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The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought
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    Gearon, Liam 2013. The Counter Terrorist Classroom: Religion, Education, and Security. Religious Education, Vol. 108, Issue. 2, p. 129.

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This major work of academic reference provides a comprehensive overview of the development of political thought from the late nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century. Written by a distinguished team of international contributors, this Cambridge History, first published in 2003, covers the rise of the welfare state and subsequent reactions to it, the fascist and communist critiques of and attempted alternatives to liberal democracy, the novel forms of political organisation occasioned by the rise of a mass electorate and new social movements, the various intellectual traditions from positivism to post-modernism that have shaped the study of politics, the interaction between western and non-western traditions of political thought, and the challenge posed to the state by globalisation. Every major theme in twentieth-century political thought is covered in a series of chapters at once scholarly and accessible, of interest and relevance to students and scholars of politics at all levels from beginning undergraduate upwards.


‘… provides an interesting and wide-ranging analysis. The list of contributors is impressive … useful biographies and an excellent bibliography are also provided in the closing pages … there are some notable innovations … It should make a useful addition to any social science or humanities library …’

Source: International Affairs

‘The task in hand is succinct exposition laced with perspicuous evaluation. In their own terms, most of the contributors succeed admirably.’

Source: The Times Higher Education Supplement

‘… an impressive work of reference, accompanied by a 57-page bibliography and handy biographical sketches of 180 leading thinkers … this is an indispensable map. If you care about politics and agree with Keynes that ideas matter, you will find this an essential reference tool.’

Source: Economist

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Page 1 of 2

  • 1 - The coming of the welfare state
    pp 5-44
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    A democratic underpinning of the welfare state was a requisite of welfare, even though its conceptualisations emerged from undemocratic origins. The development of twentieth-century welfare thinking requires interpretation against a complex backdrop. To begin with, aid to the needy was associated primarily with poverty, especially in its specific form of pauperism. At the beginning of the twentieth century all major ideologies drew on three categories in developing welfare measures. The first related to virtue and its reward; it deemed social policy as a return on valuable individual conduct. The second category related to chance and its cognitive rationalisation: risk. The third category employed in developing principles of welfare policy related to the identification of need as a fundamental human and social attribute. The new liberal approach to social welfare encapsulated the realisation that welfare had caught up with liberty as a prime indication of human development and a key value of social life.
  • 2 - Politics and markets: Keynes and his critics
    pp 45-69
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    John Maynard Keynes is one of that small group of social scientists who may be said to have had a profound influence on the development of their subject as well as on the conduct of political argument and public policy. In terms of his economics, Keynes was first and foremost schooled in Marshall's Principles of Economics and in the idea of economics as a moral science. Keynes was advancing his ideas against the background of the so-called 'new liberalism' which had emerged before the First World War. The General Theory brought about a 'revolution' in economic theory, and changed the way which even those who disagreed with Keynes's thought about economics. Hayek disagreed with Keynes's analysis of the economic problems and proposed radically different policy solutions. Two sources of anti-Keynesian, if not anti-Keynes, critiques, which came to prominence in the twilight of the Keynesian era and the dawn of the new age of markets, were monetarism and public choice theory.
  • 3 - The advent of the masses and the making of the modern theory of democracy
    pp 70-103
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    This chapter traces the development of the new sociological and psychological languages of mass politics and their deployment in the construction of a modern theory of democracy. It shows how social psychologists extended their analysis of mass crowd behaviour to the electorate more generally, giving both the attributes of a mob. The chapter examines an early analysis of political parties as the new mass political organisations. Several theses were brought together to produce a denial of the very possibility of mass democracy in the strict sense, thereby forcing its rethinking as a mechanism for selecting between party elites and leaders. The thesis that democratic arrangements promoted rather than counteracted the rule of elites was to provide the third element of the modern theory of democracy. Mosca's dilemma was that the contemporary critique of mass democracy appeared to make democratic autocracy inevitable. The rethinking of democracy that culminated in Weber essentially reversed the priorities of classical democratic theory.
  • 4 - Nationalism and imperialism
    pp 104-122
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    The forces of imperialism and nationalism have played a major part in bringing this world into existence. This chapter suggests some of the ways in which ideas and events have interacted in the making and breaking of modern empires and nation states. The Soviet government cooperated with the Western powers in bringing the age of imperialism to an end, a process that involved putting the Soviet Union itself into liquidation. In the West, the commitment of governments to democracy led them to identify nationalism with its pathological form, namely fascism and National Socialism. In Britain and France, the leading advocates of imperial expansion belonged on the political right. The authoritarian leaders who rose to power in Europe after 1918 often endorsed irrationalist doctrines, which were the antithesis of liberal values. Ultra-nationalism was the pathological heir of that strand in European Romanticism that rejected the universalism of the French Enlightenment and the rationalism of British political economy.
  • 5 - Fascism and racism
    pp 123-150
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    Fascism drew on distinct strands of Enlightenment thought, beginning with the replacement of orthodox Christianity with a naturalistic and impersonal deist concept of God. The detailed categorisation of human society in terms of distinct races was first developed during the eighteenth century. Racial thinking expanded steadily during the century which followed, leading eventually to the development of a 'scientific racism'. The moderate authoritarian right of early twentieth-century Europe differed from both fascism and the radical right in its aversion to violence and any new extreme of authoritarianism. The most coherent doctrine in pristine Italian fascist political thought stemmed from former revolutionary syndicalists who had come to embrace national syndicalism. Italian fascism and German National Socialism shared a common 'fascist minimum' of basic principles and characteristics, which included fundamental opposition to the existing political left, right and centre. The other country in which a large fascist movement developed doctrines and principles most similar to those of Italy and Germany was Hungary.
  • 6 - Conservatism
    pp 151-164
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    The central theme of reactionary conservatism has remained constant throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In Italy, a form of radical conservatism inspired the Nuovo Destra, while in France it was associated in particular with Alain de Benoist and the Nouvelle Droite. The primary concern of moderate conservatism is to reconcile the potential conflict between the requirements of the limited state and the interventionism necessitated by modern industrial society. Members of the heterogeneous group of thinkers and publicists to which the New Right label was applied in the Anglo-American world were distinguished from supporters of the more radical, culturally oriented Nouvelle Droite, Nuovo Destra and Neue Recht. The optimistic faith in the uniquely 'fusionist' character of American conservatism is not, however, vindicated by a closer examination of the diverse elements within the American tradition. To disengage the civil ideal from submergence in the market, or the nation state, is the central task of a post-traditional form of moderate conservatism.
  • 7 - Christian democracy
    pp 165-180
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    Christian democracy' can generally be understood as the strategy whereby practising Christians, the majority of them Catholic, met both the challenges and opportunities presented by contemporary political societies and states. The need to confront nationalist ideologies, and in particular the tragic experience of the dictatorships that resulted from them, had important consequences for the political thinking of Catholics between the two world wars. Leo XIII's teachings allowed for two differing interpretations, one built around social democracy, the other around political democracy. The contribution of Christian democratic governments to the strengthening and development of the welfare state achieved some of the objectives of that tradition of thought. The promotion of neo-capitalism and of the related consumer society led Christian democratic parties to veer away from the ideals of their forerunners, who had wanted to build a new Christianity. The social market economy can be considered the last important contribution of Christian democracy to European political thought.
  • 8 - Critics of totalitarianism
    pp 181-201
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    Integral to the prosecution of totalising warfare, and precipitated by the crises of the inter-war period, was a novel and unanticipated form of regime, and of a novel political idea that signified the regime, totalitarianism. Books like Origins and The Captive Mind bear the imprint of the experience of resistance to totalitarianism undergone by post-war European intellectuals. By the mid-1950s the discourse about totalitarianism had been transformed by the onset of the Cold War. Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy is an informative book, distinguished less by any liberal or pro-American ideological agenda than by its taxonomic rigour and its social-scientific aspirations. In the East the concepts of totalitarianism and post-totalitarianism were crucial elements in the 'democratic toolbox' of the political opposition to the Soviet-style communism. The literature of revolt in Eastern Europe that helped to bring this about was resolutely anti-totalitarian. The discourse of totalitarianism remains of continuing importance for those interested in the practice of freedom in the modern world.
  • 9 - The end of the welfare state?
    pp 202-216
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    The British welfare state was principally the product of two renegade Liberals, Lloyd George and Beveridge. The characteristic catch-cries of a welfare state echoed across most of the developed world through much of the post-war period. Talk of a looming 'affordability crisis' in the welfare state, long in the background, has suddenly gained new credence. A strand in the New Right attack on the welfare state bemoans an 'accountability crisis'. In New Right rhetoric, the unaccountability of traditional state welfare providers was matched by the irresponsibility of welfare recipients. Granting anyone an automatic right to welfare, regardless of their own complicity in the chain of events that led to their plight, is said by many to undermine notions of accountability and personal responsibility. Feminists are quick to point out the perversity of the 'dependency' critique of the welfare state. The traditional universalistic cradle-to- grave welfare state is probably politically 'dead' for the foreseeable future.
  • 10 - The Second International: socialism and social democracy
    pp 217-238
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    In 1889 the Second International Working Men's Association was formed at a congress in Paris of trade unionists and socialists from several countries. The German Social Democratic Party (SPD)became the most powerful force in the International, whose discourse was to a large extent dominated by the 'orthodox Marxism' of Karl Kautsky, the 'Pope' of socialism. Kautsky's belief that democratic institutions constituted the ideal basis for the development of the proletariat and for its exercise of power. The 'revisionist' attack on 'orthodox Marxism', mounted by Eduard Bernstein in the mid-1890s, was different, despite his contention that he remained a 'Marxist'. Trotsky and Lenin, though they had few allies for democratic centralism amongst the radical left in France and Germany, were nonetheless in unison with the French socialists Jean Jaurés and Gustav Hervé. With Parvus, Luxemburg, Pannekoek and even Kautsky before 1911, in believing that there was an intrinsic relationship between imperialism, war and revolution.
  • 11 - The Russian Revolution: an ideology in power
    pp 239-266
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    The Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 marked the beginning of the global conflict between communism and capitalism to dominate the politics of the twentieth century and redraw the map of modern ideologies. This chapter concerns the Bolsheviks redefined revolutionary Marxism in the twentieth century. The crucial transformations of capitalism had accelerated during the preparations for and prosecution of the war, had been noticed by the Russian proponents of unripe time. Monopoly capitalism, in the age of imperialism, had succeeded in realising Marx's prediction that it was to be the first world historical mode of production. The wartime imperialist state was, in Bukharin's account, far more threatening in its pretensions than any state known to history. The Bolshevik theorists of the Russian Revolution shared with Marx the article of faith that state and society were, locked in a zero-sum game in which the presence of the one was the denial of the other.
  • 12 - Asian communism
    pp 267-281
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    Marxism, initially the product of reflection upon the economic, social and political consequences of the industrial revolution, is firmly anchored in Europe. The Bolshevik victory in 1917 meant that Asian Marxism emerged under the tutelage of the emergent Soviet Union. It was rather in China that a distinctive form of Asian Marxism began to develop, but only after the traumatic decimation of the Communist Party by the very bourgeois, nationalist movements to which Soviet policy subordinated it. The Chinese Communist Party was founded in 1921 with Mao Zedong one of the thirteen members present. It was during the Long March that Mao became undisputed leader of the party and was able to give Chinese Marxism its distinctive character. The success of the Chinese revolution meant that the Chinese Communists had the space to deploy their ideas even before their accession to power. Asian Marxism appears in a compelling example of Hegel's irony of history, as a modernising precursor of capitalism.
  • 13 - Western Marxism
    pp 282-298
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    The character of Marxism in Europe during the middle of the twentieth century was profoundly marked by the collapse of the Second International in 1914. Western Marxism is thus a philosophical meditation on the defeat of Marxism in the West. Lukács was the first Marxist thinker to evaluate the role of Hegel in the formation of Marx's thought and recapture the Hegelian dimension of Marxism. Like that of Lukács, the thought of Antonio Gramsci, forms a bridge between the high point of Marxist success during the first two decades of the century and the more ruminative style of later Western Marxism. Central to what is ordinarily meant by 'Western Marxism' is the work of the Frankfurt school, which took its name from the Institute of Social Research founded in Frankfurt. In adapting the ideas of the school, Habermas has examined the philosophical presuppositions which had allowed the transformation of reason from an instrument of liberation to one of domination.
  • 14 - French Marxism – existentialism to structuralism
    pp 299-318
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    The exit from Marxism was, for the French themselves, as important a part of French Marxism's history as its actual content. The claims of French Marxism were grand to generate, variously, a universal philosophy of freedom, or an objective science of society. Marx's own thinking was shaped by his understanding of French history, but in the nineteenth century Marxism had relatively little direct impact in France. The most eloquent and influential responses to the post-war predicament came from the formulation of existential Marxism. Structuralism had an electrifying effect on French thought of the 1950s and 1960s, and quickly established itself as the main challenger to Marxism's claim to comprehend human society. The concept of structural causality allowed Althusser to argue that Stalinism did not signal in any way that socialism was failing in the Soviet Union. Furet's critique of revolutionary politics, coming at the moment it did, had wide effects, and helped to undermine the credibility of Marxism in France.
  • 15 - Positivism: reactions and developments
    pp 319-342
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    Born of the aspiration of Saint-Simon and Comte to cleanse science of metaphysics, 'positivism' came to signify the nineteenth-century desire to make natural science the sole model of knowledge, even for inquiries into human history and culture. This chapter considers the following instances of reactions to, and developments of, positivism: neo-Kantianism and hermeneutics; idealism and liberalism; sociology and positivist social science; vitalism and pragmatism; and, finally, logical positivism, behaviourism and the 'demise' of political philosophy. While the vein of neo-Kantian epistemology was an important source of education for such thinkers as Benedetto Croce and Max Weber, more immediately productive was the new science of hermeneutics elaborated by Wilhelm Dilthey. T. H. Green in England and Benedetto Croce in Italy exemplify an use made of Kant: building an idealism linked to liberal politics. The question of the relation between vitalism, pragmatism and positivism is complicated further in the case of Henri Bergson.
  • 16 - Postmodernism: pathologies of modernity from Nietzsche to the post-structuralists
    pp 343-367
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    In the last quarter of the twentieth century the concept of postmodernism, and the associated notion of postmodernity, became a principal focus of discussion in philosophy, cultural analysis, and social and political theory. Nietzsche and Heidegger are crucial points of reference for the French post-structuralists, who provided the theoretical armoury of postmodernism. Foucault and Derrida have probably been the most influential of French post-structuralist thinkers. The central theoretical and political dilemma of postmodernist thought which was highlighted by its most eminent critic, Jürgen Habermas. Postmodernists have construed the collapse of metaphysical foundations as a licence for relativism, Habermas's conception of agreement as the intrinsic, albeit idealised, aim of communication provides, a 'post-metaphysical' account of the orientation to a context-transcending truth. On Habermas's account, modernity, in both its capitalist and bureaucratic socialist versions, is characterised by a 'colonisation' of the human life-world by instrumental reason. The perspectivism, and relativism, which are central to the epistemology of postmodernism, prohibit comprehensive historical claims.
  • 17 - Weber, Durkheim and the sociology of the modern state
    pp 368-391
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    Modern social theory offers three main models of the state: an instrumentalist, a realist and a pluralist. These models can be respectively represented by the names Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim. For Durkheim and Weber, the emergence of capitalism in the West required an extraordinary combination of contingent factors: economic, cultural and political. The multi-faceted analyses of modernity supplied by Durkheim and Weber contrast with the simplistic understanding of the relation between the state and civil society found in liberalism. The categories of 'inwardness' and 'outwardness' to arrive at a better account of Weber's and Durkheim's views of the nation and patriotism. Modern political science and political sociology have both been shaped, almost subliminally, by the ambiguous heritage of Weber's texts and problems. Durkheim's inward-looking cosmopolitanism articulates an alternative political solution where forms of subsidiarity, functional representation and local participation combine to produce a decentralised system of governance capable of fostering stable collective identities.
  • 18 - Freud and his followers
    pp 392-411
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    In the late 1890s Sigmund Freud, who had been trained as a Viennese neurologist, created a new field, psychoanalysis, which was designed to understand and treat neurotic afflictions. An essential key to Freud's thinking about psychopathology lies in the character of the last days of the Hapsburg Empire. Freud's own views can best be aligned with a conservative reading of aspects of Enlightenment liberalism. However, Freudians have been found in most of the main ideological camps, from socialism and Marxism, to conservatism and fascism. Wilhelm Reich was a Viennese psychiatrist who was also one of Freud's most talented pupils. In 1955 Herbert Marcuse published Eros and Civilization, an important critique of so-called revisionist Freudian psychology like that promoted by Fromm. Helene Deutsch and Karen Horney, helped push Freud in the 1920s to composing essays specifically on femininity. As an aspect of the success of Freudian ideas, psychodynamic notions of normality have become part of the prevailing social structure around us.
  • 19 - Modernism in art, literature and political theory
    pp 412-430
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    Modernism is a term of Anglo-American provenance with both literary critical and art-historical variants. Several movements such as Italian and Russian futurism, Zurich dada and its successors and French surrealism, which are sometimes separated out as 'avant-garde' in contrast to 'modernism'. Modernism could and did function as a prelude to fascism and tyranny, but it could also exhibit a disruptiveness and playfulness much closer to anarchism or libertarian individualism. Baudelaire's generation were the modernist pioneers of aesthetic opposition to what they saw as an emerging world of commercial degradation, spiritual decadence and cultural pastiche aimed at concealing the disruptive effects of the new. In addition to German expressionism, Italian futurism and French cubism, modernist movements existed in many other European cities, often as spin-offs like British vorticism or Russian futurism, both of which were heavily influenced by Marinetti. Benjamin's concept of modernism, like Adorno's, is at the polar opposite of the Schillerian model of a reconciled wholeness that post-modernists fear.
  • 20 - The new science of politics
    pp 431-445
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    This chapter summarizes history of Charles Merriam and Harold Lasswell contribution to twentieth-century political thought, with as close attention to their words, texts and contexts as space allows. Merriam and company struck a pose against the reigning styles of political study. Traditional political theory was stigmatised as formalistic, and its history a memorial of dead dogmas. The traditions of rationalism and intellectualism that had dominated political study had failed to analyse 'man' underneath formal institutions, including representative democracies. Political scientists extensively analysed the theory and practice of propaganda during and between the two world wars. This is intellectually and sociologically crucial. In due course, propaganda furthered the development and gave particular shape to psychological theories of politics, especially public opinion. Realism and science rendered the active, participatory side of democracy mainly an affair of elites and experts who could manage public opinion in the service of democracy. Behaviouralism was the direct descendant of Merriam's science of political behavior.
  • 21 - Utilitarianism and beyond: contemporary analytical political theory
    pp 446-470
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    This chapter sketches a body of political thought that became predominant in the second half of the twentieth century among academic political philosophers, primarily in the English-speaking world, but increasingly elsewhere, too. It discusses features of analytical political theory and theories of John Rawls, Robert Nozick and Ronald Dworkin. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to come to terms with value-pluralism has been utilitarianism, which appeals to the principle of greatest happiness as a supreme arbiter to resolve conflicts between liberty, justice and all other goods. Over the first half of the twentieth century, New Liberalism in Britain and the New Deal in the USA brought a steady expansion of the powers of government, with new social programmes in education and health. Mistaken or not as a critique of liberalism, communitarianism certainly has touched a political nerve. There is a communitarian journal, The Responsive Community, a Communitarian Platform and a Communitarian Network that extends throughout Europe and North America.
  • 22 - Pacifism and pacificism
    pp 471-492
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    This chapter analyses the ideas of the minority which, in addition to rejecting aggression, has regarded defencism as too negative because it aspires to no more than a stable truce between armed and watchful states and an amelioration of warfare once it eventually breaks out. It discusses Pacifism and pacificism. Pacificism had first appeared during the eighteenth century, when beliefs in the harmony of international interests and in the capacity of public pressure to alter government policy both began to develop. Pacifism also passed its peak of popular support earlier in the twentieth century. In respect of the political sphere, pacifism in effect faced a choice of three orientations. The interest which non-violence aroused for a time in progressive circles might have been expected to boost pacifism. Nuclear weapons might also have been expected to boost pacifism of a utilitarian or humanitarian kind in the same way that 'the bomber' had in the inter-war period.
  • 23 - Feminisms
    pp 493-516
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    Throughout the twentieth century, the feminist movement has been made up of shifting and more or less closely connected groups, united by the conviction that women are unfairly disadvantaged by comparison with men. First-wave feminism provides a compelling illustration of the general point that feminism is internally diverse; it encompasses, for instance, campaigns for women's rights in Europe and America, Alexandra Kollontai's efforts to transform women's labour in revolutionary Russia, and, again in America and Europe, Emma Goldman's defence of the importance of sexual freedom. Many second-wave feminists, alive to the failures of the emancipationist movements of the first half of the century and influenced by the radical politics of the late 1960s and 1970s, tended to view liberal feminism as timid and lacking in vision. The rise of third-wave feminism is associated with two striking theoretical shifts, one relating to the scope of feminist theories, the other questioning the terms in which such theories have been couched.
  • 24 - Identity politics
    pp 517-533
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    Identity politics came into vogue in the late twentieth century to describe a wide range of political struggles which occur with increasing frequency and constitute one of the most pressing political problems of the present. Kantian tradition is one's practical identity, a mode of conduct, of beingin- the-world with others. A practical identity is a form of both self-awareness and of self-formation in relation to and with others. The struggles to contest and renegotiate the prevailing relations of mutual recognition can be classified into three main types. The first type of demand is for "cultural diversity". The second type of demand is for "multicultural and multi-ethnic citizenship". The third type of demand is for "multi-national or multi-people constitutional associations". It is possible in conclusion to present a few generalisations about the agreements reached in negotiations over identity politics. The agreements are 'overlapping' rather than transcendent. The interlocutors do not transcend their practical identities and reach agreement on an identity-blind norm.

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