From the mid-1970s through the mid-1980s, a network of young urban migrant men created an underground pulp fiction publishing industry in the city of Dar es Salaam. As texts that were produced in the underground economy of a city whose trajectory was increasingly charted outside of formalized planning and investment, these novellas reveal more than their narrative content alone. These texts were active components in the urban social worlds of the young men who produced them. They reveal a mode of urbanism otherwise obscured by narratives of decolonization, in which urban belonging was constituted less by national citizenship than by the construction of social networks, economic connections, and the crafting of reputations. This article argues that pulp fiction novellas of socialist era Dar es Salaam are artifacts of emergent forms of male sociability and mobility. In printing fictional stories about urban life on pilfered paper and ink, and distributing their texts through informal channels, these writers not only described urban communities, reputations, and networks, but also actually created them.
1 Rajab Hammie, Ufunguo Wa Bandia (Dar es Salaam: East African Publications, 1979).
2 Interview with Farid “Hammie” Rajab, Dar es Salaam, 10 June 2013; interview with Kajubi Mukajanga, Dar es Salaam, 8 June 2013.
3 The term “informal sector” was first coined by anthropologist Keith Hart in 1973, based on his work in Accra, Ghana: “Informal Income Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana,” Journal of Modern African Studies 11, 1 (1973): 61–89 . For more recent evaluations of the term, see Hansen –Karen Tranberg and Vaa Mariken, “Introduction” to Reconsidering Informality: Perspectives from Urban Africa (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2004), 7–20 ; Roy Ananya and AlSayyad Nezar, Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2004); James Deborah and Hull Elizabeth, “Introduction: Popular Economies in South Africa,” Africa 82, 1 (2012): 1–19 .
4 Myers Garth and Murray Martin J., “Introduction: Situating Contemporary Cities in Africa,” in Myers Garth and Murray Martin J., eds., Cities in Contemporary Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 3–7 .
5 According to World Bank estimates, during the 1970s Tanzania was the country with the third-fastest urbanization rate in the world, after Mozambique and the United Arab Emirates. World Bank, World Development Report 1994, 222–23.
6 Ferguson James, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).
7 For recent in-depth historical examinations of the history of African socialism in Tanzania, see Schneider Leander, Government of Development: Peasants and Politicians in Postcolonial Tanzania (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014); and Lal Priya, African Socialism in Postcolonial Tanzania: Between the Village and the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
8 Brennan James and Burton Andrew, “The Emerging Metropolis: A History of Dar es Salaam, circa 1862–2000,” in Brennan James, Burton Andrew, and Lawi Yusuf K., eds., Dar es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging African Metropolis (Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2007).
9 Burton Andrew, “The Haven of Peace Purged: Tackling the Undesirable and Unproductive Poor in Dar es Salaam, ca. 1950s–1980s,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 40, 1 (2007): 119–51.
10 Stren Richard E., Urban Inequality and Housing Policy in Tanzania: The Problem of Squatting (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, Research Series no. 24, University of California, 1975); Ivaska Andrew, “Anti-Mini Militants Meet Modern Misses: Urban Style, Gender and the Politics of ‘National Culture’ in 1960s Dar es Salaam, Tanzania,” Gender and History 14, 3 (2002): 584–607 ; and in Ivaska Andrew, Cultured States: Youth, Gender and Modern Style in 1960s Dar es Salaam (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011).
11 Callaci Emily, “‘Chief Village in a Nation of Villages’: History, Race and Authority in Tanzania's Dodoma Plan,” Urban History 43, 1 (2016): 96–116 .
12 Between 1972 and 1980, the proportion of Dar es Salaam residents who were squatters rose from 44 to 65 percent. Stren, Urban Inequality; and Stren Richard, Halfani Mohamed, and Malombe Joyce, “Coping with Urbanization and Urban Policy,” in Barkan Joel, ed., Beyond Capitalism vs. Socialism in Kenya and Tanzania (Boulder: Lynn Rienner, 1994).
13 Westad Odd Arne, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 91 .
14 Westad describes this as a strand of thinking across the Third World in the wake of colonial underdevelopment, as leaders saw the mobilization of manpower and resources as the way to pursue modernization in the absence of wealth and industrial infrastructure. Ibid., 90–91.
15 On this point, see especially Lal Priya, “Militants, Mothers and the National Family: Ujamaa, Gender and Rural Development in Postcolonial Tanzania,” Journal of African History 51, 1 (2010): 1–20 , 7–8.
16 Callaci Emily, “‘Chief Village in a Nation of Villages’: History, Race and Authority in Tanzania's Dodoma Plan,” Urban History 43, 1 (2016): 96–116 . Similarly, Andrew Burton argues that while the colonial state vilified the urban poor with the language of racial stereotyping, the postcolonial state instead vilified the urban poor by invoking nationalism, socialism, and tradition; “The Haven of Peace Purged: Tackling the Undesirable and Unproductive Poor in Dar es Salaam, ca. 1950–1980s,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 40, 1 (2007): 119–51.
17 Burton Andrew and Burgess Gary, “Introduction,” in Burton Andrew and Charton-Bigot Hélène, eds., Generations Past: Youth in East African History (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010), 8 ; Reid, War in Precolonial Eastern Africa; Willis Justin, Potent Brews: A Social History of Alcohol in East Africa (Oxford: James Currey, 2002): 50–60 ; Reid Richard, “Arms and Adolescence: Male Youth, Warfare and Statehood in Nineteenth-Century Eastern Africa,” in Burton Andrew and Charton-Bigot Hélène, eds., Generations Past: Youth in East African History (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010), 25–43 ; Rockel Stephen J., Carriers of Culture: Labor on the Road in Nineteenth-Century East Africa (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2006).
18 Glassman Jonathon, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856–1888 (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1995); Hanson Holly, “Queen Mothers and Good Government in Buganda: The Loss of Women's Political Power in Nineteenth-Century East Africa,” in Geiger Susan, Musisi Nakanyike, and Allman Jean Marie, eds., Women in African Colonial Histories (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002); McKittrick Meredith, “Forsaking Their Fathers? Colonialism, Christianity and Coming of Age in Ovamboland, Northern Namibia,” in Miescher Stephan and Lindsay Lisa, eds., Men and Masculinities in Modern Africa (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2003).
19 Glassman, Feasts and Riot, 37–38; Fair Laura, Pastimes and Politics: Culture, Community and Identity in Post-Abolition Urban Zanzibar, 1890–1945 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001).
20 Prestholdt Jeremy, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), esp. 34–58.
21 Doyle Shane, “Premarital Sexuality in Great Lakes Africa, 1900–1980,” in Burton Andrew and Charton-Bigot Hélène, eds., Generations Past: Youth in East African History (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010).
22 John Iliffe argued that TANU fed on intergenerational tensions; A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). For more recent, in-depth explorations of intergenerational tensions in Tanzanian nationalist politics, see Burton Andrew, “Urchins, Loafers and the Cult of the Cowboy: Urbanization and Delinquency in Dar es Salaam, 1916–61,” Journal of African History 41 (2001): 199–216 ; Brennan James R., “Youth, the Tanu Youth League and Managed Vigilantism in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania,” Africa 76, 2 (2006): 221–46; Ivaska Andrew, “Of Students, ‘Nizers,’ and a Struggle over Youth: Tanzania's 1966 National Service Crisis,” Africa Today 51, 3 (2005): 83–107 . For a broader look at the idiom of “fatherhood” in postcolonial African politics, see Schatzberg Michael, Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001).
23 Prakash Gyan, “Imagining the City, Darkly,” in Prakash Gyan, ed., Noir Urbanisms: Dystopic Images of the Modern City (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 3 . For other explorations of adaptations of crime thrillers as a form of social commentary in local settings, see Stavans Ilan, Antiheroes: Mexico and Its Detective Novel, Lytle Jesse H. and Mattson Jennifer A., trans. (Cranbury, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press; Associated University Presses, 1997); and Borenstein Eliot, Overkill: Sex and Violence in Contemporary Russian Popular Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007), ch. 6.
24 Barber Karin, The Anthropology of Texts, Persons and Publics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
25 Peterson Derek R., Creative Writing: Translation, Bookkeeping, and the Work of Imagination in Colonial Kenya, Social History of Africa (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2004); and “The Intellectual Lives of Mau Mau Detainees,” Journal of African History 49 (2008): 73–91 .
26 Crawford Young describes the late 1970s through the late 1980s as a distinctive phase of “decline and state crisis” across the African continent; The Postcolonial State in Africa: Fifty Years of Independence, 1960–2010 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2012), 23 .
27 Guyer Jane, “Introduction,” in Guyer Jane, Denzer Laray, and Agbaje Adigun A. B., eds., Money Struggles and City Life: Devaluation in Ibadan and other Urban Centers in Southern Nigeria, 1986–1996 (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2002).
28 Simone Abdoumaliq, “People as Infrastructure: Intersecting Fragments in Johannesburg,” Public Culture 16, 3 (2004): 407–29.
29 My use of “soft infrastructure” is informed by Brian Larkin, who defines infrastructure as the “totality of both technical and cultural systems that create institutionalized structures whereby goods of all sorts circulate, connecting and binding people into collectivities.” Citing Simone, he argues that certain infrastructures are “soft,” such as knowledge of a language or aesthetic that allows participation in a community, and therefore, mobility and access to urban networks and resources. Larkin B., Signal and Noise: Media, Infrastructure, and Urban Culture in Nigeria (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), 5–7 .
30 Author's interview with Jumaa Mkabarah, Muheza, Tanzania, 17 June 2013.
31 Bhola H. S., Campaigning for Literacy: Eight National Experiences of the Twentieth Century (Paris: UNESCO, 1984), 149 .
32 This included a strong critique of the influence of foreign films on the morality of urban youth. Mbuguni L. A. and Ruhumbika Gabriel, “TANU and National Culture,” in Ruhumbika Gabriel, ed., Towards Ujamaa: Twenty Years of TANU leadership (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1974). Brennan James discusses this in, “Democratizing Cinema and Censorship in Tanzania, 1920–1980,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 38, 3 (2005): 481–511 .
33 Examples include Baka Adbdul, Salome (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1972); Ngahyoma Ngalimecha, Huka (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1973); Mvungi Martha, Hana Hatia (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House and IKR, 1975); Msuya S. K., Mazungumzo Ya Usiku (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1978).
34 Bgoya Walter, Books and Reading in Tanzania (UNESCO, Studies on Books and Reading no. 25, 1986).
35 For the impact the border closing had on the Nairobi-based East African Literature Bureau and the East African Publishing House, see Chachage C.S.L., The Tanzanian Publishing Industry (Hull: Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Hull, 1994), 50–56 .
36 Ibid., 58–59.
37 Ibid., 89.
38 Bgoya, Books and Reading, 14.
39 Two notable exceptions are the oldest of the writers, Hammie Rajab, born in 1940, and Kajubi Mukajanga, born in 1957.
40 Tripp Aili, Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Informal Urban Economy in Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 38–44 .
41 Author's 2013 interviews: with Kajubi Mukajanga, Dar es Salaam, 8 June; Farid Hammie Rajab, Dar es Salaam, 10 June; Jumaa Mkabarah, Muheza, Tanzania, 17 June; and Jackson Kalindimya, Dar es Salaam, 11 June.
42 Books and Reading, 8.
43 Several writers described the process in interviews, including Jackson Kalindimya, Farid Hammie Rajab, and Kajubi Mukajanga.
44 Bgoya, Books and Reading, 10; Chachage, Tanzanian Publishing Industry, 59.
45 This is based on estimates from advertisements in the newspapers the Daily News and Wakati ni Huu in 1982, which advertise novellas selling for between 30 and 40 Tanzanian shillings. For comparison, tickets to see Urafiki Jazz Band cost 8–10 shillings, as did seeing a movie at a cinema. See also “Paying Dearly for Books,” Daily News, 3 Nov. 1981, which estimated the cost of imported books as ranging from 330 to 350 shillings.
46 In the mid-1970s through the mid-1980s, newspapers ranged in price from around 50 cents to 2 shillings, judging from the prices printed on the newspapers Uhuru, Mzalendo, the Daily News, and the Sunday News.
47 Interviews with M. M. Mulokozi, Dar es Salaam, 6 June 2013; and Kajubi Mukajanga, Dar es Salaam, 8 June 2013.
48 Interview with Jumaa Mkabarah.
49 For late colonial era state publishing endeavors, see Andrew Ivaska, “Negotiating ‘Culture’ in a Cosmopolitan Capital: Urban Style and the State in Colonial and Postcolonial Dar Es Salaam” (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003), esp. ch. 3.
50 Interview with Jackson Kalindimya, Dar es Salaam, 11 June 2013.
51 Interview with Kajubi Mukajanga, Dar es Salaam, 8 June 2013.
52 As James R. Brennan argues, to be a youth was to not yet be a provider for others; “Youth,” 221–22.
53 Schneider Leander, “Colonial Legacies and Postcolonial Authoritarianism in Tanzania: Connects and Disconnects,” African Studies Review 49 (2006): 107–8.
54 Ganzel Edi, Kitanzi (Dar es Salaam: Utamaduni Publishers, 1984), back cover.
55 Mtobwa Ben, Dar es Salaam Usiku (Dar es Salaam: Heko Publications, 1998), 24 .
56 Interviews with Farid Hammie Rajab, Dar es Salaam, 10 June 2013; and Stanley Ganzel, Dar es Salaam, 5 June 2013. They also co-authored a book: Ganzel Edi and Rajab Hammie, Kipigo Cha Fashisti Idi Amin Dudu (Dar es Salaam: Tamasha Publications, 1979).
57 Bgoya, Books and Reading, 39–41.
58 Mwanga's Zainab publications include Kiu Ya Haki (Morogoro: Spark International Consultants, 1983); Hiba Ya Wivu (Dar es Salaam: Ruvu Publishers, 1984); and Uwivu Wa Mumeo (Dar es Salaam: Ruvu Publishers, 1988). Mvungi's Martha include Hana Hatia (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1975); and Lwidiko (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1985). Muhando's Penina publications are too numerous to cite here, but one famous one is Hatia (Nairobi: East Africa Publishing House, 1972).
59 Grace Joshua, “Heroes of the Road: Race, Gender and the Politics of Mobility in Postcolonial Tanzania,” Africa 83, 2 (2013): 403–25, 416; Callaci Emily, “Dancehall Politics: Mobility, Sexuality, and Spectacles of Racial Respectability in Late Colonial Tanganyika, 1930s–1961,” Journal of African History 52, 3 (2011), 365–84.
60 Mlagala Martha “Was It an Illusion?” Darlite 4, 2 (1970): 34–38 .
61 Simbamwene John, Mwisho wa Mapenzi (Dar es Salaam: Longman, 1971). Similarly, in Ganzel's Edi Ndoto ya Mwendawazimu (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1972), the character Mishack, an urban migrant from Rufiji and a reformed ex-criminal, is convinced by his fiancée Hilda, a beautiful nightclub singer and also an urban migrant, that for them to get the money needed to marry he must help her steal diamonds from mines in Mwanza.
62 Letter-writing is central to the plot of several novellas, including Simbamwene's Mwisho Wa Mapenzi; Kuhenga's Casmiri, Kovu La Pendo (Dar es Salaam: Longman, 1971); Mkabarah's Jumaa, Kizimbani (Dar es Salaam: Black Star Agencies, 1974); and Rajab's Hammie, Dunia Hadaa (Dar es Salaam: Busara Publications, 1982).
63 For examples of novellas whose protagonists make a real point of this, see Anduru Agoro, Kukosa Radhi (Dar es Salaam: Press and Publicity Center, 1983); and Simbamwene, Mwisho wa Mapenzi.
64 Anduru Agoro, Kukosa Radhi (Dar es Salaam: Press and Publicity Center, 1983).
65 For example, the novellas of Elvis Erastablus Musiba, including Kufa na Kupona (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1974); Kikosi cha Kisasi (Dar es Salaam: Kilimanjaro Publishers, 1979); and Kikomo (Dar es Salaam: Continental Publishers, 1980). See also Mbelwa H.C.M., Donda Ndugu (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1973); and Mtobwa Ben, Pesa Zako Zinanuka (Dar es Salaam: Heko Publishers, 1984).
66 Musiba, Kufa na Kupona; Kikosi cha Kisasi; and Kikomo.
67 Mukajanga Kajubi, Mpenzi (Dar es Salaam: Grand Arts Promotion, 1984).
68 See, for example, M. Sikawa, “Is It Time Tanzania Banned these Western Films?” Daily News, 24 Jan. 1975, on the scandal of young lovers showing affection in public after seeing Western films. For a discussion of attempts of town elders to ban cinema in colonial Dar es Salaam, see Burton Andrew, African Underclass: Urbanisation, Crime and Colonial Order in Dar es Salaam (Oxford: James Currey, 2005), 75 ; and Brennan James, “Democratizing Cinema; Laura Fair, “Drive-in Socialism: Debating Modernities and Development in Dar es Salaam Tanzania,” American Historical Review 118, 4 (2013): 1077–104.
69 Chachage, Tanzanian Publishing Industry, 50–56. See also Olden Anthony, “For a poor nation a library service is vital”: Establishing a National Public Library Service in Tanzania in the 1960s,” Library Quarterly 75, 4 (2005): 421–45.
70 Musiba, Kufa na Kupona; Kikosi cha Kisasi; Kikomo; and Njama (Dar es Salaam: Continental Publishers, 1981).
71 Mkabarah, Kizimbani; Anduru Agoro, The Fugitive (Dar es Salaam: Intercontinental Publishers, 1982).
72 Ganzel Edi, Kijasho Chembamba (Dar es Salaam: Tamasha Publications, 1980); Simbamwene, Mwisho Wa Mapenzi; Kassam Kassim Mussa, Joto La Fedha (Dar es Salaam: Kobe Publications, 1982).
73 For example, in Elvis Musiba's Kufa na Kupona, the bandit who attacks the hero Willy Gamba is described as looking like “Cowboy Cuchillo,” the bandit Cuchillo Sanchez from spaghetti westerns directed by Sergio Sollima in the mid- and late 1960s. Additionally, in Ndibalema's Charles Nimeponzeka (Dar es Salaam: Longman, 1970), the evil uncle who tries to kill his niece's lover is part of a gang of young men who wear tight clothes and cowboy hats. Later, many novels featured young protagonists who were skilled in martial arts, or fans of the martial arts. See, for example, Kassam, Joto la Fedha; Simbamwene John, Dogodogo Wanitesa (Morogoro: Jomssi Publizaitons, 1982). Less overtly, Mkufya's W. protagonist in The Wicked Walk (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1977 ) is a fan of Bruce Lee. Mukaganja Kajubi went on to publish a biography of Bruce Lee in Kiswahili: Bruce Lee: Mflame wa Kung Fu (Dar es Salaam: Grand Arts Promotion, 1982). For an exploration of the meaning of kung fu for Ujamaa-era Dar es Salaam youth, see Joseph May, “Kung Fu Cinema and Frugality,” in Mirzoeff Nicholas, ed., The Visual Culture Reader (London: Routledge, 2002), 433–50.
74 This is a theme in Tanzanian historiography, appearing throughout Iliffe's John A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brennan James, “Youth, the TANU Youth League and Managed Vigilantism in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.” Africa 76, 2 (2006): 221–46; Ivaska Cultured States; and Burton Andrew, “Urchins, Loafers and the Cult of the Cowboy: Urbanization and Delinquency in Dar es Salaam, 1916–61,” Journal of African History 41 (2001): 199–216 ; and Burton Andrew, “Raw Youth, School-Leavers and the Emergence of Structural Unemployment in Late-Colonial Urban Tanganyika,” Journal of African History 47 (2006): 363–87.
75 Stren, Urban Inequality, 87.
76 Mkabarah, Kizimbani. This novella was not the first time Mkabarah had explored the tensions between young men and older men with “traditional” ways of thinking in a way sympathetic to the former. In his first book, a biography of the Tanzanian pop musician Salum Abdallah, Mkabarah emphasized Abdallah's refined cosmopolitanism, religiosity, and rejection of all forms of delinquency. It dramatizes Abdallah's struggles to gain autonomy from his strict Arab father, who tried to plan his marriage and prevent him from following his chosen career path, which Mkabarah seems to suggest is a sign of his father's backwardness. In these texts, Mkabarah models a kind of manhood rooted in the struggle to claim autonomy from older generations; Mwanamuziki wa Zamani: Salum Abdallah (Dar es Salaam: University of Dar es Salaam Press, 1966).
77 This bodily contrast is emphasized in the novels of Mkufya W. E., including The Wicked Walk (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1977); and The Dilemma (Dar es Salaam: Press and Publicity Center, 1982).
78 Mukajanga Kajubi, Kitanda cha Mauti (Dar es Salaam: Grand Arts Promotion, 1982). For the ultimate sugar daddy story, see Kassam's Shuga Dedi (Dar es Salaam: International Publishers Agency, 1984).
79 Ganzel , Ndoto ya Mwendawazimu (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1972); Rajab, Ufunguo wa Bandia; Mukaganja Kajubi, Tuanze Lini? (Dar es Salaam: Grand Arts Promotion, 1983; first published in 1975).
80 Anduru, Fugitive.
81 Balisidya Ndyanao, Shida (Nairobi: Foundation Books, 1975).
82 This theme of suffering for the sake of love appears in many of Simbamwene's novels. For examples of a young male lover being tortured and physically abused for the sake of love, see Ndibalema, Nimeponzeka; Kajubi Mukaganja, Tuanze Lini?
83 For example, Mkabarah, Kizimbani; Simbamwene, Mwisho wa Mapenzi; Balisidya, Shida; Mbenna , Sitaki (Dar es Salaam: East African Publishing House, 1976); Hammie Rajab, Ufunguo wa Bandia; Anduru, Fugitive; Mkufya, Dilemma.
84 Several scholars have spoken of romantic love in African history as a way of claiming modernity. See, for example, Cole Jenifer and Thomas Lynn M., “Thinking through Love in Africa,” in Cole Jenifer and Thomas Lynn M., eds., Love in Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 5 . Brian Larkin has argued that romantic love stories in Northern Nigeria, drawing on Bollywood film, offered youth a kind of “parallel modernity”: “Indian Films and Nigerian Lovers: Media and the Creation of Parallel Modernities,” Africa 67, 3 (1997): 406–40. Laura Fair and Andreana Prichard have argued that virtuous romantic love was associated with the creation of national citizenship; see her “Making Love in the Indian Ocean: Hindi Films, Zanzibari Audiences and the Construction of Romance in the 1950s and 1960s,” in Cole Jennifer and Thomas Lynn, eds., Love in Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); and Prichard Andreana, “‘Let Us Swim in the Pool of Love’: Love Letters and Discourses of Community Composition in Twentieth-Century Tanzania,” Journal of African History 54, 1 (2013): 103–22.
85 For a discussion of intergenerational tension between young men and elder men over practices such as polygamy, bridewealth, and so forth, and how caricatures of “sugar daddies” in the press played into this, see Ivaska, Cultured States, 166–205.
86 These debates raged in the newspapers of the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s. Public intellectuals and politicians debated whether polygyny should remain legal, whether the government should regulate bridewealth payments, whether youth could marry without their parents’ permission, whether unwed mothers should be allowed maternity leave from their jobs, and whether female students should be allowed to continue their studies after becoming pregnant. For a discussion of debates over marriage laws, see Ivaska, Cultured States, 166–205.
87 From an address by Euphrase Kezilahabi at an academic conference in Germany, which appears in “The Swahili Novel and the Common Man in East Africa,” in Schild Ulla, ed., The East African Experience: Essays on English and Swahili Literature, 2nd Janheinz Jahn-Symposium (Mainz: Verlag, 1980), 78–79 .
88 Mbuguni L. A. and Ruhumbika Gabriel, “TANU and National Culture,” in Ruhumbika Gabriel, ed., Towards Ujamaa: Twenty Years of TANU leadership (Dar es Salaam: East African Literature Bureau, 1974); F.E.M.K., “Insinuations: Tanzanian Literature after the Arusha Declaration,” Tanzanian Affairs, no. 30 (1 May 1988): n.p.
89 Among the twelve writers and children of writers that I interviewed, only one retained copies of all of his earlier publications, and in fact several writers asked me to share my photocopied versions with them. I came across them in used bookstalls in Dar es Salaam, in neglected uncatalogued boxes in Tanzanian libraries, and scattered in libraries across the United States and Europe.
90 Tripp Aili, Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Informal Urban Economy in Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
91 Publications in this genre included: Kajubi Mukajanga's Hamasa, and Wakati ni Huu; Ben Mtobwa's Heko; Nico ye Mbajo's Mcheshi, and Sani, which he published with Saidi Bawji; Hammie Rajab's Busara; and Kassim Mussa Kassam's Cheka.
92 Perhaps most famously, Hammie Rajab went on to be a filmmaker in Tanzania's nascent film industry, adapting some of his novellas as short video films, until his death in 2011. Kajubi Mukajanga became a magazine publisher and eventually the CEO of the Media Council of Tanzania. Famous Tanzanian political cartoonist Godfrey Mwampembwa, known as Gado, got his start, as a Dar es Salaam teenager, publishing his cartoons in Kajubi Mukajanga's Wakati ni Huu, before becoming one of East Africa's best-known syndicated political cartoonists. Jackson Kalindimya works as a journalist for the newspaper Nipashe.
93 See the list of Tanzanian serial publications in the appendix to Sturmer's Martin The Media History of Tanzania (Peramiho: Ndanda Mission Press, 1998), 201–71.
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