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    Stucki, Iris Pleger, Lyn E. and Sager, Fritz 2018. The Making of the Informed Voter: A Split-Ballot Survey on the Use of Scientific Evidence in Direct-Democratic Campaigns. Swiss Political Science Review, Vol. 24, Issue. 2, p. 115.

    Ferrin, Monica Fraile, Marta and García-Albacete, Gema 2018. Is It Simply Gender? Content, Format, and Time in Political Knowledge Measures. Politics & Gender, Vol. 14, Issue. 2, p. 162.

    Vezzoni, Cristiano and Ladini, Riccardo 2017. Thou shalt not cheat: how to reduce internet use in web surveys on political knowledge. Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, Vol. 47, Issue. 03, p. 251.

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    Lee, Francis L.F. 2015. Social movement as civic education: communication activities and understanding of civil disobedience in the Umbrella Movement. Chinese Journal of Communication, Vol. 8, Issue. 4, p. 393.

    Pereira, Mónica Ferrín Fraile, Marta and Rubal, Martiño 2015. Young and Gapped? Political Knowledge of Girls and Boys in Europe. Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 68, Issue. 1, p. 63.

    Ferrín, Monica Fraile, Marta and García-Albacete, Gema 2015. The Gender Gap in Political Knowledge: Is It All About Guessing? An Experimental Approach. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, p. edv042.

    Boudreau, Cheryl 2013. Gresham's Law of Political Communication: How Citizens Respond to Conflicting Information. Political Communication, Vol. 30, Issue. 2, p. 193.

    Goldman, Seth K. Mutz, Diana C. and Dilliplane, Susanna 2013. All Virtue Is Relative: A Response to Prior. Political Communication, Vol. 30, Issue. 4, p. 635.

    Prior, Markus 2013. The Challenge of Measuring Media Exposure: Reply to Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz. Political Communication, Vol. 30, Issue. 4, p. 620.

  • Print publication year: 2011
  • Online publication date: June 2012

12 - Political Knowledge


In political surveys, many citizens fail to answer, or provide incorrect answers to, fact-based questions about political figures and institutions. A common inference drawn from such failures is that citizens' poor performance on surveys reflects their incompetence in democratically meaningful contexts such as voting booths.

The scholarly home for such findings is the academic literature on political knowledge. A common analytic definition of political knowledge is that it is a measure of a citizen's ability to provide correct answers to a specific set of fact-based questions. Typical political knowledge questions include “What is the political office held by [name of current vice president, British prime minister, or chief justice of the United States]?” and “Which political party has the most seats in the U.S. House of Representatives?” Many people have used responses to survey-based political knowledge questions to criticize the public for its general incompetence.

In recent years, these criticisms have come under increasing scrutiny (e.g., Graber 1984; Popkin 1994). Some scholars raised questions about the practice of basing broad generalizations of citizen competence or knowledge on a relatively small set of idiosyncratic, fact-based survey questions (e.g., Lupia 2006). Others uncovered logical and factual errors in claims about the kinds of political knowledge that are needed to make important political choices competently (e.g., Lupia and McCubbins 1998; Gibson and Caldeira 2009).

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Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science
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