My thanks to the editors of and anonymous reviewers for Religion and American Culture; the Religion in the Americas Workshop at Princeton, especially commentator Rachel Gross, and Judith Weisenfeld, Jessica Delgado, Wallace Best, and Daniel Rivers; fellow panelists and attendees at “Historiographical Heresy: A Conference on the Legacy of Jon Butler,” especially Jon Butler, Kathryn Lofton, Alison Greene, and Molly Worthen; the Junior Faculty Reading Group in the History Department at Stanford; Charlotte Fonroberts's Theories and Methods class in the Religious Studies Department at Stanford; and Kate Bowler, Katherine Moran, Paul Harvey, and Sang Ngo for their valuable feedback on this article.

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31. Malinowski, Bronislaw, Myth in Primitive Psychology (New York: Norton, 1926).Google Scholar Malinowski was writing about so-called primitive societies, but that hardly makes his formulation any less applicable to Bingham.

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38. Adams, Hannah, A Dictionary of All Religions and Religious Denominations, Jewish, Heathen, Mahometan, and Christian, Ancient and Modern, 4th ed., with corrections and large additions (New York: James Eastburn and Co., 1817), 55–56.Google Scholar Underlinings mine.

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46. Ibid., 5, 3.

47. See Maffly-Kipp, “Engaging Habits and Besotted Idolatry,” for a close analysis of Loomis's Overland Monthly articles.

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72. Ibid., 2-3.

73. Ibid., 17. Underlining mine.

74. Ibid., 729-30.

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76. See Michel-Rolph Trouillot on the power of silence: “By silence, I mean an active and transitive process: one ‘silences’ a fact or an individual as a silencer silences a gun. One engages in the practice of silencing” (Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History [Boston: Beacon Press, 1995], 48). See also Weld, Kirsten, Paper Cadavers: The Archives of Dictatorship in Guatemala (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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80. Lofton, “Religious History as Religious Studies,” 387, 391.

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82. See Fea, John, Why Study History? Reflecting on the Importance of the Past (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic 2013)Google Scholar: “when doing their work, historians must always be sensitive to change over time, context, causality, contingency, and complexity” (6).

83. Ibid.

84. See Laurel Thatcher Ulrich's A Midwife's Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812 (New York: Vintage, 1991) for a field-changing example of this work.

85. On repeated rituals of repentance, see Porterfield, Conceived in Doubt, and Lum, Kathryn Gin, Damned Nation: Hell in America from the Revolution to Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), chap. 3.Google Scholar

86. Keane, Webb, Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 146.Google Scholar

87. See again Bendroth, The Last Puritans, and Rachel Gross, “Objects of Affection: The Material Religion of American Jewish Nostalgia” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2014; manuscript in progress).

88. Modern, , Secularism in Antebellum America, 6 Google Scholar; and Modern, “Did Someone Say ‘Evangelical Surge’?” 630-32.

89. Hazard, Sonia, “Agency, the Idea of Agency, and the Problem of Mediation in America's God and Secularism in Antebellum America,” in Forum on Antebellum American Protestantism, Church History 84 (September 2015).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

90. See Grant Wacker: “Contrary to a hermeneutic of suspicion, in which authors feel licensed automatically to discount others’ self-descriptions under the guise of ‘analysis,’ belief-inflected history may foster a hermeneutic of charity in which authors take others' self-descriptions as the first—though never the final—word.” “Another Tool in the Toolbox: Uses (and Misuses) of Belief-Inflected History,” Fides et Historia 44 (Winter/Spring 2012): 71. See also Brekus, Catherine, “Who Makes History? American Religious Historians and the Problem of Historical Agency,” Fides et Historia 47 (Summer/Fall 2015).Google Scholar

91. Johnson, Walter, “On Agency,” Journal of Social History 37, Special Issue (Autumn 2003): 115-16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

92. Kerwin Klein makes a similar critique of the turn to “culture” in Frontiers of Historical Imagination. When some scholars decided that the way to deal with history's colonial imbrications was to jettison it and instead focus on non-European peoples' cultural constructions and aesthetic productions, Klein says, they inadvertently facilitated the continuance of “history” as a white-focused, white-driven narrative. Rejecting the label of “history” ensured that whites remained people with history, while “people without history became people with culture” (297).

93. Johnson, “On Agency,” 120-21.

94. Smith, “Religion, Religions, Religious,” 281-82.

95. For instance, Joan Scott's move “is to subject what was formerly seen as stable or fixed to the dissolving powers of history” (quoted in Nancy Levene, “Sources of History: Myth and Image,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 74 [March 2006]: 86). But, Levene asks, why hasn't history itself been more deeply subjected to destabilization? Why is history's “own supremacy… often taken for granted”? She contends that history is just “one particular way of being in, and seeing, the world” (79).

96. Klein, , Frontiers of Historical Imagination, 294-95, 298.Google Scholar

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98. See Shahzad Bashir's “On Islamic Time: Rethinking Chronology in the Historiography of Muslim Societies,” History and Theory 53 (December 2014): 519-44, for another example of how this might work. Bashir argues that “the whole notion of a single timeline as the central repository of Islam needs to be jettisoned in favor of a thoroughly pluralistic view in which all internal Islamic propositions with respect to the validity and authority of the past are appraised with an eye toward the ideological and affective intentions of the individuals and classes that had a hand in producing them.” He advocates paying more attention to “the role of human agency in creating ‘time'” and to consideration of multiple timelines instead of a single chronology.

See also Linda Tuhiwai Smith's Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples (New York: Zed Books, 1999) and Xupeng Zhang's “In and Out of the West” for further reflections on how indigenous theories of history are needed to challenge and transform Western theories. Tuhiwai Smith warns that, even as people engaged in the decolonization of Western categories seek to “make their own history,” they need to avoid becoming enfolded in European constructions of what history is. As she puts it, “Under colonialism indigenous peoples have struggled against a Western view of history and yet been complicit with that view.” She “challenges the discipline's very foundations”—including the “idea that there is a universal history,” that “history is one large chronology,” that “history is about development,” and that “history as a discipline is innocent”—and urges indigenous people to develop their own native methodologies that put emphasis on oral testimonies, storytelling, healing, and reclaiming (30-31).

Zhang, meanwhile, shows how Chinese historians enthusiastically embraced Western theories of historical progress in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, “keen to borrow from the West the idea of a linear, progressive history, much needed for China to reform and to catch up” (52). Zhang concludes, “For a long time, Chinese historians have been benefiting from, and they will continue to benefit from, Western theories, but now it may be time for them to make their own original theoretical contributions to the West” (63).

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