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Pesticide Runoff Simulations: Long-Term Annual Means vs. Event Extremes?
- Ralph A. Leonard, Clint C. Truman, Walt G. Knisel, Frank M. Davis
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- Journal:
- Weed Technology / Volume 6 / Issue 3 / September 1992
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 12 June 2017, pp. 725-730
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The GLEAMS model (Groundwater Loading Effects of Agricultural Management Systems) is used to illustrate model application in evaluating potential pesticide runoff of two similar pesticides from one soil. This limited application was chosen for simplicity in illustrating relationships between annual means and single events. When using annual totals of simulated pesticide runoff for comparing two pesticides or assessing risks, long-term 50-yr simulations are preferable to short 10-yr simulations. When short-term simulations are performed, care must be exercised in selecting representative climatic periods. For short half-life pesticides, as demonstrated in this study, initial rainfall events on or near the day of application will often contribute most to annual pesticide lost. In these cases, single event analysis may be required. Procedures are demonstrated for expressing annual total pesticide losses and single rainfall event losses probabilistically in terms of expected recurrence intervals.
Contributors
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- By Mitchell Aboulafia, Frederick Adams, Marilyn McCord Adams, Robert M. Adams, Laird Addis, James W. Allard, David Allison, William P. Alston, Karl Ameriks, C. Anthony Anderson, David Leech Anderson, Lanier Anderson, Roger Ariew, David Armstrong, Denis G. Arnold, E. J. Ashworth, Margaret Atherton, Robin Attfield, Bruce Aune, Edward Wilson Averill, Jody Azzouni, Kent Bach, Andrew Bailey, Lynne Rudder Baker, Thomas R. Baldwin, Jon Barwise, George Bealer, William Bechtel, Lawrence C. Becker, Mark A. Bedau, Ernst Behler, José A. Benardete, Ermanno Bencivenga, Jan Berg, Michael Bergmann, Robert L. Bernasconi, Sven Bernecker, Bernard Berofsky, Rod Bertolet, Charles J. Beyer, Christian Beyer, Joseph Bien, Joseph Bien, Peg Birmingham, Ivan Boh, James Bohman, Daniel Bonevac, Laurence BonJour, William J. Bouwsma, Raymond D. Bradley, Myles Brand, Richard B. Brandt, Michael E. Bratman, Stephen E. Braude, Daniel Breazeale, Angela Breitenbach, Jason Bridges, David O. Brink, Gordon G. Brittan, Justin Broackes, Dan W. Brock, Aaron Bronfman, Jeffrey E. Brower, Bartosz Brozek, Anthony Brueckner, Jeffrey Bub, Lara Buchak, Otavio Bueno, Ann E. Bumpus, Robert W. Burch, John Burgess, Arthur W. Burks, Panayot Butchvarov, Robert E. Butts, Marina Bykova, Patrick Byrne, David Carr, Noël Carroll, Edward S. Casey, Victor Caston, Victor Caston, Albert Casullo, Robert L. Causey, Alan K. L. Chan, Ruth Chang, Deen K. Chatterjee, Andrew Chignell, Roderick M. Chisholm, Kelly J. Clark, E. J. Coffman, Robin Collins, Brian P. Copenhaver, John Corcoran, John Cottingham, Roger Crisp, Frederick J. Crosson, Antonio S. Cua, Phillip D. Cummins, Martin Curd, Adam Cureton, Andrew Cutrofello, Stephen Darwall, Paul Sheldon Davies, Wayne A. Davis, Timothy Joseph Day, Claudio de Almeida, Mario De Caro, Mario De Caro, John Deigh, C. F. Delaney, Daniel C. Dennett, Michael R. DePaul, Michael Detlefsen, Daniel Trent Devereux, Philip E. Devine, John M. Dillon, Martin C. Dillon, Robert DiSalle, Mary Domski, Alan Donagan, Paul Draper, Fred Dretske, Mircea Dumitru, Wilhelm Dupré, Gerald Dworkin, John Earman, Ellery Eells, Catherine Z. Elgin, Berent Enç, Ronald P. Endicott, Edward Erwin, John Etchemendy, C. Stephen Evans, Susan L. Feagin, Solomon Feferman, Richard Feldman, Arthur Fine, Maurice A. Finocchiaro, William FitzPatrick, Richard E. Flathman, Gvozden Flego, Richard Foley, Graeme Forbes, Rainer Forst, Malcolm R. Forster, Daniel Fouke, Patrick Francken, Samuel Freeman, Elizabeth Fricker, Miranda Fricker, Michael Friedman, Michael Fuerstein, Richard A. Fumerton, Alan Gabbey, Pieranna Garavaso, Daniel Garber, Jorge L. A. Garcia, Robert K. Garcia, Don Garrett, Philip Gasper, Gerald Gaus, Berys Gaut, Bernard Gert, Roger F. Gibson, Cody Gilmore, Carl Ginet, Alan H. Goldman, Alvin I. Goldman, Alfonso Gömez-Lobo, Lenn E. Goodman, Robert M. Gordon, Stefan Gosepath, Jorge J. E. Gracia, Daniel W. Graham, George A. Graham, Peter J. Graham, Richard E. Grandy, I. Grattan-Guinness, John Greco, Philip T. Grier, Nicholas Griffin, Nicholas Griffin, David A. Griffiths, Paul J. Griffiths, Stephen R. Grimm, Charles L. Griswold, Charles B. Guignon, Pete A. Y. Gunter, Dimitri Gutas, Gary Gutting, Paul Guyer, Kwame Gyekye, Oscar A. Haac, Raul Hakli, Raul Hakli, Michael Hallett, Edward C. Halper, Jean Hampton, R. James Hankinson, K. R. Hanley, Russell Hardin, Robert M. Harnish, William Harper, David Harrah, Kevin Hart, Ali Hasan, William Hasker, John Haugeland, Roger Hausheer, William Heald, Peter Heath, Richard Heck, John F. Heil, Vincent F. Hendricks, Stephen Hetherington, Francis Heylighen, Kathleen Marie Higgins, Risto Hilpinen, Harold T. Hodes, Joshua Hoffman, Alan Holland, Robert L. Holmes, Richard Holton, Brad W. Hooker, Terence E. Horgan, Tamara Horowitz, Paul Horwich, Vittorio Hösle, Paul Hoβfeld, Daniel Howard-Snyder, Frances Howard-Snyder, Anne Hudson, Deal W. Hudson, Carl A. Huffman, David L. Hull, Patricia Huntington, Thomas Hurka, Paul Hurley, Rosalind Hursthouse, Guillermo Hurtado, Ronald E. Hustwit, Sarah Hutton, Jonathan Jenkins Ichikawa, Harry A. Ide, David Ingram, Philip J. Ivanhoe, Alfred L. Ivry, Frank Jackson, Dale Jacquette, Joseph Jedwab, Richard Jeffrey, David Alan Johnson, Edward Johnson, Mark D. Jordan, Richard Joyce, Hwa Yol Jung, Robert Hillary Kane, Tomis Kapitan, Jacquelyn Ann K. Kegley, James A. Keller, Ralph Kennedy, Sergei Khoruzhii, Jaegwon Kim, Yersu Kim, Nathan L. King, Patricia Kitcher, Peter D. Klein, E. D. Klemke, Virginia Klenk, George L. Kline, Christian Klotz, Simo Knuuttila, Joseph J. Kockelmans, Konstantin Kolenda, Sebastian Tomasz Kołodziejczyk, Isaac Kramnick, Richard Kraut, Fred Kroon, Manfred Kuehn, Steven T. Kuhn, Henry E. Kyburg, John Lachs, Jennifer Lackey, Stephen E. Lahey, Andrea Lavazza, Thomas H. Leahey, Joo Heung Lee, Keith Lehrer, Dorothy Leland, Noah M. Lemos, Ernest LePore, Sarah-Jane Leslie, Isaac Levi, Andrew Levine, Alan E. Lewis, Daniel E. Little, Shu-hsien Liu, Shu-hsien Liu, Alan K. L. Chan, Brian Loar, Lawrence B. Lombard, John Longeway, Dominic McIver Lopes, Michael J. Loux, E. J. Lowe, Steven Luper, Eugene C. Luschei, William G. Lycan, David Lyons, David Macarthur, Danielle Macbeth, Scott MacDonald, Jacob L. Mackey, Louis H. Mackey, Penelope Mackie, Edward H. Madden, Penelope Maddy, G. B. Madison, Bernd Magnus, Pekka Mäkelä, Rudolf A. Makkreel, David Manley, William E. Mann (W.E.M.), Vladimir Marchenkov, Peter Markie, Jean-Pierre Marquis, Ausonio Marras, Mike W. Martin, A. P. Martinich, William L. McBride, David McCabe, Storrs McCall, Hugh J. McCann, Robert N. McCauley, John J. McDermott, Sarah McGrath, Ralph McInerny, Daniel J. McKaughan, Thomas McKay, Michael McKinsey, Brian P. McLaughlin, Ernan McMullin, Anthonie Meijers, Jack W. Meiland, William Jason Melanson, Alfred R. Mele, Joseph R. Mendola, Christopher Menzel, Michael J. Meyer, Christian B. Miller, David W. Miller, Peter Millican, Robert N. Minor, Phillip Mitsis, James A. Montmarquet, Michael S. Moore, Tim Moore, Benjamin Morison, Donald R. Morrison, Stephen J. Morse, Paul K. Moser, Alexander P. D. Mourelatos, Ian Mueller, James Bernard Murphy, Mark C. Murphy, Steven Nadler, Jan Narveson, Alan Nelson, Jerome Neu, Samuel Newlands, Kai Nielsen, Ilkka Niiniluoto, Carlos G. Noreña, Calvin G. Normore, David Fate Norton, Nikolaj Nottelmann, Donald Nute, David S. Oderberg, Steve Odin, Michael O’Rourke, Willard G. Oxtoby, Heinz Paetzold, George S. Pappas, Anthony J. Parel, Lydia Patton, R. P. Peerenboom, Francis Jeffry Pelletier, Adriaan T. Peperzak, Derk Pereboom, Jaroslav Peregrin, Glen Pettigrove, Philip Pettit, Edmund L. Pincoffs, Andrew Pinsent, Robert B. Pippin, Alvin Plantinga, Louis P. Pojman, Richard H. Popkin, John F. Post, Carl J. Posy, William J. Prior, Richard Purtill, Michael Quante, Philip L. Quinn, Philip L. Quinn, Elizabeth S. Radcliffe, Diana Raffman, Gerard Raulet, Stephen L. Read, Andrews Reath, Andrew Reisner, Nicholas Rescher, Henry S. Richardson, Robert C. Richardson, Thomas Ricketts, Wayne D. Riggs, Mark Roberts, Robert C. Roberts, Luke Robinson, Alexander Rosenberg, Gary Rosenkranz, Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, Adina L. Roskies, William L. Rowe, T. M. Rudavsky, Michael Ruse, Bruce Russell, Lilly-Marlene Russow, Dan Ryder, R. M. Sainsbury, Joseph Salerno, Nathan Salmon, Wesley C. Salmon, Constantine Sandis, David H. Sanford, Marco Santambrogio, David Sapire, Ruth A. Saunders, Geoffrey Sayre-McCord, Charles Sayward, James P. Scanlan, Richard Schacht, Tamar Schapiro, Frederick F. Schmitt, Jerome B. Schneewind, Calvin O. Schrag, Alan D. Schrift, George F. Schumm, Jean-Loup Seban, David N. Sedley, Kenneth Seeskin, Krister Segerberg, Charlene Haddock Seigfried, Dennis M. Senchuk, James F. Sennett, William Lad Sessions, Stewart Shapiro, Tommie Shelby, Donald W. Sherburne, Christopher Shields, Roger A. Shiner, Sydney Shoemaker, Robert K. Shope, Kwong-loi Shun, Wilfried Sieg, A. John Simmons, Robert L. Simon, Marcus G. Singer, Georgette Sinkler, Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, Matti T. Sintonen, Lawrence Sklar, Brian Skyrms, Robert C. Sleigh, Michael Anthony Slote, Hans Sluga, Barry Smith, Michael Smith, Robin Smith, Robert Sokolowski, Robert C. Solomon, Marta Soniewicka, Philip Soper, Ernest Sosa, Nicholas Southwood, Paul Vincent Spade, T. L. S. Sprigge, Eric O. Springsted, George J. Stack, Rebecca Stangl, Jason Stanley, Florian Steinberger, Sören Stenlund, Christopher Stephens, James P. Sterba, Josef Stern, Matthias Steup, M. A. Stewart, Leopold Stubenberg, Edith Dudley Sulla, Frederick Suppe, Jere Paul Surber, David George Sussman, Sigrún Svavarsdóttir, Zeno G. Swijtink, Richard Swinburne, Charles C. Taliaferro, Robert B. Talisse, John Tasioulas, Paul Teller, Larry S. Temkin, Mark Textor, H. S. Thayer, Peter Thielke, Alan Thomas, Amie L. Thomasson, Katherine Thomson-Jones, Joshua C. Thurow, Vzalerie Tiberius, Terrence N. Tice, Paul Tidman, Mark C. Timmons, William Tolhurst, James E. Tomberlin, Rosemarie Tong, Lawrence Torcello, Kelly Trogdon, J. D. Trout, Robert E. Tully, Raimo Tuomela, John Turri, Martin M. Tweedale, Thomas Uebel, Jennifer Uleman, James Van Cleve, Harry van der Linden, Peter van Inwagen, Bryan W. Van Norden, René van Woudenberg, Donald Phillip Verene, Samantha Vice, Thomas Vinci, Donald Wayne Viney, Barbara Von Eckardt, Peter B. M. Vranas, Steven J. Wagner, William J. Wainwright, Paul E. Walker, Robert E. Wall, Craig Walton, Douglas Walton, Eric Watkins, Richard A. Watson, Michael V. Wedin, Rudolph H. Weingartner, Paul Weirich, Paul J. Weithman, Carl Wellman, Howard Wettstein, Samuel C. Wheeler, Stephen A. White, Jennifer Whiting, Edward R. Wierenga, Michael Williams, Fred Wilson, W. Kent Wilson, Kenneth P. Winkler, John F. Wippel, Jan Woleński, Allan B. Wolter, Nicholas P. Wolterstorff, Rega Wood, W. Jay Wood, Paul Woodruff, Alison Wylie, Gideon Yaffe, Takashi Yagisawa, Yutaka Yamamoto, Keith E. Yandell, Xiaomei Yang, Dean Zimmerman, Günter Zoller, Catherine Zuckert, Michael Zuckert, Jack A. Zupko (J.A.Z.)
- Edited by Robert Audi, University of Notre Dame, Indiana
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- The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy
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- 05 August 2015
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- 27 April 2015, pp ix-xxx
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S7 : Probing the physics of Seyfert Galaxies through their ENLR & HII Regions
- Michael A. Dopita, Prajval Shastri, Julia Scharwächter, Lisa J. Kewley, Rebecca Davies, Ralph Sutherland, Preeti Kharb, Jessy Jose, Harish Bhatt, S. Ramya, Elise Hampton, Chichuan Jin, Julie Banfield, Ingyin Zaw, Shweta Srivastava, Bethan James
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- Journal:
- Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union / Volume 10 / Issue S309 / July 2014
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 09 February 2015, pp. 200-205
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- July 2014
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Here we present the first results from the Siding Spring Southern Seyfert Spectroscopic Snapshot Survey (S7) which aims to investigate the physics of ∼140 radio-detected southern active Galaxies with z<0.02 through Integral Field Spectroscopy using the Wide Field Spectrograph (WiFeS). This instrument provides data cubes of the central 38×25 arc sec. of the target galaxies in the waveband 340–710nm with the unusually high resolution of R=7000 in the red (530–710nm), and R=3000 in the blue (340–560nm). These data provide the morphology, kinematics and the excitation structure of the extended narrow-line region, probe relationships with the black hole characteristics and the host galaxy, measures host galaxy abundance gradients and the determination of nuclear abundances from the HII regions. From photoionisation modelling, we may determine the shape of the ionising spectrum of the AGN, discover whether AGN metallicities differ from nuclear abundances determined from HII regions, and probe grain destruction in the vicinity of the AGN. Here we present some preliminary results and modelling of both Seyfert galaxies observed as part of the survey.
Chapter 10 - The Nearby and Northern European Trades
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 195-218
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Much the greatest market for English goods was found in the ports of the nearby coasts of Europe from Hamburg to the Bay of Biscay and in Ireland, and this same area was the principal supplier of goods to England. At the end of the sixteenth century, indeed, little trade was carried on beyond those parts, and their predominance in English commerce was only gradually eaten away. The import trade was heavily concentrated on London, which took enormous quantities of manufactured goods from Hamburg, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, as well as the greater part of the French wine import so long as this came legally. The provincial ports, however, had a very important role in export, and in all trade with the French Channel ports and Ireland. Much of the miscellaneous trade with France and Flanders was carried on in tiny craft from small harbours of the south coast (with Southampton specializing in the Channel Islands traffic); they dealt with a multitude of minor Continental ports, such as Nieuport, Ostend, Calais, Boulogne, Rouen, Caen, Morlaix, and their total trade, legal and illegal, was substantial. The traffic with Ireland was carried on almost entirely by the west coast ports; on the Irish side it was heavily concentrated on Dublin and Cork, though Belfast began to rise in importance in the eighteenth century.
These trades differ from all others in having an export tonnage far greater than that of imports. During most of our period this was accounted for by the great shipments of coal, cheapest of all commodities, which made a small showing in trade returns but far exceeded in volume all the exports of costly manufactures. Enormous and rapidly growing quantities of coal went from Newcastle and Sunderland to Holland, with smaller but still important amounts to Hamburg, Bremen and Rouen; at the end of the seventeenth century Whitehaven developed an export to Ireland which grew exceptionally fast during the eighteenth century, and Whitehaven's shipments were supplemented by those of South Wales and later of Liverpool.
Chapter 15 - War and the Shipping Industry
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 303-326
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War caused loss; to shipowners, to seamen, to the nation. Loss of ships; loss of life and limb and of sea chests with their clothing and valuables; loss of trade owing to the slowing of the movement of shipping. By far the most spectacular wartime calamities were the capture of ships and their cargoes by enemy privateers and warships. From the national point of view these losses were usually compensated by captures from the enemy, since destruction for its own sake had not yet been extended to merchant shipping; though this was no comfort to the shipowner whose ship was taken, insurance might spread his losses. It is far from certain, however, that captures, numerous as they were, inflicted as much damage on the shipowning community as other, less dramatic, features of war.
The extent of merchant ship losses in wartime is not easy to ascertain; there was no reason for official recording of it in England, and it was obscured in later wars by the practice of ransom. The Admiralty estimate of losses by the war of 1689-1697, for example, was 4000 ships - a figure almost incredible at first sight. When it is remembered, however, that a great many of these were ransomed - that is, set free at once in return for guarantees of a money payment to the capturer - and that some may have been repeatedly seized, the figure appears a possible one, though not necessarily true. Propagandist exaggeration does appear in some of the figures, but there were a number of attempts to make reliable estimates.
For the war with Spain and France between 1624 and 1629 a vague and incomplete account suggests that losses to the enemy may have exceeded 300 ships, including well over a hundred “large” ships of over one hundred tons apiece. This was a considerable loss for the quite small merchant fleet of the time, and it is unlikely that it was counterbalanced by prizes captured. There were losses, of unknown extent, to French privateers and to Royalists operating from foreign bases, in the late forties.
Index
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 397-417
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Chapter 3 - Ships and Shipbuilders in the Seventeenth Century
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 41-54
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The sixteenth century saw great technical changes in the ships of Northern Europe; changes which have a well-documented history. Broadly speaking, they were of two kinds. First was the transition from the one-masted to the three-masted ship, giving scope for a variety of sails with particular functions; the merchant ship rig which was then developed consisted of spritsail, foresail and foretopsail, mainsail and main topsail, and a lateen mizzen. It was modified by a series of small steps over the next century. The second change, associated with the first, was the lengthening of the ship in relation to its beam; a change which might or might not (according to the ship's intended use) be accompanied by a refinement of the lines of bow and stern to give greater speed and manoeuvrability. The ship of 1450 rarely had a keel more than twice as long as the beam; in ships of 1600 a ratio of three to one was becoming common. The new masting and sail plan is found in quite small English ships at least as far back as the 1530s, but the full development from “round ship” to “long ship” is later, dating for warships from the 1570s; even as late as 1600 nearly half the royal ships had a proportion of keel length to beam of less than two and three-quarters.
This technical revolution was still working itself out at the time of the appearance - or rather reappearance - of the large merchant ship in English ownership. If the accounts of sixteenth-century commerce can be believed, Englishmen had almost abandoned the use of large ships in the middle of the century, when the strangling of direct English connections with the Mediterranean and the Baltic, and the quarrels with Spain, intensified the concentration of English trade on nearby Antwerp and the ports of France.
The large vessels that gradually wore out or were lost and not replaced were “round ships;” then, quite suddenly, in the last quarter of the century, when the “long ship” was being developed, the need for large ships was revived.
Chapter 7 - The Pay and Conditions of Merchant Seamen
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 127-152
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There were three systems of calculating seamen's wages. The least important was by shares of the ship's earnings, the normal means of remunerating crews of fishing vessels and, in part, those of privateers, for fairly obvious reasons. It was occasionally used as well in small craft plying along the Channel coast, as in Ann, in 1685, whose owners were to have nine-twenty-sevenths of the proceeds of each voyage, the master six-twenty-sevenths and the crew fourtwenty- sevenths each, i.e., one-third to the owners and two-thirds to the crew. Half a century later a ship's master declared that in coasters on the south coast “The Master hath two thirds of the clear earnings of such vessels for victualling, manning and wages and the Owners have one third of such earning.” Possibly fishing was interspersed with the ordinary trading voyages of such craft, or at any rate their crews were recruited from men who were often engaged in inshore fishery and used to the share system; it may have been felt, too, that because the master of such a small vessel was close to his crew, had less authority over them, and was himself a less responsible person than the master of a larger ship it was necessary to give every man an incentive to operate the ship efficiently.
The other two systems were of roughly equal importance. Payment of a lump sum for the voyage was usual in all the other short voyages in which English ships engaged; in coastal, cross-Channel and Irish Sea trades and in those round the borders of the North Sea, to Flanders, Holland, Hamburg and Norway and, in the seventeenth century, to the French Biscay ports. There is a sharp division between these and the trades in which monthly wages were paid - those involving the longer voyages to the Baltic, North Russia, Spain, Portugal, the Mediterranean, and beyond Europe to America, Africa and the East. Firmly established custom determined the kind of wage payment, and masters and crews took it for granted that the custom would be followed when signing on for any voyage.
Chapter 1 - The Widening of Horizons, 1560-1689
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 1-20
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Popular interest in the maritime exploits of the first Elizabethans never fades. The story of the defeat of the Spanish Armada is gratifying not only to English patriotism but to all who welcome the humbling of the arrogant, defiance of the oppressor, the defeat of the great menace by the small, brave victim. The story is a true one, but as its by-product it has produced a myth; the myth of a nation of seafaring Englishmen confronting a Spain of landlubbers, a Spanish fleet manned by soldiers and the conscripted occupants of the country's jails. The truth is that Spain in 1588 controlled a merchant fleet which, if it was rivalled at all in Europe, was rivalled only by the Dutch; a fleet manned from the coasts of Biscay and León and from the newly-acquired Kingdom of Portugal, which had been for centuries the homes of a hardy race of seamen. The English by contrast, so far from being at that time the heirs to generations of seagoers, were newcomers to ocean trade and shipping.
In 1560, when an anxious government first investigated in detail the resources available for the defence of Elizabeth I's realm, the English owned, perhaps, some 50,000 tons of merchant shipping of every kind; in 1572 the total had hardly grown, and it included only fourteen ships of two hundred tons or more. At this time the Dutch were creating the greatest of European shipping industries; in the year 1562 the Dutch ships entering the Baltic to fetch timber and corn and hemp numbered 1192, the English fifty-one. Dutch seamen coasted all along the edges of Europe from the Skaw to the Straits of Gibraltar, and to Norway and England, with southern wine and salt, Baltic goods and herring of their own catching. In the Mediterranean the tartanes of Marseilles, the argosies of Venice, Ragusa and Genoa, the galleys of Barcelona, Seville and Cádiz carried to and fro not merely precious cargoes but also vast tonnages of corn, salt and flax. The Spaniards and Portuguese had their fleets of great ships for the passage of the Atlantic and the Indian oceans to far-distant possessions. In 1560, England ranked low among the maritime states; though her navy was a real force, her merchant fleet was by European standards an insignificant one.
Chapter 11 - The Southern European and Mediterranean Trades
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 219-246
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England had an old-established trade with Spain and Portugal; there were settlements of English merchants at Lisbon and San Lúcar (near Cádiz) before the end of the fifteenth century, and despite the political conflicts which repeatedly shook the trade for over a century after the Reformation, economic relations were always renewed and tightened; this political struggle did not, like the later Anglo-French rivalry, cause a prolonged severance of economic ties. The main lines of English import trade with Spain changed little during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Wine was the chief import, already in 1604 coming principally from Málaga rather than from Seville or Cádiz; the quantity increasing during the seventeenth century but eventually stabilized and even declining in the face of competition from French smuggling and the favoured Portuguese product. Olive oil, a vital raw material of the woollen industry, came in great tonnage from southern Spain, but the import began to be supplemented, before the middle of the seventeenth century, by an Italian supply. Fruit (chiefly raisins from Málaga and Alicante, but also including oranges and lemons from Seville) was a large import, growing constantly until after 1713. The products of Spanish America - especially cochineal, indigo and logwood - came in from Cádiz; valuable though these cargoes were, their total tonnage was too small to be of importance to shipping. From the Biscay coast, chiefly from Bilbao, quantities of iron were brought to the western ports, and growing cargoes of wool to Bristol and Exeter.
Portugal had more difficulty in finding cargoes of goods saleable in England. In the early years of the seventeenth century none of its native products was specially wanted; sugar from Brazil was the trading staple and supplied the English market until, after mid-century, English West Indian sugar began to replace it. There was always a small import of Portuguese fruit - figs, oranges and lemons - and this grew steadily; and a large tonnage of salt went to Bristol and the south-western ports. Port wine import was expanding in the years after 1689, and the customs preference established by the Methuen Treaty of 1704 greatly strengthened its competitive position in the English market. Becoming the chief supplier of legally imported wine, Portugal had at last acquired a firm basis for its trade with England.
Chapter 14 - The Government and the Shipping Industry
- Ralph Davis
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- Book:
- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 289-302
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Whatever view may be taken of the long-continued arguments among historians and economists over the consistency and self-consciousness of mercantilist policy, it is evident that most English governments in modern times took some interest in the maintenance of the English merchant shipping industry. At the very least, they were anxious to keep the supply of trained seamen at the highest level possible, since the navy could only be manned in wartime by taking great numbers from the merchant service. Until the end of the seventeenth century they also wished to see large reserves of merchant ships to act as auxiliaries to the royal fleet, and especially of large ships which could take part in fighting alongside it. Recognition that the merchant service was the support of the navy provided the continuing thread in maritime policy. In the seventeenth century a growing consciousness of the economic problems associated with the balance of trade, and the enlargement by colonial development of the area over which English commercial legislation could be effective, wove new strands into the motivation of policy. The view became explicit that it was desirable to keep down foreign participation in the carriage of goods in English trade, not only in order to boost English shipping for the benefit of the navy but also to evade the burden on the balance of payments of freight charges due to foreigners. So there were renewed and more carefully thought out efforts to eliminate foreign ships from trades where they could be replaced by English. In the Navigation Acts from 1651 onward, the second approach is clearly embodied along with the first, and during the rest of the seventeenth century there was further legislation against the foreigner and in support of English trade and shipping. But the Navigation Acts were only the precursors of a great wave of discriminatory legislation in all economic fields, which was set in motion when the authority of Parliament was extended after 1688. This found its expression in a whole range of subsidies to individual industries, bounties for exports, prohibitions of imports, protective tariffs and so on, as parliament warmed to the task of aiding English industry and its raw material suppliers, incidentally giving some further privileges to English shipping.
Chapter 13 - The American and West Indian Trades
- Ralph Davis
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- Book:
- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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- Liverpool University Press
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- 18 May 2018
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- 01 January 2012, pp 257-288
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Summary
The English colonies in America divide economically into two groups. On the one hand are the plantation colonies - the tropical islands and the warm middle colonies of the mainland; the West Indies, Florida and Georgia, the Carolinas, Virginia and Maryland. These were very largely dependent on the production of staple export crops for Europe. On the other, there are the colonies from Pennsylvania northward, places of small farming and lumbering settlements, which always had difficulty in procuring suitable goods to send to England in exchange for the manufactures they required. Of all the areas which demanded the services of English shipping during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the plantation colonies of America grew most consistently and most rapidly in importance, and by 1775 the traders with them were by far the biggest customers of the English shipping industry. They must provide the main theme of this chapter. The northern colonies traded with England in quite small volume, and to an increasing extent in ships owned in the ports of New England; they will be dealt with briefly at the end.
Permanent English settlement in America began on the shores of Chesapeake Bay in 1607, was extended to New England in the next decade and to the West Indian islands in the twenties; by 1632 Barbados, Nevis, Montserrat, Antigua and part of St. Kitts were occupied. On the American mainland settlement spread steadily inland and along the coast; the islands were taken in leaps, Jamaica in 1655 and St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Lucia and Tobago at various dates before 1763, when they were formally annexed. The early colonies all grew food crops for their own support, but within a few years Virginia found its export staple in tobacco; the West Indian settlers quickly followed suit, and fast-growing tobacco production caused a collapse of tobacco prices in the twenties and thirties. After some years of uncertainty and experiment with such crops as ginger, cotton and indigo, the West Indies found their true fortune when Barbados planters, influenced by Dutch expelled from Brazil, began about 1640 the cultivation of sugar cane. Other islands followed, though slowly and less wholeheartedly, and by 1660 sugar was the principal crop throughout the West Indies, and was everywhere encroaching on the lands formerly devoted to other products.
Chapter 17 - Was It a Profitable Business?
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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Summary
The four examples in the previous chapter present a pattern; seventeenthcentury unprofitability, eighteenth-century gains, in shipowning. It happens that the two early examples are of ships which had not firmly established themselves in particular trades, the two later ones of ships which quickly attached themselves to a single route and a single commodity and produced good results because they always secured full or nearly full cargoes without difficulty. The experiences of four ships cannot, by themselves, prove anything. However, I hope to indicate by the use of other sources - though the evidence is not sufficiently precise to justify a firm conclusion - that the trend accidentally illustrated may be a real one.
It is first necessary to examine more carefully the whole make-up of the costs of operating ships, of which wages and the victualling of crews are only a part. The best evidence on costs - and indeed on earnings and profits - comes from account books kept by ships’ masters, of which considerable numbers survive. These are records of masters’ financial relations with their owners; they show all the payments made by a master on his owners’ account and his receipts on their behalf. The accounts may be misleading in minor respects - sometimes through deliberate falsification by the master - but most of them are substantially accurate as records of receipts and payments.
The circumstances of their survival, however, indicate the chief difficulty in using them. Nearly all have been preserved in the records of the courts - particularly the High Court of Admiralty - after their production as evidence in legal actions. The most common reason for the kind of dispute which required the production of the ship's account book was a quarrel over finance between the master and his owners. Either the owners were querying some items of receipts or payments, suggesting that the accounts were fraudulent in specified ways; or they were expressing incredulity at the bad results of a voyage and imputing recklessness or negligence to the master. In either case, the results of the operations shown by the account book are likely to be untypical of the kind of activities which made it worthwhile to keep ships operating. If one simply aggregated the results of all voyages for which complete ships’ accounts exist in the court records, the alleged total costs would certainly far exceed the alleged total earnings.
Appendix B - Sources for the History of the Shipping Industry
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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Scores of millions of words have been written about English ships and shipping; but serious attempts to account for the growth of the shipping industry and to explain its organization are very few, and relate almost entirely to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. C.E. Fayle's excellent little book A Short History of the World's Shipping Industry (London, 1933) covers, as its title suggests, all time and all space; its discussion of the English, or indeed the European, industry in our period is very brief, though it packs a great deal of valuable information into its short space. W.S. Lindsay's History of Merchant Shipping and Ancient Commerce (4 vols., London, 1874-1875) is very useful for the period of Lindsay's personal recollections, the first sixty years or so of the nineteenth century, but the earlier volumes are a valueless hotchpotch of largely inaccurate information about explorers and privateers. L.A. Harper's The English Navigation Laws (New York, 1939) incorporates a long and useful study of the industry the laws were made to protect. Beyond these three works, there is nothing that offers very substantial help. Nor is the industry seriously discussed by writers on trade, or even by the nautical archaeologists. The former, with a handful of exceptions, avoid shipping topics; the latter confine themselves to warships and East Indiamen. Much information about shipping can be picked up incidentally from these works, but they give no general guidance. The seventeenth century saw much discussion of the English and Dutch shipping industries, and there is a good deal to be learned from this largely propagandist literature, which died away soon after 1700. A number of seamen throughout the period wrote of their experiences, in diaries or in later memoirs which have since been published. Books in all these categories have been consulted, and this work owes much to them; they are referred to in the footnotes to the main text. It would be impossible, however, to build any history of the shipping industry on such sources, and there seems little point in producing a bibliography which, extending to many pages, would hardly touch on the sources upon which this book depends.
The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
- Ralph Davis
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This volume is a reprint of Ralph Davis' seminal 1962 book, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. The aim was to examine the economic reasons for the growth of British shipping before the arrival of modern technology, with a particular attention on overseas trade. The study can roughly be divided into two halves. The first is an in-depth exploration the roles within the shipping industry, from shipbuilders and shipowners to seamen and masters, from an economic perspective. The second is a chapter-by-chapter review of British overseas trade with Northern Europe, Southern Europe, the Mediterranean, East India, and America and the West Indies. The final two chapters diverge from the main sections, and focus on the interplay between government, war, and shipping. Davis attaches no extra significance to any particular nation or role, and offers an even-handed approach to maritime history still considered rare in the present day. Costs, profits, voyage estimates, ship-prices, and earnings all come under close and equal scrutiny as Davis seeks to understand the trades and developments in shipping during the period. To conclude, he places the study into a broader historical context and discovers that shipping played a measured but crucial role in the development of industrialisation and English economic development. This edition includes an introduction by the series editor; Davis' introduction and preface; seventeen analytical chapters; a concluding chapter; two appendices concerning shipping statistics and sources; and a comprehensive index.
Appendix A - A Note on the Shipping Statistics, 1686-1788
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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The pathway through the shipping statistics of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is a slippery and often misleading one. Several writers have attempted to follow it; in 1915 Walther Vogel, “Zur Grosse der europaischen Handelsflotten im 15, 16 and 17 Jahrhundert;” fourteen years later A.P. Usher, “The Growth of English Shipping, 1572-1922;” and in 1939 L.A. Harper, who devoted nearly a third of a large book to a most thorough investigation. I myself spent much time gathering basic data and manipulating them; the results are in my unpublished London PhD thesis. The figures used here differ significantly from those developed in the above works (including the last). No doubt they will not escape revision in due time; but I hope future revisions will not be so drastic as to destroy the general picture of growth, slowing down and new growth which is presented here.
There are three potential sources of error in the preparation of comparative shipping statistics for this period.
(i) Errors in the original recording of or counting the number of ships. Nothing can be done about this; there is no reason to suppose it has much importance, though the existence of a smuggling fleet in the eighteenth century should be borne in mind.
(ii) Inconsistencies in contemporary recording of the tonnage of individual ships. This is much less important than many writers have supposed; almost invariably recorded tonnages are tons burden. Though, an individual ship may be put down at different times at several different tonnages, over a great mass of material these differences should be evened out; there is no reason to think that there were consistent errors in one direction followed at a later period by consistent errors in another. Two exceptions must be mentioned, however. One is the practice of recording the tonnage of East Indiamen, from the early years of the eighteenth century onward, at 499 tons or less, though many of them were far larger. This I shall remark again later. The other is the growth after 1773 of the practice of recording measured tons rather than tons burden; of no importance in the period we are specifically concerned with, it makes comparisons with later dates very difficult - especially as measured tonnage came to be used invariably in records after general registration began in 1786.
Chapter 16 - Four Ships and Their Fortunes
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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The greater part of this book has been devoted to discussing, separately and in some detail, the various aspects of the internal functioning of the shipping industry and its relations to the world outside. It may help to bring all this into focus if we now look at the realities of the working life of a few ships, the problems which their owners, charterers and masters faced in the course of earning livelihoods from them. The examples are not necessarily typical; they are simply the best documented. Nevertheless, they illustrate a wide range of ordinary maritime and commercial experiences at different periods of time.
Diamond, 1634-1640
Diamond, 250 tons, was quite new in 1634 when her owners decided to dispose of her. She was sold to a new owning group whose leading figure was Thomas Soame, already a prosperous trader to the Mediterranean and presently to be alderman of London, Sheriff of Middlesex, and to attain to a knighthood. He was one of fourteen owners (including five of the former proprietors of the ship) and was evidently the director of its affairs. His own share was one-eighth, and the master, William Peers, owned one-sixteenth. The high price that was paid, £1150, indicates that this was a specially strong and fast vessel suited to the conditions of the Mediterranean trade. There was much work to be done before the ship could be put to sea again; new sails to be made, new rigging to be erected, damaged woodwork to be made good, the carpenters’ and boatswains’ stores to be replenished. The owners laid out no less than £840 on all this. Moreover, the ship was bound for waters where the only defence against Moorish corsairs would be her own guns, manned by an ample crew; nine months’ provisions for a crew of forty meant great quantities of beef and biscuit, beer and cheese, and cost £340. The ship's armament was inadequate for her protection in such a voyage, and new guns with powder and shot were put in, adding £247 to the owners’ outlays. When, therefore, the owners came down to the waterside in November to give the master his final instructions, to hand him £15 towards his out-of-pocket expenses abroad, and to bid him God-speed, they had set out nearly £2600 on the vessel - some £10 for every ton of goods she was capable of carrying.
Introduction
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- By Ralph Davis
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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Nine years after the first publication of this book, it is pleasant to record that later works touching on some of the areas it covered have on the whole confirmed or supplemented, rather than overturned the conclusions that I came to. The most noteworthy new work, because closest to the central interests I had in writing the book, is that on the costs of sea transport, begun independently by Douglass North and issuing in a series of articles by him and his collaborator, Gary Walton. They attempt to quantify the decline in shipping costs with some precision, and come to conclusions similar to my own in attributing it in large degree to improved trading organization and to greater safety from plunderers at sea; though I think they underestimate the part played by technical improvement in ships. W. Salisbury has thrown much new light on the problem of measurement of ships’ tonnage in a series of articles in Mariners Mirror, though I still hold the view that measured tonnage was a concept of only very limited importance to the operator of ships. David Syrett's Shipping and the American War, 1775-83(London, 1970) is a very thorough examination of government employment of merchant shipping in wartime, and reinforces my view that this practice was of considerable value to the shipowner in enabling him to opt out of some wartime risks. A new series of volumes on the history of English ports, the first of which, Francis E. Hyde's Liverpool and the Mersey: An Economic History of a Port, 1700-1970 (Newton Abbot, 1971) appeared recently, promises to fill in this part of the background against which the shipping industry worked.
In this book I elected to deal with the English shipping industry as a service industry that carried goods and people by sea. I therefore ignored the fishery, which is an extractive industry that happens to be carried on at sea. Coastal shipping, on the other hand, was omitted because it was already covered very adequately by two well-known works, J.U. Nefs Rise of the British Coal Industry (London, 1932) and T.S. Willan's The English Coasting Trade, 1600- 1750(Manchester, 1938). And so, notwithstanding the fact that at different times during the period covered by this book between a quarter and a half of the tonnage of English-owned ships was engaged in either fishing or coasting, this book is about ships in overseas trade.
Introduction to the 2012 Edition
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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Ralph Davis's The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries is certainly one of the most significant books in maritime history published in the twentieth century. It was and remains the only comprehensive study of English shipping during its period, but more so, when it was first published in 1962 it represented a watershed in two senses: it broke the mould of past studies and, more positively, it represented a new approach to the study of shipping both conceptually and in its use of source material. Through such features and its high scholarly quality it came as a revelation to all interested in shipping. Moreover, although it was a specialized study, because its findings were placed in a wider context and addressed issues of the day it caused historians to begin to view the maritime dimension and maritime history in a new and different light.
This new edition of Davis’ seminal study will make the book more readily available to a fresh generation of scholars. It is essential reading for all interested in the historiography of maritime studies and for everyone engaged in research into shipping. Whatever aspect, period or context - national or international - is being examined, his work is a model in approach and the use of data. He also poses questions that are widely applicable. The writers of this introduction believe wholeheartedly that our view of the maritime world and the type and form of research to which we aspire owes an incalculable debt to Ralph Davis.
Davis’ study remains so relevant and fresh that it is difficult to remember that it is now a half- century since it first appeared. Because of this passage of time, our original goal of inviting one of his contemporaries to write this introduction is sadly impossible. Davis died at the age of sixty-two in 1978. Almost all of those whom Ralph regarded as close colleagues - notably Robin Craig, Basil Greenhill, Rupert Jarvis and Geoffrey Scammell are no longer with us, and those few who remain are not in the best of health. We both had the privilege of meeting or knowing Davis. In Fischer's case, the association was very brief and confined to the few days during which Ralph graced the very first conference of the Atlantic Canada Shipping Project.
Chapter 6 - The Merchant Seamen
- Ralph Davis
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- The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
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So far the ship's crew has been something of an abstraction, merely an indicator of technical conditions in ships and on sea routes. It is time now to take a closer look at the men themselves - who they were, how they came to the sea and what rewards it gave them. We may start by considering a few random examples, drawn from various trades and periods, to introduce the typical ranks and skills that combined to form a merchant ship's company.
In the very first years of the seventeenth century, an estimate was made for the crew of a ship of 160 tons to go to Málaga. She was to carry a master and two mates, a boatswain, gunner and carpenter, a surgeon and eighteen hands; a crew of twenty-five in all. Abraham of 200 tons, which made voyages to Barbados in the thirties, carried a master and two mates, a boatswain, gunner and carpenter, but in this vessel the last three each had a mate, and there was a specialist cook and a surgeon besides the deckhands. The number of hands varied between seventeen and nineteen, making a total crew of twenty-eight to thirty. Jumping forward another thirty years, we may pick out a very different ship, the foreign-built Falcon of 200 tons, trading to the Baltic in 1672. She had only seventeen men in all; a master and only one mate, a boatswain, gunner and carpenter, a surgeon and eleven men and boys. Even the gunner might have been omitted in these waters safe from piracy, had not war with the Netherlands just broken out.
The East Indiaman presents a very different picture. Setting out for the far side of the world on a voyage which might well last two years, facing many hazards from disease as well as from weather and the king's enemies, she began her voyage well provided with supplies of all kinds, including men - both seamen and specialists. Take Colchester, of 450 tons, for instance, which sailed at the end of 1703. In addition to the master she had five mates and three midshipmen. The boatswain had two mates or servants, the gunner three and the carpenter four. There were cook and cooper, each with a mate, besides a steward and a captain's steward with two assistants, a purser, a caulker and his mate, a joiner and two tailors.