dias, Dennis C. Dickerson, John M. Dillon, Luis Miguel Donatello, Igor Dorfmann-Lazarev, Susanna Drake, Jonathan A. Draper, N. Dreher Martin, Otto Dreydoppel, Angelyn Dries, A. J. Droge, Francis X. D'Sa, Marilyn Dunn, Nicole Wilkinson Duran, Rifaat Ebied, Mark J. Edwards, William H. Edwards, Leonard H. Ehrlich, Nancy L. Eiesland, Martin Elbel, J. Harold Ellens, Stephen Ellingson, Marvin M. Ellison, Robert Ellsberg, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Eldon Jay Epp, Peter C. Erb, Tassilo Erhardt, Maria Erling, Noel Leo Erskine, Gillian R. Evans, Virginia Fabella, Michael A. Fahey, Edward Farley, Margaret A. Farley, Wendy Farley, Robert Fastiggi, Seena Fazel, Duncan S. Ferguson, Helwar Figueroa, Paul Corby Finney, Kyriaki Karidoyanes FitzGerald, Thomas E. FitzGerald, John R. Fitzmier, Marie Therese Flanagan, Sabina Flanagan, Claude Flipo, Ronald B. Flowers, Carole Fontaine, David Ford, Mary Ford, Stephanie A. Ford, Jim Forest, William Franke, Robert M. Franklin, Ruth Franzén, Edward H. Friedman, Samuel Frouisou, Lorelei F. Fuchs, Jojo M. Fung, Inger Furseth, Richard R. Gaillardetz, Brandon Gallaher, China Galland, Mark Galli, Ismael García, Tharscisse Gatwa, Jean-Marie Gaudeul, Luis María Gavilanes del Castillo, Pavel L. Gavrilyuk, Volney P. Gay, Metropolitan Athanasios Geevargis, Kondothra M. George, Mary Gerhart, Simon Gikandi, Maurice Gilbert, Michael J. Gillgannon, Verónica Giménez Beliveau, Terryl Givens, Beth Glazier-McDonald, Philip Gleason, Menghun Goh, Brian Golding, Bishop Hilario M. Gomez, Michelle A. Gonzalez, Donald K. Gorrell, Roy Gottfried, Tamara Grdzelidze, Joel B. Green, Niels Henrik Gregersen, Cristina Grenholm, Herbert Griffiths, Eric W. Gritsch, Erich S. Gruen, Christoffer H. Grundmann, Paul H. Gundani, Jon P. Gunnemann, Petre Guran, Vidar L. Haanes, Jeremiah M. Hackett, Getatchew Haile, Douglas John Hall, Nicholas Hammond, Daphne Hampson, Jehu J. Hanciles, Barry Hankins, Jennifer Haraguchi, Stanley S. Harakas, Anthony John Harding, Conrad L. Harkins, J. William Harmless, Marjory Harper, Amir Harrak, Joel F. Harrington, Mark W. Harris, Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Van A. Harvey, R. Chris Hassel, Jione Havea, Daniel Hawk, Diana L. Hayes, Leslie Hayes, Priscilla Hayner, S. Mark Heim, Simo Heininen, Richard P. Heitzenrater, Eila Helander, David Hempton, Scott H. Hendrix, Jan-Olav Henriksen, Gina Hens-Piazza, Carter Heyward, Nicholas J. Higham, David Hilliard, Norman A. Hjelm, Peter C. Hodgson, Arthur Holder, M. Jan Holton, Dwight N. Hopkins, Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, Po-Ho Huang, James Hudnut-Beumler, Jennifer S. Hughes, Leonard M. Hummel, Mary E. Hunt, Laennec Hurbon, Mark Hutchinson, Susan E. Hylen, Mary Beth Ingham, H. Larry Ingle, Dale T. Irvin, Jon Isaak, Paul John Isaak, Ada María Isasi-Díaz, Hans Raun Iversen, Margaret C. Jacob, Arthur James, Maria Jansdotter-Samuelsson, David Jasper, Werner G. Jeanrond, Renée Jeffery, David Lyle Jeffrey, Theodore W. Jennings, David H. Jensen, Robin Margaret Jensen, David Jobling, Dale A. Johnson, Elizabeth A. Johnson, Maxwell E. Johnson, Sarah Johnson, Mark D. Johnston, F. Stanley Jones, James William Jones, John R. Jones, Alissa Jones Nelson, Inge Jonsson, Jan Joosten, Elizabeth Judd, Mulambya Peggy Kabonde, Robert Kaggwa, Sylvester Kahakwa, Isaac Kalimi, Ogbu U. Kalu, Eunice Kamaara, Wayne C. Kannaday, Musimbi Kanyoro, Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, Frank Kaufmann, Léon Nguapitshi Kayongo, Richard Kearney, Alice A. Keefe, Ralph Keen, Catherine Keller, Anthony J. Kelly, Karen Kennelly, Kathi Lynn Kern, Fergus Kerr, Edward Kessler, George Kilcourse, Heup Young Kim, Kim Sung-Hae, Kim Yong-Bock, Kim Yung Suk, Richard King, Thomas M. King, Robert M. Kingdon, Ross Kinsler, Hans G. Kippenberg, Cheryl A. Kirk-Duggan, Clifton Kirkpatrick, Leonid Kishkovsky, Nadieszda Kizenko, Jeffrey Klaiber, Hans-Josef Klauck, Sidney Knight, Samuel Kobia, Robert Kolb, Karla Ann Koll, Heikki Kotila, Donald Kraybill, Philip D. W. Krey, Yves Krumenacker, Jeffrey Kah-Jin Kuan, Simanga R. Kumalo, Peter Kuzmic, Simon Shui-Man Kwan, Kwok Pui-lan, André LaCocque, Stephen E. Lahey, John Tsz Pang Lai, Emiel Lamberts, Armando Lampe, Craig Lampe, Beverly J. Lanzetta, Eve LaPlante, Lizette Larson-Miller, Ariel Bybee Laughton, Leonard Lawlor, Bentley Layton, Robin A. Leaver, Karen Lebacqz, Archie Chi Chung Lee, Marilyn J. Legge, Hervé LeGrand, D. L. LeMahieu, Raymond Lemieux, Bill J. Leonard, Ellen M. Leonard, Outi Leppä, Jean Lesaulnier, Nantawan Boonprasat Lewis, Henrietta Leyser, Alexei Lidov, Bernard Lightman, Paul Chang-Ha Lim, Carter Lindberg, Mark R. Lindsay, James R. Linville, James C. Livingston, Ann Loades, David Loades, Jean-Claude Loba-Mkole, Lo Lung Kwong, Wati Longchar, Eleazar López, David W. Lotz, Andrew Louth, Robin W. Lovin, William Luis, Frank D. Macchia, Diarmaid N. J. MacCulloch, Kirk R. MacGregor, Marjory A. MacLean, Donald MacLeod, Tomas S. Maddela, Inge Mager, Laurenti Magesa, David G. Maillu, Fortunato Mallimaci, Philip Mamalakis, Kä Mana, Ukachukwu Chris Manus, Herbert Robinson Marbury, Reuel Norman Marigza, Jacqueline Mariña, Antti Marjanen, Luiz C. L. Marques, Madipoane Masenya (ngwan'a Mphahlele), Caleb J. D. Maskell, Steve Mason, Thomas Massaro, Fernando Matamoros Ponce, András Máté-Tóth, Odair Pedroso Mateus, Dinis Matsolo, Fumitaka Matsuoka, John D'Arcy May, Yelena Mazour-Matusevich, Theodore Mbazumutima, John S. McClure, Christian McConnell, Lee Martin McDonald, Gary B. McGee, Thomas McGowan, Alister E. McGrath, Richard J. McGregor, John A. McGuckin, Maud Burnett McInerney, Elsie Anne McKee, Mary B. McKinley, James F. McMillan, Ernan McMullin, Kathleen E. McVey, M. Douglas Meeks, Monica Jyotsna Melanchthon, Ilie Melniciuc-Puica, Everett Mendoza, Raymond A. Mentzer, William W. Menzies, Ina Merdjanova, Franziska Metzger, Constant J. Mews, Marvin Meyer, Carol Meyers, Vasile Mihoc, Gunner Bjerg Mikkelsen, Maria Inêz de Castro Millen, Clyde Lee Miller, Bonnie J. Miller-McLemore, Alexander Mirkovic, Paul Misner, Nozomu Miyahira, R. W. L. Moberly, Gerald Moede, Aloo Osotsi Mojola, Sunanda Mongia, Rebeca Montemayor, James Moore, Roger E. Moore, Craig E. Morrison O.Carm, Jeffry H. Morrison, Keith Morrison, Wilson J. Moses, Tefetso Henry Mothibe, Mokgethi Motlhabi, Fulata Moyo, Henry Mugabe, Jesse Ndwiga Kanyua Mugambi, Peggy Mulambya-Kabonde, Robert Bruce Mullin, Pamela Mullins Reaves, Saskia Murk Jansen, Heleen L. Murre-Van den Berg, Augustine Musopole, Isaac M. T. Mwase, Philomena Mwaura, Cecilia Nahnfeldt, Anne Nasimiyu Wasike, Carmiña Navia Velasco, Thulani Ndlazi, Alexander Negrov, James B. Nelson, David G. Newcombe, Carol Newsom, Helen J. Nicholson, George W. E. Nickelsburg, Tatyana Nikolskaya, Damayanthi M. A. Niles, Bertil Nilsson, Nyambura Njoroge, Fidelis Nkomazana, Mary Beth Norton, Christian Nottmeier, Sonene Nyawo, Anthère Nzabatsinda, Edward T. Oakes, Gerald O'Collins, Daniel O'Connell, David W. Odell-Scott, Mercy Amba Oduyoye, Kathleen O'Grady, Oyeronke Olajubu, Thomas O'Loughlin, Dennis T. Olson, J. Steven O'Malley, Cephas N. Omenyo, Muriel Orevillo-Montenegro, César Augusto Ornellas Ramos, Agbonkhianmeghe E. Orobator, Kenan B. Osborne, Carolyn Osiek, Javier Otaola Montagne, Douglas F. Ottati, Anna May Say Pa, Irina Paert, Jerry G. Pankhurst, Aristotle Papanikolaou, Samuele F. Pardini, Stefano Parenti, Peter Paris, Sung Bae Park, Cristián G. Parker, Raquel Pastor, Joseph Pathrapankal, Daniel Patte, W. Brown Patterson, Clive Pearson, Keith F. Pecklers, Nancy Cardoso Pereira, David Horace Perkins, Pheme Perkins, Edward N. Peters, Rebecca Todd Peters, Bishop Yeznik Petrossian, Raymond Pfister, Peter C. Phan, Isabel Apawo Phiri, William S. F. Pickering, Derrick G. Pitard, William Elvis Plata, Zlatko Plese, John Plummer, James Newton Poling, Ronald Popivchak, Andrew Porter, Ute Possekel, James M. Powell, Enos Das Pradhan, Devadasan Premnath, Jaime Adrían Prieto Valladares, Anne Primavesi, Randall Prior, María Alicia Puente Lutteroth, Eduardo Guzmão Quadros, Albert Rabil, Laurent William Ramambason, Apolonio M. Ranche, Vololona Randriamanantena Andriamitandrina, Lawrence R. Rast, Paul L. Redditt, Adele Reinhartz, Rolf Rendtorff, Pål Repstad, James N. Rhodes, John K. Riches, Joerg Rieger, Sharon H. Ringe, Sandra Rios, Tyler Roberts, David M. Robinson, James M. Robinson, Joanne Maguire Robinson, Richard A. H. Robinson, Roy R. Robson, Jack B. Rogers, Maria Roginska, Sidney Rooy, Rev. Garnett Roper, Maria José Fontelas Rosado-Nunes, Andrew C. Ross, Stefan Rossbach, François Rossier, John D. Roth, John K. Roth, Phillip Rothwell, Richard E. Rubenstein, Rosemary Radford Ruether, Markku Ruotsila, John E. Rybolt, Risto Saarinen, John Saillant, Juan Sanchez, Wagner Lopes Sanchez, Hugo N. Santos, Gerhard Sauter, Gloria L. Schaab, Sandra M. Schneiders, Quentin J. Schultze, Fernando F. Segovia, Turid Karlsen Seim, Carsten Selch Jensen, Alan P. F. Sell, Frank C. Senn, Kent Davis Sensenig, Damían Setton, Bal Krishna Sharma, Carolyn J. Sharp, Thomas Sheehan, N. Gerald Shenk, Christian Sheppard, Charles Sherlock, Tabona Shoko, Walter B. Shurden, Marguerite Shuster, B. Mark Sietsema, Batara Sihombing, Neil Silberman, Clodomiro Siller, Samuel Silva-Gotay, Heikki Silvet, John K. Simmons, Hagith Sivan, James C. Skedros, Abraham Smith, Ashley A. Smith, Ted A. Smith, Daud Soesilo, Pia Søltoft, Choan-Seng (C. S.) Song, Kathryn Spink, Bryan Spinks, Eric O. Springsted, Nicolas Standaert, Brian Stanley, Glen H. Stassen, Karel Steenbrink, Stephen J. Stein, Andrea Sterk, Gregory E. Sterling, Columba Stewart, Jacques Stewart, Robert B. Stewart, Cynthia Stokes Brown, Ken Stone, Anne Stott, Elizabeth Stuart, Monya Stubbs, Marjorie Hewitt Suchocki, David Kwang-sun Suh, Scott W. Sunquist, Keith Suter, Douglas Sweeney, Charles H. Talbert, Shawqi N. Talia, Elsa Tamez, Joseph B. Tamney, Jonathan Y. Tan, Yak-Hwee Tan, Kathryn Tanner, Feiya Tao, Elizabeth S. Tapia, Aquiline Tarimo, Claire Taylor, Mark Lewis Taylor, Bishop Abba Samuel Wolde Tekestebirhan, Eugene TeSelle, M. Thomas Thangaraj, David R. Thomas, Andrew Thornley, Scott Thumma, Marcelo Timotheo da Costa, George E. “Tink” Tinker, Ola Tjørhom, Karen Jo Torjesen, Iain R. Torrance, Fernando Torres-Londoño, Archbishop Demetrios [Trakatellis], Marit Trelstad, Christine Trevett, Phyllis Trible, Johannes Tromp, Paul Turner, Robert G. Tuttle, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Peter Tyler, Anders Tyrberg, Justin Ukpong, Javier Ulloa, Camillus Umoh, Kristi Upson-Saia, Martina Urban, Monica Uribe, Elochukwu Eugene Uzukwu, Richard Vaggione, Gabriel Vahanian, Paul Valliere, T. J. Van Bavel, Steven Vanderputten, Peter Van der Veer, Huub Van de Sandt, Louis Van Tongeren, Luke A. Veronis, Noel Villalba, Ramón Vinke, Tim Vivian, David Voas, Elena Volkova, Katharina von Kellenbach, Elina Vuola, Timothy Wadkins, Elaine M. Wainwright, Randi Jones Walker, Dewey D. Wallace, Jerry Walls, Michael J. Walsh, Philip Walters, Janet Walton, Jonathan L. Walton, Wang Xiaochao, Patricia A. Ward, David Harrington Watt, Herold D. Weiss, Laurence L. Welborn, Sharon D. Welch, Timothy Wengert, Traci C. West, Merold Westphal, David Wetherell, Barbara Wheeler, Carolinne White, Jean-Paul Wiest, Frans Wijsen, Terry L. Wilder, Felix Wilfred, Rebecca Wilkin, Daniel H. Williams, D. Newell Williams, Michael A. Williams, Vincent L. Wimbush, Gabriele Winkler, Anders Winroth, Lauri Emílio Wirth, James A. Wiseman, Ebba Witt-Brattström, Teofil Wojciechowski, John Wolffe, Kenman L. Wong, Wong Wai Ching, Linda Woodhead, Wendy M. Wright, Rose Wu, Keith E. Yandell, Gale A. Yee, Viktor Yelensky, Yeo Khiok-Khng, Gustav K. K. Yeung, Angela Yiu, Amos Yong, Yong Ting Jin, You Bin, Youhanna Nessim Youssef, Eliana Yunes, Robert Michael Zaller, Valarie H. Ziegler, Barbara Brown Zikmund, Joyce Ann Zimmerman, Aurora Zlotnik, Zhuo Xinping
- Edited by Daniel Patte, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee
-
- Book:
- The Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity
- Published online:
- 05 August 2012
- Print publication:
- 20 September 2010, pp xi-xliv
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