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Bread provisioning and retail dynamics in the southern Low Countries: the bakers of Leuven, 1600–1800

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 December 2011


BRECHT DEWILDE
Affiliation:
Early Modern History Research Unit, University of Leuven.
JOHAN POUKENS
Affiliation:
Early Modern History Research Unit, University of Leuven.

Abstract

The central argument of this article is that current historical research into early modern retail growth and practices has focused too narrowly on the retail of durables (perhaps with the exception of colonial groceries) and on retailers' guilds. The role of food-producing and/or food-retailing guilds hitherto has received less attention. Research into retail practices has not connected to an older (but still lively) research tradition in which the consumption of basic foodstuffs received the bulk of attention. We argue that if selling bread is approached as a ‘system of provision’, competing retail circuits and the different ways in which subsequent subsistence crises affected each of those circuits offer an additional explanation (next to well-documented changes in demand) for the inclusion of other basic provisions, colonial groceries, clothing, and even durables in the assortment of traditional food-producing and food-retailing guild masters, in this case the Leuven bakers.


Ravitaillement en pain et dynamique de vente au détail dans les pays-bas méridionaux: les boulangers de louvain, 1600–1800

L'argument central de cet article est que, jusqu'à présent, la recherche historique concernant la croissance du commerce de détail à l'époque moderne et ses méthodes s'est beaucoup trop concentrée sur l'étude de la vente au détail de biens durables (à l'exception peut-être de ce qui touche les épices coloniales) et sur les corporations correspondantes de marchands détaillants. Ainsi, le rôle des corporations qui regroupaient les producteurs alimentaires et les marchands détaillants, selon leur métier, n'a pas encore reçu suffisamment d'attention. La recherche sur les pratiques de vente au détail n'a pas été reliée à un courant ancien de la recherche historique, pourtant toujours vivant, qui voyait les historiens s'intéresser essentiellement aux niveaux de consommation des denrées alimentaires de base. A notre avis, si l'on aborde le fait de vendre du pain comme un «système d'approvisionnement», alors les circuits de vente au détail qui sont en concurrence et les différentes façons dont les crises de subsistance ultérieures ont pu affecter chacun de ces circuits permettent de proposer une explication supplémentaire (au-delà des changements bien connus et documentés de la demande) justifiant d'inclure d'autres maîtres de métier regroupés en corporations – en l'occurrence les boulangers de Louvain – au sein de la liste des maîtres de métiers concernant les produits de première nécessité, au même titre que les épiciers vendant des produits coloniaux, les vendeurs de vêtements et autres biens durables, les inscrivant tous dans l'éventail des maîtres producteurs, organisés en corporations, grands et petits marchands de produits alimentaires traditionnels.


Brotversorgung und einzelhandelsdynamik in den südlichen niederlanden: die bäcker von leuven, 1600–1800

Die zentrale These dieses Beitrags lautet, dass die gegenwärtige historische Forschung zum Wachstum und zu den Praktiken des frühneuzeitlichen Einzelhandels sich zu eng auf den Einzelhandel von Gebrauchsgütern (vielleicht mit Ausnahme von Lebensmitteln aus den Kolonien) und auf Einzelhändlerzünfte und –gilden konzentriert hat, während die Herstellung und der Verkauf von Nahrungsmitteln und/oder die Zünfte in diesem Bereich bisher weit weniger Beachtung gefunden haben. Die Forschung zu den Praktiken des Einzelhandels hat noch keine Verbindung zu jener älteren (und noch immer lebhaften) Forschungstradition gefunden, die sich in der Hauptsache mit dem Konsum von Grundnahrungsmitteln beschäftigt hat. Wenn man den Brotverkauf als ,,Versorgungssystem“ versteht, dann – so unsere These – bieten konkurrierende Einzelhandelskreise und die unterschiedliche Art und Weise, in der anschließende Subsistenzkrisen jeden dieser Kreise beeinflussten, eine zusätzliche Erklärung (neben den gut dokumentierten Nachfrageveränderungen) dafür an, warum auch andere Grundnahrungsmittel, koloniale Lebensmittel, Kleidung und selbst langlebige Konsumgüter ins Sortiment der traditionellen, im Bereich der Nahrungsmittelherstellung und des Nahrungsmitteleinzelhandels tätigen Zunftmeister – in diesem Fall: der Leuvener Bäcker – aufgenommen wurden.


Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

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References

1 Jan De Vries, ‘Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understanding the household economy in early modern Europe’, in John Brewer and Roy Porter eds., Consumption and the world of goods (London and New York, 1993), 85–132. The articles in Anton J. Schuurman and Lorena S. Walsh eds., Material culture: consumption, life-style, standard of living, 1500–1900 (Milan, 1994) are exemplary for the broad geographical diffusion of this source.

2 Blondé, Bruno and Hanus, Jord, ‘Beyond building craftsmen: economic growth and living standards in the sixteenth-century Low Countries, the case of ‘s-Hertogenbosch (1500–1560)’, European Review of Economic History 14 (2010), 179207CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Aerts, Erik, ‘Statistiek in de mediëvistiek: een balans van een halve eeuw onderzoek in België’, Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis 10 (2007), 260–1Google Scholar.

3 Paolo Malanima, Pre-modern European economy: one thousand years (10th–19th centuries) (Leiden, 2009), 293–6.

4 Jan De Vries, The industrious revolution: consumer behaviour and the household economy, 1650 to present (Cambridge, 2008), ch. 4 offers a selection of more important works on material culture based on probate inventories and summarises their results.

5 Bruno Blondé and Ilja Damme, Van, ‘Retail growth and consumer changes in a declining urban economy: Antwerp (1650–1750)’, Economic History Review 63 (2010), 638–63Google Scholar.

6 Bruno Blondé, Peter Stabel, Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme eds., Buyers and sellers: retail circuits and practices in medieval and early modern Europe (Turnhout, 2006).

7 Malanima, Pre-modern, 315 (our italicisation).

8 Nancy Cox, The complete tradesman: a study of retailing, 1550–1820 (Aldershot, 2000), 223–4.

9 Fernand Braudel, Civilization and capitalism, 15th–18th century. Volume II: The wheels of commerce (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1992), 64: ‘The middleman [the shopkeeper], […], was the man of the future’ exemplifies this attitude.

10 Ben Fine, The world of consumption: the material and cultural revisited (London and New York, 2002), 79.

11 Malanima, Pre-modern, 294–5, 302–4. See also the collected essays in Simonetta Cavaciocchi ed., Alimentazione e nutrizione secc. XIII–XVIII. Atti della XXVIII Settimana di Studi (Florence, 1997), 194 and 199 (Germany), 264 (Italy), 277 (Balkans), 285 (Catalonia), 317 (Greece), 808 (Poland), 843 and 848 (Russia).

12 Steven L. Kaplan, The bakers of Paris and the bread question 1700–1775 (Durnham and London, 1996), 23.

13 Stadsarchief, Leuven (hereafter SAL), 467 (c. 1700); Paul Klep, Bevolking en arbeid in transformatie: een onderzoek naar de ontwikkelingen in Brabant, 1700–1900 (Nijmegen, 1981), 412–3; Bruno Blondé, Een economie met verschillende snelheden. Ongelijkheden in de opbouw en de ontwikkeling van het Brabantse stedelijke netwerk (ca. 1750–ca. 1790) (Brussels, 1999), 105–8; Raymond Van Uytven, ‘Leuven 1575–1635’, in Evert Cockx and Gilbert Huybens eds., De Leuvense prentenatlas: Zeventiende-eeuwse tekeningen uit de Koninklijke Bibliotheek te Brussel (Leuven, 2003), II, 823–58; Erik Aerts, ‘Welvaart en welzijn in de zogenaamde Ongelukseeuw’, in Raymond van Uytven ed., Geschiedenis van Brabant van het hertogdom tot heden (Leuven, 2004), 436.

14 Brecht Dewilde and Johan Poukens, ‘Confraternities, Jansenism and the birth of a consumer society in 17th–18th-century Leuven’, in Religione e istituzioni religiose nell'economia europea, 1000–1800/Religion and religious institutions in the European economy, 1000–1800. Atti della XLIII Settimana di Studi (forthcoming: 2012).

15 A few examples in declining order of population size c. 1750: Brussels (60,000): Jan Wolfs, ‘Het bakkersambacht in Brussel in de 18de eeuw’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Brussels, 1997); Liège (57,000): René van Santbergen, Les bons métiers des meuniers, des boulangers et des brasseurs de la cité de Liège (Liège, 1949); Antwerp (46,000): Eric Antonis, ‘Het brood en de broodzetting te Antwerpen van de XVIe tot de XIXe eeuw’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Ghent, 1965); Ghent (40,000): Daem, Marcel, ‘Bijdrage tot de studie van de middeleeuwse ambachten en neringen: de Gentse bakkers’, Oost-Vlaamse Zanten 37 (1962), 4166Google Scholar; Bruges (28,000): Gilté, Stefanie, ‘Het bakkersambacht te Brugge: samenstelling en werking’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis te Brugge 137 (2000), 126–51Google Scholar; Tournai (21,000): Houtart, Maurice, ‘Un recueil d'ordonnances des Stils et Métiers de Tournai’, Annales de la Société Historique et Archéologique de Tournai 10 (1905), 73Google Scholar, 78–9; Mechlin (18,000): Stadsarchief, Mechlin, varia 753/9 (30/9/1784); Mons (17,000): Gosseries, Alphonse, ‘La corporation des cuisiniers & patissiers de la ville de Mons’, Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons 32 (1903), 177–94Google Scholar; Namur (13,000): Anne Godfroid, ‘La corporation des boulangers à Namur au XVIIIème siècle’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Brussels, 1993); Kortrijk (12,000): Niklaas Maddens, ‘Het Kortrijkse antwoord op de regeringsenquête van 1784 naar de neringen’, in Actief in archief. Huldeboek Hilda Coppejans-Desmedt (Antwerp, 1989), 102; Ypres (11,000): Petit, Marguerite, ‘De ambachten te Ieper in de vijftiende eeuw’, De Gidsenkring 13 (1975), 18Google Scholar; Aalst (8,000): Sven De Schryver, ‘Aspecten van sociale mobiliteit binnen de 18de-eeuwse Aalsterse ambachtswereld. Een prosopografische benadering’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Ghent, 2001), par. 2.2.1; Turnhout (5,000): Raymond Peeters, ‘Het bakkersambacht te Turnhout’, in Verslag 1954–1955 over het bestuur en de toestand der zaken van de stad Turnhout (Turnhout, 1955), 194–208; Lier (6,000): Anton Bergmann, Geschiedenis der stad Lier (Lier, 1873), 64; Huy (6,000): André Joris, La ville de Huy au moyen age. Des origines à la fin du XIVe siècle (Paris, 1959), 320; Hasselt (6,000), Dinant (5,500) and St-Truiden (5,000): Georges Hansotte, Les institutions politiques et judiciaires de la Principauté de Liège aux temps modernes (Brussels, 1987), 270–2; Dendermonde (5,000): Stroobants, Aimé, ‘Het Dendermondse bakkersambacht’, Ons Heem 39 (1985), 174–5Google Scholar; Diest (4,000): Michel Van der Eycken, ‘Stadseconomie en conjunctuur te Diest (1490–1795)’ (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, University of Leuven, 1982), I, 143, 174–7; Tongeren (4,000): Edmond Peters, ‘De ambachten van Tongeren (17e–18e eeuw)’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Leuven, 1972), 23 and elsewhere; Tienen (4,000): Paul Vertessen, ‘Het ambachtswezen te Tienen’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Leuven, 1943), 70 and elsewhere; Arlon (2,500) and Echternach (2,200): Jean-Marie Yante, ‘Les métiers dans le pays de Luxembourg-Chiny (XIVe–XVIe siècles)’, in Pascale Lambrechts and Jean-Pierre Sosson eds., Les métiers au moyen âge. Aspects économiques et sociaux (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1994), 400–3; Bouillon (2,000): Mathieu Lambert Polain, Recueil des ordonnances du duché de Bouillon, 1240–1795 (Brussels, 1868), 84–5. Population figures are derived from: Jan de Vries, European urbanization 1500–1800 (London, 1984), 271–2; Paul Bairoch, Jean Batou and Pierre Chèvre, La population des villes européennes: banque de données et analyse sommaire des résultats, 800–1850 (Geneva, 1988), 11–12, 53; Le réseau urbain en Belgique dans une perspective historique (1350–1850) (Brussels, 1992), 194, 445, 460, 468–9.

16 Rafaël Lauwaert, ‘Ambachten en nieuwe nijverheden’, in Antwerpen in de XVIde eeuw (Antwerp, 1975), 148; Johan Dambruyne, Corporatieve middengroepen. Aspiraties, relaties en transformaties in de 16de-eeuwse Gentse ambachtswereld (Ghent, 2002), 24.

17 Gosseries, ‘Corporation’, 177–94.

18 For a more general discussion of the distribution of craft guilds in the Low Countries, see Bert De Munck, Piet Lourens and Jan Lucassen, ‘The establishment and distribution of craft guilds in the Low Countries, 1100–1800’, in Maarten R. Prak, Catharina Lis, Jan Lucassen and Hugo Soly eds., Craft guilds in the early modern Low Countries: work, power, and representation (Aldershot, 2006), 32–73.

19 Poperinge (7,900 c. 1795): Debevere, Rafaël, ‘De oude bakkersgilde te Poperinge’, Biekorf 64 (1963), 395–8Google Scholar; Ath (5,000): Liste chronologique des édits et ordonnances des Pays-Bas autrichiens, de 1700 à 1750 (Brussels, 1851), I, 168.

20 Peeters, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 197, 200–8; Polain, Recueil, 84–5.

21 SAL, 4661, fo. 4r (30/09/1784); Jan Verhavert, Het ambachtswezen te Leuven (Leuven, 1940), 38–40.

22 SAL, 4661, fos. 4r–v (30/09/1784).

23 SAL, 11700, fos. 46r–49v (20/09/1608).

24 Raymond van Uytven, Stadsfinanciën en stadsekonomie te Leuven van de XIIe tot het einde der XVIe eeuw (Brussels, 1961), 276–7; Van Uytven, ‘Leuven’, II, 827.

25 SAL, 4648, fos. 334r–335v (13/02/1516).

26 SAL, 11700, fos. 19r–21r (23/02/1561).

27 Van Uytven, Stadsfinanciën, 277.

28 Bakers of Liège sold their bread in Namur, those of Lier at the Friday Market in Antwerp, and those of Zichem in the nearby town of Diest: Jan Baptist Goetstouwers, Les métiers de Namur sous l'Ancien Régime: contribution à l'histoire sociale (Leuven, 1908), 163. Rijksarchief, Anderlecht (hereafter RAAnd), Staten van Brabant: Supplement, 799 (1702): Van der Eycken, ‘Stadseconomie’, I, 175.

29 Frank Daelemans, ‘Het Pajottenland in de 18de eeuw: historisch-demografisch onderzoek’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Brussels, 1979), III, 455–7, 463; Geert Leenders, ‘De beroepsstructuur op het platteland tussen Antwerpen en Brussel (1702–1846)’, in Jan Craeybeckx and Frank Daelemans, Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van Vlaanderen en Brabant: Sociaal en economisch (Brussels 1983), 181.

30 Stroobants, Aimé, ‘De bakkersstiel te Dendermonde rond 1725’, Ons Heem 39 (1985), 174Google Scholar. Unfree butchers and brewers opened shops outside the walls as well: SAL, 11678, fos. 10r–11v (1/09/1656); SAL, 4657, fos. 75r–76r (c. 17/07/1615).

31 SAL, 11700, fos. 36r–37v (24/02/1566).

32 Vermoesen, Reinoud, ‘Paardenboeren in Vlaanderen: middelaars en commercialisering van de vroegmoderne rurale economie in de regio Aalst 1650–1800’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis 7 (2010), 9Google Scholar.

33 SAL, 11700, fos. 38r–40v (31/10/1607), fos. 46r–49v (20/09/1608).

34 SAL, 11703, fos. 136r–137v (24/04/1669).

35 For other examples of well-equipped, travelling bakers in Bruges and 's Hertogenbosch, see Gilté, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 138; Aart Vos, Burgers, broeders en bazen. Het maatschappelijke middenveld van ’s-Hertogenbosch in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw (Hilversum, 2007), 209.

36 SAL, 321, fo. 249r (25/05/1652); SAL, 4760/5 (19/05/1725).

37 The same sort of argument can be observed in the discourse of guild masters concerning the skills of unfree workers: Bert Munck, De, ‘One counter and your own account: redefining illicit labour in early modern Antwerp’, Urban History 37 (2010), 2644CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38 SAL, 11700, fo. 93 (30/05/1642); SAL, 11701, fos. 3r–4v (28/11/1644), fo. 7 (9/04/1654).

39 SAL, 11700, fos. 25r–30r (4/10/1566).

40 Van Uytven, Stadsfinanciën, 277; Leon Van Buyten, ‘“Verlichting” en traditie: de Leuvense stadsfinanciën en hun economische grondslagen onder het Oostenrijks Regiem (1713–1794)’ (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, University of Leuven, 1970), II, 55–6.

41 Jozef Roelants, ‘Aspecten van de Leuvense economie in de 17e eeuw. De voeding en de dranken’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Leuven, 1979), I, 63–4.

42 Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, I, 88. In Paris 1733, guild bakers accounted for 45.3 per cent of the daily bread supply; 54.7 per cent was provided by non-guild bakers: Kaplan, Bakers, 85–7.

43 In Paris, the 12 daily bread markets furnished 63.7 per cent of the bread provision; the combined supply of the 800 shops amounted to only 36.3 per cent; Kaplan, Bakers, 87.

44 Leo van Buyten, , ‘Graanprijzen in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden, 15de–19de eeuw’, Spiegel Historiael 2 (1967), 6777Google Scholar; Etienne Scholliers, ‘Le pouvoir d'achat dans les Pays-Bas au XVIe siècle’, in Album aangeboden aan Charles Verlinden ter gelegenheid van zijn dertig jaar professoraat (Ghent, 1975), 305–30.

45 Gisèle Van Houtte, Leuven in 1740, een krisisjaar. Ekonomische, sociale en demografische aspekten (Brussels, 1964); Jan Ulens, ‘De crisisjaren rond 1700 te Leuven. Economische, sociale en demografische aspecten’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Leuven, 1967); Erik Aerts, ‘Welvaart en welzijn in de zogenaamde ongelukseeuw’, in Raymond Van Uytven ed., Geschiedenis van Brabant: van het hertogdom tot heden (Zwolle and Leuven, 2004), 425–9; Claude Bruneel, ‘Economie en samenleving in de eeuw van de Verlichtig’, in Van Uytven, Geschiedenis, 501.

46 Brown, Susan E., ‘“A just and profitable commerce”: moral economy and the middle classes in eighteenth-century London’, Journal of British Studies 4 (1993), 305–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Eberhard Isenmann, ‘Norms and values in the European city, 1300–1800’, in Peter Blickle ed., Resistance, representation, and community (Oxford, 1997), 185–215; Eberhard Isenmann, ‘The notion of the common good, the concept of politics, and practical policies in late medieval and early modern German cities’, in Elodie Lecuppre-Desjardin and Anne-Laure Van Bruaene eds., De Bono Communi. The discourse and practice of the common good in the European city (13th–16th c.) (Turnhout, 2010), 107–48; Arjan van Dixhoorn, ‘The grain issue of 1565–1566. Policy making, public opinion, and the common good in the Habsburg Netherlands’, in Lecuppre-Desjardin and Van Bruaene, De Bono Communi, 171–2.

47 Ulens, ‘Crisisjaren’, 135–6.

48 Steven L. Kaplan, Provisioning Paris: merchants and millers in the grain and flour trade during the eighteenth century (Ithaca and London, 1984), 24.

49 Karin Van Honacker, Lokaal verzet en oproer in de 17de en 18de eeuw. Collectieve acties tegen het centraal gezag in Brussel, Antwerpen en Leuven (Kortrijk-Heule, 1994), 432.

50 Van Houtte, Leuven, 50–72.

51 Van Uytven, Stadsfinanciën, 267–8, 274–5; Van Buyten, ‘Verlichting’, III, 56–8.

52 SAL, 319, fo. 373 (22/10/1639); SAL, 359, fos. 397–401 (2/11/1739). See also: Kaplan, Provisioning, 478–9, 490, 493.

53 SAL, 334, fo. 261v (13/10/1698).

54 Van Houtte, Leuven, 96–8.

55 ‘Such ordinances touch upon the general welfare of the cities, [which implies that] no one, under the pretext of privilege, can back out of obedience’. SAL, 4844, doc. 4, art. 20 (1615).

56 Middleton, Simon, ‘“How it came that the bakers bake no bread”: a struggle for trade privileges in seventeenth-century New Amsterdam’, William and Mary Quarterly 58 (2001), 347–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Davis, James, ‘Baking for the common good: a reassessment of the assize of bread in medieval England’, Economic History Review 57 (2004), 494–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, I, 97.

58 SAL, 358, fos. 406–7 (9/08/1738).

59 SAL, 4667; SAL, 326, fos. 67r–68r (19–20/07/1674).

60 Lauwaert, ‘Ambachten’, 148; Van der Eycken, ‘Stadseconomie’, I, 167; Van Santbergen, Bons métiers, 296–8; Stroobants, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 175; Guido Caluwaerts, Hasselt intra muros. Hasselt binnen de oude wallen. Historiek van straten, pleinen, gebouwen en huizen zoals opgetekend door Jan Juliaan Melchior (1848–1920) (Deurne and Hasselt, 1989), 6; Goetstouwers, Métiers de Namur, 163–4; Dambruyne, Johan, ‘De corporatief georganiseerde detailhandel in het vroegmoderne Gent. Langetermijnevoluties in het meerseniersambacht (zestiende tot achttiende eeuw)’, Handelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent 58 (2004), 173CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 SAL, 11700, fos. 46r–49v (20/09/1608).

62 SAL, 326, fos. 324v–325r (26/06/1677).

63 SAL, 11701, fos. 21r–22v (5/11/1682).

64 SAL, 314, fos. 319v–320r (21/11/1623); SAL, 317, fo. 26r (20/8/1630); SAL, 320A, fos. 215v–216r (19/9/1643); SAL, 322, fo. 317r (6/12/1661); SAL, 360, fos. 194–6 (6/05/1740); SAL, 384, fo. 145r (16/11/1764), fo. 147 (17/11/1764).

65 Ulens, ‘Crisisjaren’, 132.

66 SAL 11702, fo. 49 (29/06/1747), fo. 49 (18/11/1747).

67 Gilté, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 142; Goetstouwers, Métiers de Namur, 164.

68 SAL, 332, fo. 235 (9/07/1693), fo. 325 (13/11/1693), fos. 332–3 (24/11/1693).

69 Van Uytven, Stadsfinanciën, 277; Van Houtte, Leuven, 34–5; Ulens, ‘Crisisjaren’, 132; Van Buyten, ‘Verlichting’, III, 66–7; Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, I, 92.

70 Based on the figure and table in Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, I, 87, 90.

71 In 1600–1654 and 1655–1700, this would equal 0.28 and 0.16 litres of rye per person per day, respectively. Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, I, 90–92. In the seventeenth century, the daily ration was estimated between 0.63 and 0.94 litres. Chris Vandenbroeke, ‘Aardappelteelt en aardappelverbruik in de 17e en 18e eeuw’, in Bevolking, voeding en levensstandaard in het verleden: Verzamelde studies Prof. dr. Chris Vandenbroeke (Ghent, 2004), 29–30.

72 For example, SAL, 11701, fo. 7 (9/04/1654).

73 SAL, 11701, fo. 8 (30/10/1655); SAL, 321, fos. 411v–412r (30/10/1655).

74 SAL, 11701, fo. 16r (30/04/1669), fo. 16v (14/09/1669); Goetstouwers, Métiers de Namur, 163.

75 SAL, 11701, fos. 21r–22v (5/11/1682); SAL, 329, fos. 285v–286r (5/11/1682).

76 SAL, 329, fo. 151 (26/11/1685).

77 SAL, 384, fo. 158v (25/11/1764); SAL, 385, fo. 7 (21/02/1765).

78 Van der Eycken, ‘Stadseconomie’, I, 175.

79 SAL, 11700, fos. 38r–40v (31/10/1607); SAL, 11701, fo. 16r (30/04/1669), fo. 16v (14/09/1669), fo. 18v (19/10/1675), fos. 21r–22v (5/11/1682); SAL, 4760/5, fos. 2r–8v (19/05/1725).

80 Peeters, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 197, 200.

81 Polain, Recueil, 84–5.

82 SAL, 11700, fos. 38r–40v (31/10/1607), fo. 7 (9/04/1654), fo. 18r (5/05/1671).

83 SAL, 11700, fos. 43r–45r (4/03/1614); SAL, 11701, fo. 16v (14/09/1669).

84 SAL, 11700, fos. 30v–32r (2/08/1603); SAL, 4760/5, fos. 2r–8v (19/05/1725).

85 For instance, in the guild's account of 1667–1670, a reward of two guilders was recorded to two persons ‘for informing that our guild was frauded in their neighbourhood’. SAL, 11703, fo. 142 (1667–1670); Kaplan, Bakers, 89–90, 137–51; Bart Willems, Leven op de pof. Krediet bij de Antwerpse middenstand in de achttiende eeuw (Amsterdam, 2009), 205–8.

86 SAL, 4760/5, fos. 2r–8v (19/05/1725). Foreign offenders paid six guilders, Leuveners forfeited only three guilders.

87 In some cities, like Geneva 1676–1793, the number of bakers was effectively limited: Laurence Wiedmer, Pain quotidien et pain de disette: meuniers, boulangers et état nourricier à Genève (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles) (Geneva, 1993), 271–3.

88 Wage data from Van Houtte, Leuven, 150–1. Winter's wage: 8 stuiver, summer's wage: 12 stuiver. Assume 72–73 per cent of the workdays were remunerated against the summer's wage, so the average wage on a yearly basis was roughly 11 stuiver per day (Aerts, Erik, ‘Dorst heeft een prijs: Bierprijzen te Lier tussen 1400 en 1800’, Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis 87 (2009), 606–7Google Scholar). However, an amount of beer and food was probably included in the wage.

89 SAL, 11701, fo. 15 (10/03/1667).

90 SAL, 11701, fo. 17r (3/05/1670); SAL, 4760/5, fos. 2r–8v (19/05/1725).

91 SAL, 11702, fos. 41v–42v (25/06/1740).

92 SAL, 11701, fo. 11 (14/04/1657).

93 Excise farmers, holders of public office, and masters of the second or higher oath (see below) were excluded from election.

94 Aerts, Erik and Delbeke, Jos, ‘Problemen bij de sociaal-economische geschiedenis van het Vlaamse platteland, 1700–1850’, Bijdragen en Mededelingen Betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 98 (1983), 588–9Google Scholar.

95 SAL, 11702, fo. 32 (31/05/1740).

96 Van Buyten, ‘Verlichting’, III, 65, 167.

97 Compare with Carole Shammas, The pre-industrial consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), 235.

98 Rijksarchief, Leuven (hereafter RAL), Weeskamer Leuven (hereafter WL), 40/61 (24/09/1729). Compare with: Aimé Smeyers, ‘Bakkersgerief’, Ons Heem 17 (1962–3), 198.

99 RAL, WL, 40/51 (22/01/1738). One el equalled 0.68 metres.

100 RAAnd, Raad van Brabant: processen ambachten en naties, 6, doc. 24, art. 20 (1611).

101 De Schryver, ‘Aspecten’, par. 4.6.

102 Harry de Kok, ‘Het economisch leven tot 1800’, in Harry de Kok and Eugeen van Autenboer eds., Turnhout. Groei van een stad (Turnhout, 1983), 140.

103 Harald Deceulaer, ‘Second-hand dealers in the early modern Low Countries: institutions, markets and practices’, in Laurence Fontaine ed., Alternative exchanges: second-hand circulation from the sixteenth century to the present (Oxford and New York, 2008), 21.

104 Stadsarchief, Bruges, Groenenboek A, fo. 302v (27/08/1442); Gilté, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 139.

105 Dambruyne, Corporatieve middengroepen, 253.

106 Van Santbergen, Bons métiers, 132, 161, 166–7, 170.

107 Gilté, ‘Bakkersambacht’, 139; Harald Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen en een verschillende snit: sociaal-economische, institutionele en culturele transformaties in de kledingsector in Antwerpen, Brussel en Gent, ca 1585–ca 1800 (Amsterdam, 2001), 75.

108 Roelants, ‘Aspecten’, II, 184; Erwin Steegen, Kleinhandel en stedelijke ontwikkeling: het kramersambacht te Maastricht in de vroegmoderne tijd (Hilversum, 2006), 142–3.

109 SAL, 11646, fos. 34–5 (19/06/1773).

110 SAL, 2747; SAL, 2725, fo. 57.

111 Shammas, The pre-industrial consumer, 259–60.

112 Compare with: Lesger, Clé, ‘De locatie van het Amsterdamse winkelbedrijf in de achttiende eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis 4 (2007), 3940Google Scholar, 58–61; Willems, Leven, 185–7.

113 Kaplan, Bakers, 89–90.

114 Willem Boonen, ed. Edward van Even, Geschiedenis van Leuven geschreven in de jaren 1593 en 1594 (Leuven, 1880), appendix.

115 Dambruyne, Corporatieve middengroepen, 253–8.

116 Kaplan, Bakers, 112–114.

117 Van Buyten, ‘Verlichting’, II, 85–7.

118 SAL, 4760/5, fo. 1v (19/05/1725).

119 Lis, Catharina and Soly, Hugo, ‘Corporatisme, onderaanneming en loonarbeid. Flexibilisering en deregulering van de arbeidsmarkt in Westeuropese steden (veertiende-achttiende eeuw)’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis 20 (1994), 371Google Scholar, 388; Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, 50, 137.

120 SAL, 4760/5, fo. 6r (19/05/1725).

121 Blondé, Bruno and Greefs, Hilde, ‘Werk aan de winkel. De Antwerpse meerseniers: aspecten van kleinhandel en verbruik in de 17de en 18de eeuw’, Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis 84 (2001), 215Google Scholar, 227 (Figure 1); Ilja Van Damme, Verleiden en verkopen: Antwerpse kleinhandelaars en hun klanten in tijden van crisis (ca. 1648–ca. 1748) (Amsterdam, 2007), 81–3; Steegen, Kleinhandel, 120–1 dates the general decline of stallholding in the sixteenth century, but isolated cases kept popping up until the beginning of the eighteenth century.

122 This is the general tendency in Laurence Fontaine and Jürgen Schlumbohm eds., Household strategies for survival: fission, faction and cooperation (Cambridge, 2000); Van Santbergen, Bons métiers, 132; Steegen, Kleinhandel, 142–3. Blondé and Van Damme, ‘Retail growth’, 640 confirm our point of view that retailing cannot be understood as a survival strategy.

123 Van Damme, Verleiden en verkopen.

124 Willems, Leven, 183–97; Lesger, ‘Locatie’, 40; Wim Lefebvre, , ‘Het geografische inplantingspatroon van voedingswinkels in Leuven tijdens de tweede helft van de negentiende eeuw (1860–1908)’, Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis 33 (2003), 91127Google Scholar.

125 Marina Bianchi, ‘Taste for novelty and novel tastes: the role of human agency in consumption’, in Marmina Bianchi ed., The active consumer: novelty and surprise in consumer choice (London and New York, 1998), 69; Woodruff D. Smith, Consumption and the making of respectability 1600–1800 (New York and London, 2002).

126 SAL, 1765, fos. 235r–251r; Louis-Prosper Gachard, Recueil des ordonnances des Pays-Bas autrichiens, 3e série: 1700–1794 (Brussels, 1887), IV, 331–41.

127 This method is discussed in more detail in Brecht Dewilde and Nele Provoost, ‘Middengroepen in secundaire en kleine Brabantse steden, 17de–18de eeuw: definitie en dynamiek (Leuven en Lier)’, paper presented at the workshop ‘Op zoek naar de middengroepen?’ (Antwerp University, 5/12/2008). For an application of this method, see Johan Poukens and Nele Provoost, , ‘Respectability, material culture and an expanding middle class in times of economic crisis: the case of Lier in Brabant, 1690–1770’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, 2 (2001), 159–84Google Scholar.

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