The year 1998 marks the seven-hundredth anniversary of the initial composition of the book associated with Marco Polo, Le devisament dou monde. As the first European to claim that he had been to China and back (not to mention that he had travelled extensively elsewhere in Asia), Polo has become a household name. He has been credited with the introduction of noodles into Italy and of spaghetti into China. With perhaps greater warrant, he has been cited as an authority onȔinter aliaȔthe capital of the Mongol Great Khan Qubilai, on the Mongol postal relay system, on the trade in horses across the Arabian Sea, and on political conditions on the north-west frontier of India in the mid thirteenth century. The Marco Polo bibliography published in 1986 contained over 2,300 items in European languages alone.
2 Watanabe, Hiroshi (comp.), Marco Polo bibliography 1477–1983 (Tokyo, 1986).
3 Gosman, Martin, ‘Marco Polo's voyages: the conflict between confirmation and observation’, in Zweder von, Martels (ed.), Travel fact and travel fiction: studies on fiction, literary tradition, scholarly discovery and observation in travel writing (Leiden, 1994), 72–84 (see especially pp. 76–7, 83–4). For earlier views of the Mongols, see Bezzola, Gian Andri, Die Mongolen in abendlandischer Sicht: ein Beitrag zur Frage der Völkerbegegnungen (1220–1270) (Berne and Munich, 1974); Schmieder, Felicitas, Europa und die Fremden: die Mongolen im Urteil des Abendlandes vom 13. bis in das 15. Jahrhundert (Beitrăge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, 16, Sigmaringen, 1994). Similarly, the delay in the West's absorption of the new information from the ‘sophisticated’ East is compared with the easy assimilation of the material on the relatively ‘uncivilized’ Canary islanders: Hyde, J. K, ‘Real and imaginary journeys in the later Middle Ages’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, LXV, 1982, 138–40.
4 Critchley, John, Marco Polo's book (Aldershot, 1992), xiv; also the ‘Epilogue’ (pp. 178–9). My debt to Critchley's book will be apparent to anyone who has read it.
5 Wood, Frances, Did Marco Polo go to China? (London, 1995): see especially her ‘Conclusions’ (pp. 140’51).
6 Waldron, Arthur, ‘The problem of the Great Wall of China’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, XLII, 1983, 643–63; idem, The Great Wall of China: from history to myth (Cambridge, 1990). For a brief defence of Polo in respect of the other omissions, see Phillips, J. R. S, The medieval expansion of Europe (Oxford, 1988), 118–19.
7 For example, by Haeger, John W, ‘Marco Polo in China? Problems with internal evidence’, Bulletin of Sung-Yuan Studies, XIV, 1978, 22–30.
8 al-Dīn, Rashīd, al-Tawārīkh, Jāmi', harvardII, ed. E, Blochet (Leiden and London, 1911), 481–3, and transl. ABoyle, J., The successors of Genghis Khan (New York, 1971), 280–1; see further Chavannes, E, review of Berthold Laufer, History of the finger-print system (Washington, 1913), in Toung Poo, XIV, 1913, 490–1.
9 Olschki, Leonardo, Marco Polo's Asia, (tr.) Scott, J. A (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960), does a good job of placing the Polos' journeys in historical context, though the book is marred by a tendency to be too uncritical and at times excessively eulogistic.
10 Morgan, David, The Mongols (Oxford, 1986), 118–19, 156–8.
11 For what follows, see generally Phillips, chs. 5–7.
12 Petech, Luciano, ‘Les marchands italiens dans l'empire mongol’, Journal Asiatique, CCL, 1962 549–74.
13 Boyle, J. A, ‘The Il-khans of Persia and the princes of Europe’, Central Asiatic Journal, XX, 1976, 25–40. Sinor, Denis, ‘The Mongols and western Europe’, in Setton, K. M (general ed.), A history of the crusades, III (ed. Hazard, H. W). The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Madison, Wisconsin, 1975), 530–9. For Egypt and the Golden Horde, see Zakirov, S, Diplomaticheskie otnosheniya Zolotoi Ordy s Egiptom (Moscow, 1966).
14 Gossen, Carl Theodor, ‘Marco Polo und Rustichello da Pisa’, in Manfred, Bambeck and Christmann, Hans Helmut (ed.), Philologica Romanica Erhard Lommatzsch gewidmet (Munich, 1975), 133–43.
15 Critchley, 18–19, 52.
16 ibid., 9, 139. For an example of a seemingly abridged passage, on ‘Caragian’, see the composite translation by M[oule, [A. C] and Paul], P[elliot, The description of the world,] I, [(London, 1938, 2 vols; it is an edition of the Z version)], 278, n.3: all future references are to this translation.
17 The most recent edition of this text is by Ruggieri, Ruggiero M (ed.), Il Milione (Florence, 1986).
18 See, for instance, the plea of Pizzorusso, Valeria Bertolucci, ‘À propos de Marco Polo et de son livre: quelques suggestions de travail’, in Essor et fortune de la Chanson de geste dans I'Europe et l'Orient latin: Actes du ixe Congrès international de la Société Rencesvals pour l'étude des épopées romanes. Padoue-Venise, 29 août-4 septembre 1982, II, (Modena, 1984), 797.
19 Hyde, ‘Real and imaginary journeys’, 130–1.
20 de Adam, Salimbene, ‘Cronica’, ed. O, Holder-Egger, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores (Hanover etc., 1826–1913), XXXII, 210, 213.
21 Bacon, Roger, Opus Majus, ed. J, Bridges (Oxford, 1897–1900, 3 vols.), I, 305. See generally Charpentier, Jarl, ‘William of Rubruck and Roger Bacon’, in Hyllningsskrift tillagnad Sven Hedin på hans 70-årsdag den 19 Febr. 1935 (Stockholm, 1935), 255–67.
22 MP, I, 31–2, 34–5. It is improbable, incidentally, that Polo was captured in the battle off Ayas in 1296; a minor sea engagement, at a slightly later date, has been proposed.
23 Sir Yule, Henry, Cathay and the way thither, new edn. by Henri, Cordier (Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XXXIII, XXXVII, XXXVIII, XLI, London, 1913–1916, 4 vols.), III, 195; a fuller quotation in Pelliot, Paul, Notes on Marco Polo (Paris, 1959–1973, 3 vols with continuous pagination), I, 601–2.
24 Translated in MP, I, 60; also reproduced in Sir Ross, E. Denison, ‘Marco Polo and his book’, Proceedings of the British Academy, XX (1934), 201 (text), 202–3 (transl.).
25 This MS was used by Pauthier, M. G as the base for his edition, Le Livre de Marco Polo (Paris, 1865): its preface appears , 1–2ibid., and is translated in MP, I, 61–2. Ross, ‘Marco Polo’, 192, was too dismissive of the ‘De Cepoy legend’, but it should be pointed out that the date of the gift, August 1307, is impossible, since De Cepoy had left Venice for Brindisi by May: Joseph Petit, ‘Un capitaine du règne de Philippe le Bel: Thibaut de Chepoy’, Le Moyen Age, x = 2e série, I (1897), 231–4.
26 MP, I, 28, 556 (and cf. 555, n.l).
27 Critchley, 21. This detail is not found in Jacopo d'Acqui, as Wood claims (pp. 42, 142).
28 Heers, Jacques, Marco Polo (Paris, 1983), 290–2.
29 Examples in Critchley, 34.
30 ibid., 49, citing MP, I, 276.
31 A point well made by Olschki, , Marco Polo's Asia, 97–9, 111; see also Heers, , Marco Polo, 165–85, 258. But for a more positive assessment of the mercantile point of view as found in the Polo book, see Carile, Antonio, ‘Territorio e ambiente nel “Divisament dou monde” di Marco Polo’, Studi Veneziani, n.s., I, 1977, 13–36; Tucci, Ugo, ‘Marco Polo, mercante’, in Lionello, Lanciotti (ed.), Venezia e l'Oriente (Florence, 1987), 323–37.
32 Heers, , Marco Polo, 112–17.
33 Critchley, 38. Laiou, Angeliki E, Constantinople and the Latins: the foreign policy of Andronicus II 1282–1328 (Harvard Historical Studies, LXXXVIII, Cambridge, Mass., 1972), 206–9.
34 See Critchley, 71, 136; though he also points out (pp. 72–5) that the book's attitude towards the Mongol alliance is less than enthusiastic.
35 MP, I, 59–60; and see Ross, ‘Marco Polo’, 200–1 (text), 202 (transl.).
36 Olschki, , Marco Polo's Asia, 111, 115 (and see his fig. 3, facing p. 117).
37 Nitti, John J (ed.), Juan Fernández de Heredia's Aragonese version of the Libro de Marco Polo (Madison, Wisconsin, 1980).
38 For what follows, see Heers, Jacques, ‘De Marco Polo à Christophe Colomb: comment lire le Devisement du monde?’, Journal of Medieval History, X, 1984, 125–43.
39 For an attempt to outline an itinerary for the Polos, see Olschki, , Marco Polo's Asia, 12–38.
40 Lentz, Wolfgang, ‘War Marco Polo auf dem Pamir?’, ZDMG, n.F. XI, 1933, 1–32, concluded that the visit to Badakhshān was authentic.
41 See the remarks of Yule, Cathay, ed. Cordier, IV, 48–9, 130 n.l, 140 n.l; Cordier's note on the great mosque at Canton, ibid., 122, n.l; Dunn, Ross, The adventures of Ibn Batuta, a Muslim traveler of the fourteenth century (London, 1986), 252–3, reviews the problems, but gives Ibn Baṭṭūṭa the benefit of the doubt. See my review of vol. IV of the translation by Gibb, H. A. R and Beckingham, C. F, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd series, VI, 1996, 262–6.
42 Critchley, 81.
43 Pelliot, , Notes, II, 646–7.
44 This did not prevent fabulous creatures finding their way into the illustrations in some of the Polo MSS: see Wittkower, R, ‘Marco Polo and the pictorial tradition of the marvels of the east’, in Oriente Poliano. Studi e conferenze tenute all'IsMEO in occasione del VII centenario della nascità di Marco Polo (1254–1954) (Rome, 1957), 155–72; Friedman, John Block, The monstrous races in medieval art and thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 154–8.
45 For the old misconception, see Laufer, Berthold, ‘Asbestos and salamander: an essay in Chinese and Hellenistic folk-lore’, Toung Pao, XVI, 1915, 299–373.
46 Louis Hambis, ‘Le voyage de Marco Polo en Haute Asie’, in Oriente Poliano, 183–4. Morgan, David, ‘Prester John and the Mongols’, in Beckingham, Charles F and Bernard, Hamilton (ed.), Prester John, the Mongols and the Ten Lost Tribes (Aldershot, 1996), 165–6.
47 Critchley, 83–4.
48 Pelliot, , Notes, II, 774–5.
49 ibid., II, 814–15.
50 For Kan-chou, see ibid., I, 150–3. It is noteworthy that the Tuscan version (Ruggieri, 150) omits Marco's name here, which might suggest that the visit fell during the first journey.
51 Pelliot, Paul, ‘Les traditions manichéennes au Fou-kien’, T'oung Pao, XXII, 1923, 193–208; and in his Notes, II, 726–8.
52 This reference to Marco is omitted in the Tuscan version (Ruggieri, 106).
53 Critchley, 78–9, and cf. also 82–3 for pilgrims' guides; for Chinese geographical writing, see ibid., xii. Heers, , Marco Polo, 241–2, draws analogies between the tone of Polo's book and the spiced-up account of Hülegü's invasion of Persia, based on the report of Ch'ang Te and presented to Qubilai by Liu Yu in 1263: for the text, see Bretschneider, Emil, Mediaeval researches from eastern Asiatic sources (London, 1888, 2 vols.), I, 122–56.
54 Pelliot, , Notes, II, 812.
55 For a resumé of the material on India, see Sastri, K. A Nilakanta, ‘Marco Polo on India’, in Oriente Poliano, 111–20.
56 Franke, Herbert, review of Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia, in ZDMG, CXII, 1962, 229–31; and his ‘Sino-Western contacts under the Mongol empire’, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, VI, 1966, 54–5.
57 Adam, Guillaume, ‘De modo Sarracenos extirpandi’, in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades [hereafter RHC]. Documents Armeniens, II (Paris, 1906), 553. See also the comments in Kedar, B. Z, Merchants in crisis (New Haven and London, 1976), 10–11; Balard, Michel, ‘Les Génois en Asie centrale et en extrême-orient au XIVc siecle: un cas exceptionnel?’, in Économies et sociétés au moyen âge: Mélanges offerts à Edouard Perroy (Paris, 1973), 681’9.
58 ‘Epistolae Fr. Iohannis de Monte Corvino’, in den Wyngaert, Anastasius Van (ed.), Sinica Franciscana, I. Itinera et relationes Fratrum Minorum saeculi XIII et XIV (Quaracchi-Firenze, 1929), 352–3; tr. in Christopher, Dawson (ed.), The Mongol mission (London, 1955), 229. For the date of Montecorvino's departure from Tabriz, see his second letter, in Van den Wyngaert, 345 (tr. Dawson, 224).
59 Laufer, ‘Asbestos and salamander’, 365.
60 Bottazzi, Emilio, ‘Un'esploratione alle sorgenti del Fiume Giallo durante la dinastia Yüan’, Annali: Istituto Orientate di Napoli, n.s. XIX, 1969, 529–46, with the year 1280 in error. Franke, Herbert, ‘The exploration of the Yellow River sources under emperor Qubilai in 1281’, in G, Gnoli and L, Lanciotti (ed.), Orientalia Iosephi Tucci memoriae dicata (Rome, 1985), 401–16; repr. in Franke, China under Mongol rule (Aldershot, 1994).
61 Rockhill, W. W, ‘Notes on the relations and trade of China with the eastern archipelago and the coast of the Indian Ocean during the fourteenth century: part I’, T'oung Pao, XV, 1914 429–42.
62 Yüan, Ch'ên, Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols, tr. Ch'ien, Hsing-hai and Goodrich, L. Carrington (Monumenta Serica Monographs, xv, Los Angeles, 1966), 1–2. de Rachewiltz, Igor, ‘Some remarks on the language problem in Yüan China’, Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, V, 1967, 65.
63 Sinor, Denis, ‘Interpreters in medieval Inner Asia’, in Marcel, Erdal (ed.), Studies in the history and culture of Central Eurasia (Jerusalem, 1982 = Asian and African Studies, XVI), 307–16.
64 Richard, Jean, ‘Isol le Pisan: un aventurier franc gouverneur d'une province mongole?’, Central Asiatic Journal, XIV, 1970, 186–94; repr. in his Orient et Occident au Moyen Âge: contacts et relations (XIIe-XVes.) (London, 1976). Jacques Paviot, ‘Buscarello de'Ghisolfi, marchand génois intermédiate entre la Perse mongole et la Chrétienté latine (fin du XIIIme-début du XIVme siécles)’, in Storia dei Genovesi, xi (Genoa, 1991), 107–17. Sinor, ‘The Mongols and Western Europe’, 534–7.
65 Rossabi, Morris, ‘The Muslims in the early Yüan dynasty’, in Langlois, John D (ed.), China under Mongol rule (Princeton, 1981), especially 257–60, 270–95; idem, Khubilai Khan: his life and times (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), 70–5. For a revisionist view of the effectiveness of this policy, especially in the later decades of Mongol rule, cf. Endicott-West, Elizabeth, Mongolian rule in China: local administration in the Yuan dynasty (Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph series, 29, Cambridge, Mass., 1989), 78–88; see ibid., 122, for the social isolation of the Mongols (and presumably, therefore, of other foreign officials) in Yüan China.
66 Pelliot, Notes, I, 68. Cleaves, Francis Woodman, ‘The biography of Bayan of the Bārin in the Yüan Shih’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, XIX, 1956, 186–8. Polo (or perhaps Rusticello) transferred to Bayan's Chinese rank an incorrect explanation of the Mongol name bayan (‘rich’) as deriving from Chinese po-yen, ‘hundred eyes’.
67 Sinor, ‘Interpreters’, 307–16.
68 On this script, see Poppe, N. N (ed.) and Krueger, John R (tr.), The Mongolian monuments in hP'ags-pa script (Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen, VIII, Wiesbaden, 1957); De Rachewiltz, ‘Some remarks’, 71–3; Rossabi, Khubilai Khan, 155–60. Heers, Marco Polo, 234, suggests that Arabic was one of Polo's four languages.
69 ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, RHC Documents Armeniens, II (Paris, 1906), 842.
70 Shijian, Huang, ‘The Persian language in China during the Yuan dynasty’, Papers on Far Eastern History, XXXIV (September 1986), 83–95.
71 Pelliot, Notes, 1, 94–5. For the outbreak of hostilities, between Berke and the Emperor Michael, see Marius Canard, ‘lUn traité entre Byzance et l‘Egypte au XIIIe siècle’, in Mèlanges offerts á Gaudefroy-Demombynes (Cairo, 1939–1945), 213–19.
72 Siouffi, M. M., ‘Notice sur un patriarche nestorien’, Journal Asiatique, 7e série, XVII, 1881, 90. The evidence is discussed by Pelliot, Recherches sur les chrétiens d'Asie centrale et d'extreme-orient (Paris, 1973), 257–9, and by Rossabi, Morris, Voyager from Xanadu: Rabban Sauma and the first journey from China to the West (Tokyo and New York, 1992), 43–6.
73 Lupprian, Karl-Ernst (ed.), Die Beziehungen der Papste zu islamīschen und mongolischen Herrschern im 13. Jahrhundert anhand ihres Briefwechsels (Vatican City, 1981), 237–41 (no. 47); cf. also Nicholas's letter to the Īl-khan, 1 April 1278, ibid., 233–6 (no. 46). For Rabban Sauma, see Richard, Jean, ‘La mission en Europe de Rabban Cauma et l'union des églises’, in XII Convegno Volta (Rome, 1957), 162–7; repr. in his Orient et Occident.
74 Budge, E. A. Wallis (tr.), The monks of KÛblâi Khân Emperor of China (London, 1928), 181. Rossabi, Voyager from Xanadu, 134–8.
75 M. H. Laurent, ‘Grégoire X et Marco Polo (1269–1271)’, Mélanges d' Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Ėcole Francaise de Rome, LVIII (1941–1946), 132–44. ‘Annales de Terre Sainte’, B, ed. R. RŌhricht and G. Raynaud, Archives de I'Orient Latin, II (1884), documents, 455, has 10 November; ‘L'estoire de Eracles empereur’, RHC Historiens Occidentaux, II (Paris, 1859), 471, gives the date of Gregory's embarkation as the octave of St. Martin, i.e. 18 November. For William of Agen, see Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader states: the secular church (London, 1980), 270–5.
76 ‘L'estoire de Eracles’, 471. Prutz, Hans, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge (Berlin, 1883), 575.
77 La chronique attributée au Conneétable Smbat, (tr.) Gerard, Dedeyan (Paris, 1980), 134; also transl. in Galstian, A. G., Armianskie istochniki o Mongolakh izvlecheniya iz rukopisei XIII–XIV. (Moscow, 1962), 64.
78 Thorau, Peter, The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the thirteenth century, (tr.) Holt, P. M. (London, 1992), 208–9. beuven Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks: the Mamluk-Īkhānid war, 1260–1281 (Cambridge, 1995), 125.
79 Critchley, 66–8. For the Lord Edward's appeal, see ‘L'estoire de Eracles’, 461; R. Röhricht, ‘Études sur les derniers temps du royaume de Jérusalem, A. La croisade du prince Edouard d'Angleterre (1270–1274)’, Archives de I'Orient Latin, I (1881), 623.
80 Soranzo, Giovanni, Il papato, I'Europa cristiana e i Tartari (Milan, 1930), 217 and n.2.
81 Burkhard Roberg, ‘Die Tartaren auf dem 2. Konzil von Lyon (1274)’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum, v (1973), 288, n. 268, suggests that Gregory wrote to the Īl-khān Abaqa, at least, from the Holy Land prior to his departure for Italy, in order to notify him of his plans to convene the council.
82 SeeRichard, Jean, La papauté et les missions d'Orient au Moyen-Âge (XIIe–XVe siècles) (Rome, 1977), 85–6. Salimbene, ‘Cronica’, 210, who names the papal envoys, says in error that they were sent by John XXI.
83 Hambis, Louis, ‘Le pretendu “Cogatai” de Marco Polo’, in Nel VIII. centenario della nascilà di Marco Polo (Venice, 1955), 235–40.
84 Critchley, 4, 6–7.
85 Cte.de Mas Latrie, L., Histoire de l'īle de Chypre sous le reègne des princes de la maison de Lusignan (Paris, 1852–1861, 3.) II, 789; Cornelio Desimoni (ed.), ‘Actes passés en 1271, 1274 et 1279 a l'Aēas (Petite Arménie) et a Beyrouth par devant des notaires génois’, Archives de I'Orient Latin, I (1881), documents, 441. Catherine Otten-Froux, ‘L’Aēas dans le dernier tiers du XIIIe sīécle d'après les notaires génois’, in Kedar, B. Z. and Udovitch, A. L. (ed.), The medieval Levant: studies in memory of Eliyahu Ashtor (1914–1984) (Jerusalem, 1988 Asian and African Studies, XXII), 154–5.
86 ‘Epistolae Fr. lohannis de Monte Corvino’, in Van den Wyngaert, 352–3 (tr. Dawson, The Mongol mission, 229); and see n. 58 above.
87 Francīs Woodman Cleaves, ‘A Chinese source bearing on Marco Polo's departure from China and a Persian source on his arrival in Persia’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, XXXVI, 1976, 181–203. Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh, ed. A. A. Alizade and tr. A. K. Arends, m (Baku, 1957), text 280 (and see 281), gives no date for the arrival of the embassy from China, though clearly placing it prior to the winter of 1293–4.
88 Jean Aubin, ‘Les princes d‘Ormuz du XIIIe au XVe siècle’, Journal Asiatique, CCXLI, 1953, 88.
89 See generally Fairbank, John K. (ed.), The Chinese world order (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). On the attitudes of the Mongols' predecessors, the Sung emperors, see Herbert Franke, ‘Sung embassies: some general observations’, in Rossabi, Morris (ed.), China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbours, 10th–14th centuries (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983), 117; for the post-Yüan era, Henry Serruys, C.I.C.M., Sino-Mongol relations during the Ming, II: The tribute system and diplomatic missions (1400–1600) (Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, XIV, Brussels, 1967), 19–21.
90 For Qubilai's reign, see Elizabeth Endicott-West, ‘Merchant associations in Yuan China: the Ortoy’, Asia Major, 3rd series, II (1989), part 2, 127–54; for the pre-Qubilai era, Thomas T. Allsen, –Mongolian princes and their merchant partners 1200–1260’, ibid., 83–126.
91 Denis Sinor, ‘Diplomatic practices in medieval Inner Asia’, in Bosworth, C. E. etal. (ed.), The Islamic world from Classical to modern times: Essays in honor of Bernard Lewis (Princeton, 1989), 342–3
92 Critchley, 38–41, suggests that Marco Polo was inflating his own capacities in a bid to secure a job with the French.
93 Texts conveniently assembled in Moule, A. C., Quinsai and other notes on Marco Polo (Cambridge, 1957), 75–6.
94 Pelliot, Notes, II, 876.
95 A point made by Ronald Latham in his introduction to the Penguin translation (1958), 14, n. These passages, however, do appear in abbreviated form in the Tuscan version (Ruggieri, 230–1).
96 Rouleau, Francis A., , S. J., ‘The Yangchow Latin tombstone as a landmark of medieval Christianity in China’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, XVII, 1954, 346–65.
97 Igor de Rachewiltz, ‘Turks in China under the Mongols: a preliminary investigation of Turco-Mongol relations in the 13th and 14th centuries’, in Rossabi 121–4.
99 Rubruck, ‘Itinerarium‘, xxix, 7–13, in Van den Wyngaert, 253–6; (tr.)Jackson, Peter and Morgan, David, The mission of Friar William of Rubruck (Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, 173,London, 1990), 184–7
100 Ch. Kohler and C. V. Langlois(ed.),‘Lettres inédites concernant lescroisades (1275–1307)’, Bibliothèlque de I'Ecole des Chartes, LII (1891), 57.
101 Jahn, Karl (ed.), Die Frankengeschichte des Rasīd ad-Dīn (2nd ed., Vienna, 1977), Persian text, Tafel 45, German transl., 53.
102 Richard, ‘Isol le Pisan’, 188’90. For Ghazan's brief reoccupation of Syrīa and Palestine, see Sylvia Schein, ‘Gesta Dei per Mongolos 1300: the genesis of a non-event’, English Historical Review, XCIV, 1979, 805’19 (especially 815 ff.).
1 Earlier versions of this study were read to my colleagues in the History Department at Keele University, and to the Seminar on the History of the Middle East at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, in April 1996. I am grateful for the stimulating questions and discussions that followed.
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