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Prospective Study Demonstrates Utility of EP-QuIC in Creutzfeldt–Jakob Disease Diagnoses
- Sharon L. R. Simon, Anne Peterson, Clark Phillipson, Jonathan M. Walker, Meika Richmond, Gerard H. Jansen, J. David Knox
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- Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Volume 48 / Issue 1 / January 2021
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- 10 July 2020, pp. 127-129
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Prospectively acquired Canadian cerebrospinal fluid samples were used to assess the performance characteristics of three ante-mortem tests commonly used to support diagnoses of Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease. The utility of the end-point quaking-induced conversion assay as a test for Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease diagnoses was compared to that of immunoassays designed to detect increased amounts of the surrogate markers 14-3-3γ and hTau. The positive predictive values of the end-point quaking-induced conversion, 14-3-3γ, and hTau tests conducted at the Prion Diseases Section of the Public Health Agency of Canada were 96%, 68%, and 66%, respectively.
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- Edited by Daniel Patte, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee
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- The Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity
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- 05 August 2012
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- 20 September 2010, pp xi-xliv
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Joan E. Seeff and Adele Hartman, eds. Structures and Subjectivities: Attending to Early Modern Women. Center for Renaissance and Baroque Studies 5. Newark : University of Delaware Press, 2007. viii + 394 pp. index. illus. $52.50. ISBN: 0-87413-941-4.
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Renaissance Quarterly / Volume 60 / Issue 4 / Winter 2007
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- 20 November 2018, pp. 1401-1402
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Anne of France
- Lessons for my Daughter
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- 17 March 2023
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- 01 September 2004
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Anne of France (1461-1522) composed these lessons - presented as a portrait of an ideal princess - as guidance in negotiating the pitfalls facing a woman in the world of politics.
Appendix II - Unpublished Letters from Anne of France
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Summary
Pauline Matarasso incorporates many of Anne of France’s surviving letters into her Queen’s Mate, including three from Suzanne of Bourbon to her parents, one to her father and two to her mother. Matarasso uses these three very short letters as evidence that it “is obvious that Suzanne was the apple of her father’s eye and loved him passionately in return, that he was her playmate, companion and confidant” and that, by contrast, her “relations with her mother were much more formal and reserved,” so much more formal and reserved that Suzanne “obviously had difficulty in finding something to say.” While reaching these judgments, Matarasso does recognize that there is a danger in “inferring too much from the patchy evidence the past has left us.”
But as we have seen, Matarasso finds the Lessons “singularly lacking in love, almost shockingly so.” The only evidence offered to support her assertion is that Louis IX, when composing his instructions for his daughter, addressed her as chiere fille, “dear daughter,” while Anne addresses Suzanne with “only the cool ‘ma fille’ [my daughter] throughout.” Leaving aside the question of whether “dear daughter” expresses more love than “my daughter,” leaving aside the more important question of whether any professions of love are necessarily proof of love, and, perhaps most important, leaving aside the question of why we should demand or expect love in a text authored by a woman, I include here extracts of letters from Anne of France that do not appear in Matarasso’s book.
The letters are in Anne’s own hand, addressed to Madame du Bouchage, Suzanne’s governess, and they seem to have been written while Suzanne is still a baby, probably in the first several months after her birth. Like the manuscript of Anne of France’s Lessons, these letters were found in the Imperial Library of St. Petersburg; they are extracted in the notes of the multi-volume history of the Bourbon dukes. I have not traveled to Russia to transcribe these letters myself; I offer them here as additional insight into Anne of France and in the hope that some future scholar will trace the originals.
The first letter is addressed to ma commère; there is no simple English translation of this title, which means, literally, “my co-mother.”
Interpretive Essay
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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The Princess and The Prince: gender, genre, and Lessons for My Daughter
Without the authority guaranteed by the title of regent, Anne of France nevertheless managed to wield her considerable power quite effectively during the years she governed France, but just how she managed to do so was not at all clear to her contemporaries, nor is it any more clear to us today. As her supporters and detractors struggled to explain the role she assumed after her father’s death, they had a great deal to say about her, but very little of what they said offered any analysis of her decisions or any insight into the political philosophy driving those decisions. Nor do her own words clarify the obscurity; only a handful of her letters survive, and they reveal neither motive nor method and only, on rare occasion, the merest of personal details. But the lack of information seems deliberate rather than accidental. Perhaps the most astute assessment of Anne of France’s methods remains that of the nineteenth-century historian Jules Michelet: “It seems . . . that she took as much care to conceal her power as others do to show theirs.”
Given their inability to penetrate her opacity, her contemporaries were left at times stating the obvious. “Madame Anne de France . . . governed the person of the king,” one chronicler noted, while another remarked that she not only controlled the king but “all the realm”; “Madam Beaujeu . . . controlled the throne of France,” still another confirmed, adding that “the said lady . . . dispatched all the difficult business of the realm.” Still, there was more than just acknowledgment of her power; according to one observer, the great men of the realm were also “indignant.” She might be “sage, prudent, and virtuous,” or “one of the most beautiful and honest ladies that was ever known, and . . . [one] of the most wise and virtuous,” but she was still a woman, and “many were very unhappy that Anne, the sister of Charles, was preferred over others in matters of government.” In trying to explain Anne of France, her contemporaries thus came to focus on her sex rather than her abilities.
Dedication
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Introduction
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Summary
Anne of France, Madame la Grande
One of the most powerful women of the late fifteenth century, Anne of France is relatively unknown today, at least to those of us whose first language is English. While she is occasionally mentioned in the political biographies of her father, Louis XI of France, and her brother, Charles VIII, her own story remains unfamiliar, and the book of advice she composed for her daughter was last edited in the nineteenth century and has never before been translated into English. Yet in the waning years of the fifteenth century, Madame la Grande, as she was known to her contemporaries, controlled the government of France for eight years, guiding it through a series of political crises that threatened the state from without and, perhaps more ominously, from within.
Born in 1461, Anne was the third child of Louis of France and his second wife, Charlotte of Savoy, but the first to survive more than a few months after birth. Although we know where she was born—at the chateau of Genappe, some thirty miles north of Brussels—we do not know exactly when, only that her birth preceded the death of her grandfather Charles VII on 22 July of that year. Only a few months after her father became king, he began the process of securing political alliances through her marriage. On 27 November 1461, Louis betrothed his only child to Nicholas, the grandson of René of Anjou; by the end of 1462, that alliance was abandoned in favor of an Aragonese match, that project, in turn, giving way to proposals for her marriage to Edward IV of England, then to Francis of Brittany, and even to the French king’s own brother, Charles, duke of Berry.
Meanwhile, we have very few details about Anne’s childhood. On becoming king, Louis XI had installed his mother, his wife, and his infant daughter in the chateau of Amboise; there, the princess was attended by a demoiselle d’honneur, at least two chambermaids, several nurses, and a woman hired to rock her cradle. This female household has not been kindly assessed by Anne’s French biographers, who variously describe Amboise as a prison, an isolated fortress, or as a “royal gynecium”; we might instead regard it as a kind of “city of ladies,” a remarkable environment that made possible the development of a remarkable woman.
Preface
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Summary
In A Room of One’s Own, Virginia Woolf suggested that “we think back through our mothers if we are women.” I found myself remembering her words as I began translating Anne of France’s lessons for her daughter, Suzanne of Bourbon. The process was a strangely intimate one: slowly, word by word, sometimes even letter by letter, I was deciphering the admonitions, advice, and warnings a fifteenthcentury princess directed to her daughter, all the while and against all logic hearing my own mother’s voice in my mind. And then one day, midway through the process of turning French into English, I looked away from my pile of dictionaries to the framed portraits of Anne and Suzanne that sat on the desk where I was working. Studying their faces, I knew I had to find the quotation that I remembered.
I did find it, about three-quarters of the way through the slim volume, as Woolf was describing the struggle of women writers. Although they were confronted by “discouragement and criticism,” Woolf wrote, “that was unimportant compared with the other difficulty which faced them . . . when they came to set their thoughts on paper—that is that they had no tradition behind them, or one so short and partial that it was of little help.” And then the sentence: “For we think back through our mothers if we are women.”
Anne of France’s text seems at first to challenge Woolf’s claim, for in composing a series of lessons for her daughter, Anne did have a tradition of women behind her, and a rather long one. As she wrote, she could “think back” to Christine de Pizan’s The Treasure of the City of Ladies, written a hundred years earlier, a book that Anne had owned and read, a book that, in fact, she had inherited from her mother, Charlotte of Savoy, queen of France. And, although Anne addressed her lessons to her daughter, she clearly came to see herself contributing to the tradition she inherited, since her book was passed on to other daughters of other mothers: her lessons were published “at the request” of Suzanne, doubtless with her mother’s approval. This first edition, printed between 1517 and 1521, was followed by a second printing in 1534.
A Note on the Translation
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Already Published Titles in this Series
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Frontmatter
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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Select Bibliography
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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- 01 September 2004, pp 99-102
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Appendix I - Louis XI, Anne of France, and the Regency Question
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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Summary
Two questions are commonly raised about Louis XI’s arrangements for his son at the time of his death. First, why did he decide against a formal regency? Second, why did he put his son in his daughter’s guardianship instead of his wife’s?
In response to the first question, the answer provided by historian John Bridge is most sensible. At the time of Louis XI’s death on 30 August 1483, the dauphin Charles was just over thirteen years old, somewhat sickly, and completely inexperienced. By the terms of a statute of 1374, the age and legal majority of a king of France was defined as the heir’s attainment of his “fourteenth year.” There was some ambiguity in this law. As Bridge notes, “If [the wording of the statute] meant that a King attained his legal majority when he entered upon his fourteenth year, then Charles was legally of age, and no Regency would be required.” But “it was possible so to construe the ordinance as to postpone a sovereign’s majority until he reached his fourteenth birthday, and from this occasion Charles was still removed by the space of nearly a year.” There was “no binding precedent” for the king to cite, and the ambiguity of the situation would almost surely result in disagreement and dissent after his death. By avoiding a regency, the king avoided any arguments over interpretation and, more important, any early termination of his daughter’s guardianship, which extended into 1491, well after Charles VIII’s “fourteenth year,” whichever way that ambiguous phrase were to be interpreted.
The designation of a regent was also made difficult by the choice of a regent. Bridge indicated that a regency would “belong to the first Prince of the Blood,” in this case Louis of Orléans, who was also the heir presumptive and, thus, not necessarily the most disinterested of candidates. But an obvious candidate for regent was Charlotte of Savoy, the queen consort and mother of the dauphin; recent scholarship has, in fact, focused on the regency as what one historian has called a “vocation” for royal women. While the so-called Salic law denied women (like Anne of France herself) the right to inherit the crown of France, it did not deny them access to power.
Lessons for my Daughter
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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My daughter, the perfect natural love that I have for you—while bearing in mind our lamentable weakness and our present wretched life (innumerable and great dangers must be overcome in this transitory world), recognizing the imminent, sudden, and early death that I expect at any moment, and notwithstanding my poor, rude, and limited ability—gives me the desire and the determination to prepare a few little lessons for you while I am still with you, knowing well your inexperience and extreme youth and hoping that in time you will recall these lessons and that they will help you a little; therefore, without any long introduction and in few words:
The first and main point, more important than all others, is that earnestly, and with all your faith and strength, you are careful not to do, say, or think anything that will make God angry at you. So that no subtle temptations of the world, the flesh, or the Devil ever grab hold of you, then, and so that you live more chastely and protect yourself better from sin, always remember that, as Saint Augustine says, you cannot be certain of even a single hour; your wretched body must necessarily die, decay, and be eaten by worms, and your poor soul, left alone, will immediately receive her just reward for your life’s efforts. In the confines of your heart reflect constantly on the terrible, awful, and infinite pains of Hell, and on the great and inestimable glories and joys that are only in Paradise, fearing above all and in great sorrow of heart the dreaded day of universal judgment that very shortly awaits both the good and the bad. Remember Saint Bernard, who says that at every hour, wherever he is, he seems to hear the terrible sound [of Judgment Day] so marvelously strong he dreads it. Alas! Now then, my daughter, consider those who are worldly and spend all their life in vanity, delight, and foolish pleasure— how can they ignore this sound when he, who was so perfect, feared it so greatly?
Index
- Sharon L. Jansen
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- Anne of France
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Contents
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Preface to the Paperback Edition
- Sharon L. Jansen
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Summary
Since the original publication of Anne of France’s Lessons in 2004, I have continued to think and rethink my translation, particularly those knotty passages that were most challenging and elusive. While I have not solved all the puzzles entirely to my satisfaction, I offer several additions, revisions, and clarifi cations, below.
p. ix, note 9: At the time I was at work on my translation of Anne of France’s enseignements, I was unaware of the work of Éliane Viennot identifying Anne’s authorship of the Extrait d’une espitre: see her “Une nouvelle d’Anne de France: l’histoire du siege de Brest,” in Devis d’amitié. Mélanges de littérature en l’honneur de Nicole Cazauran, ed. Jean Lecointe, Catherine Magnien, Isabelle Pantin, and Marie- Claire Thomine (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2002); Viennot’s essay is also available online at http://elianeviennot.fr/Articles/ Viennot-Anne-Brest.pdf, accessed 9 October 2011.
p. 32, section VI, lines 8-12: As I indicate in note 18, Anne’s syntax here is very confused, and I offer, as a small step toward clarifi cation, “And as a certain philosopher says, he has never known or heard of a single man or woman who had such perfect judgment they were incapable or mistakes or missteps, nor has he heard of anyone whose bad intentions led them to a good end.”
p. 34, section VIII, lines 1-4: “For this reason, my daughter, with whatever self-control you have, protect yourself from becoming like them, no matter what; rest assured that, however long it takes, in the end you are sure to repent, either in this world or the next.”
p. 36, note 24: Here the description mal en point may also be related to embonpoint (from en bon point, “in good condition”), meaning plump, or a little fat (though Robert’s Dictionnaire does not record this use of embonpoint until 1528). Anne may be warning Suzanne about gaining a little too much weight.
p. 37, section XI, lines 5-6: “. . . they are mocked and rightly reproved,” literally, fingers are pointed at them (ells sont moquées et au doigt montrées).
p. 57, line 25: For “pray for their sins,” read “pray for the dead.”
p. 97, line 10: For “meat,” read “food.”
Effects of white clover content in the diet on herbage intake, milk production and milk composition of New Zealand dairy cows housed indoors
- SHARON L. HARRIS, MARTIN J. AULDIST, DAVID A. CLARK, ERNA B. L. JANSEN
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- Journal of Dairy Research / Volume 65 / Issue 3 / August 1998
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- 01 August 1998, pp. 389-400
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The effect of the proportion of clover in the diet (200, 500 or 800 g/kg total dry matter (DM)) on milk production of cows housed indoors and fed on a mixture of perennial rye-grass and white clover was measured in mid (Expt I) and late (Expt II) lactation. Higher clover contents increased the nutritive value of the diets, resulting in increased energy and protein intakes. DM intakes of cows offered 500 or 800 g clover/kg DM diets ad lib. (Expt I and Expt II, Period 1) were not significantly different but were 11–17% greater (P<0·05) than intakes of cows fed on 200 g clover/kg total DM diets. Cows offered restricted allowances (Expt II, Period 2) had similar intakes irrespective of diet. In Expt I cows fed on 500 or 800 g clover/kg DM diets ad lib. produced 30 or 33% respectively more milk (P<0·05) than cows fed on 200 g clover/kg total DM diets. During Expt II, Period 1, cows fed on 500 or 800 g clover/kg DM diets ad lib. produced 18 or 16% more milk (P<0·05) respectively than cows given 200 g clover/kg total DM diets. In both these experiments the increased milk yields were due to increased intake and the higher nutritive value of the high clover diets. There was no difference in the feed conversion efficiencies of cows if maintenance energy requirements were taken into account. However, cows on restricted allowances (Expt II, Period 2) showed no significant difference in milk yield, indicating that the effect of increased nutritive value was very slight. There were no consistent effects on milk fat, protein or lactose concentrations. Concentrations of blood and milk urea increased as the clover content of the diet increased (Expt 1 only), and this was associated with increased milk non-protein N and a decreased ratio of casein N[ratio ]total N. Both trials indicated an optimum clover content in the diet for milk production of 600–700 g/kg total DM.